PROBLEMS  Of 
AMERICAN 
DEMOCRAOr 


PROBLEMS  OF 
AMERICAN  DEMOCRACY 


BY'-    _.     ,      ,„.,, 

R.   O.   HUGHES 

PEABODY    HIGH   SCHOOL,    PITTSBURGH 


>>©<« 


ALLYN    AND    BACON 

BOSTON  NEW  YORK  CHICAGO 

ATLANTA  SAN  FRANCISCO 


^^Kj^y.  »• 


COPYRIGHT,    1922 
BY  R.   O.   HUGHES 


EDUCATION  DCFTi . 


ft 


NortoootJ  Prtisa 

J.  S.  Gushing  Co.  —  Berwick  &  Smith  Co. 

Norwood,  Mass.,  U.S.A. 


FOREWORD 

The  highest  ideal  of  our  schools  is  to  produce  good  citi- 
zens. Good  citizenship  calls  for  an  understanding  of  the 
great  problems  which  a  democracy  such  as  ours  must  face. 
The  good  citizen  does  not  expect  to  be  an  expert  at  solv- 
ing every  problem ;  but  he  at  least  may  know  that  certain 
important  problems  exist  and  he  may  establish  sound  prin- 
ciples on  which  to  base  his  thinking  with  reference  to  them. 

The  last  opportunity  that  millions  of  our  citizens  will 
ever  have  to  consider  some  of  these  problems  in  a  formal 
way  is  in  the  secondary  school.  Here  education  for  the  many 
ceases.  And  even  for  the  smaller  number  who  go  to  college 
it  is  well  that  at  the  age  when  they  begin  to  form  positive 
opinions  a  definite  opportunity  should  be  afforded  to  con- 
sider the  great  questions  of  society,  industry,  and  govern- 
ment. And  so  we  have  in  many  schools,  and  shall  have  in 
many  more,  a  course  known  as  Problems  of  Democracy. 

Such  a  course  should  consider  not  only  the  problems  of 
government,  though  these  may  well  be  looked  upon  as  con- 
necting Unks  by  which  to  bind  together  all  the  interests  of 
the  American  citizen,  but  also  the  great  questions  of  social 
and  industrial  relationships  which  are  in  every  way  as  vital 
as  any  questions  of  government.  Indeed,  government  ex- 
ists because  we  have  social  and  economic  problems  which 
cannot  be  solved  without  its  aid. 

Each  question  that  is  treated  here  is  considered  a  real 
problem.  The  effort  is  made,  first,  to  state  conditions  as 
they  are ;  second,  to  discover,  without  going  too  deeply  into 
pure  history,  the  reasons  for  these  conditions ;  third,  to  de- 
cide what  ought  to  be  done  about  them.  While  mathemati- 
cally exact  conclusions  can  seldom  be  reached,  at  least  the 
habit  can  be  established  of  reasoning  about  these  problems 

iii 


IV  Foreword 

and  determining  the  principles  which  must  govern  their  so- 
lution. They  should  be  approached,  too,  in  a  hopeful  frame 
of  mind.     Pessimists  do  not  solve  problems  such  as  these. 

Many  of  the  topics  which  form  the  basis  of  these  ''Prob- 
lems" will  have  been  considered  by  the  pupil  before,  in  the 
work  which  he  will  have  had  along  the  line  of  Civics  in  the 
7th,  8th,  and  9th  grades,  but  at  that  time  he  cannot  have 
gone  very  deeply  into  them.  The  emphasis  in  those  classes 
must  be  upon  his  individual  relationship  with  the  communi- 
ties of  which  he  is  a  member  rather  than  upon  the  principles 
underlying  the  great  questions  of  whose  existence  he  may 
then  learn.  His  later  course  in  the  "Problems  of  Democ- 
racy" will  then  not  be  mere  repetition,  but  will  lead  to  the 
possession  of  a  wider  outlook  upon  the  problems  which  the 
pupils  have  studied  and  to  the  forming  of  sound  principles 
which  may  be  the  basis  of  fair  and  intelligent  opinion. 
Surely  there  cannot  be  in  the  making  of  good  citizens  any 
undertaking  more  important  than  this. 

The  author  has  tried  to  write  with  impartiality.  He 
knows  he  has  written  ''with  malice  toward  none."  If  state- 
ments of  supposed  fact  are  inaccurate,  he  hopes  to  be  cor- 
rected. If  readers  differ  with  occasional  inferences  or  con- 
clusions, he  trusts  he  may  be  favored  with  the  tolerance  that 
bespeaks  and  is  perhaps  deserved  by  good  will  and  honesty 
of  intention.  "They  seldom  make  us  think  with  whom  we 
never  disagree." 

R.  0.  Hughes 
Pittsburgh 
May,  1922 


SUGGESTIONS 

This  book  will  furnish  sufficient  text  material  for  a  full  year's 
work.  For  classes  which  can  have  only  a  half  year,  selection  can 
be  made  from  the  full  list  of  problems,  omitting  those  which  may 
have  been  treated  in  some  other  course  or  may  be  relatively  less 
important  than  the  rest  for  a  particular  class  or  community.  It 
will  be  well  to  avoid  mere  skimming  over  the  surface  of  these  mat- 
ters. It  is  better  that  a  pupil  should  know  that  such  problems 
exist  than  not  to  know  anything  about  them ;  but  it  is  still  better 
for  him  to  have  some  specific  understanding  about  as  many  as  possi- 
ble of  the  questions  that  are  brought  up  in  the  course. 

The  order  of  topics  is  not  of  fundamental  importance,  and  if  a 
teacher  prefers  to  follow. some  other  order  than  that  of  the  text 
no  serious  difficulty  will  be  found.  Some  may  prefer  to  begin  with 
the  problems  of  government.  Others  may  feel  that  the  interest  of 
their  classes  will  be  most  easily  aroused  by  starting  their  work 
with  the  study  of  an  industrial  or  economic  question.  Some  may 
find  it  advisable  to  stir  up  the  pupil's  interest  by  taking  a  distinctly 
local  problem  as  a  starting  point,  such  as,  "  The  cost  of  Hving  in 
our  community,"  or  "Our  facilities  for  transportation,"  or  "Moral 
problems  in  our  town,"  and  by  proceeding  from  that  to  more  gen- 
eral principles  that  underlie  the  fields  of  social  and  political  science 
and  economics. 

There  is  no  need  to  treat  the  course  as  a  formal  introduction  to 
these  three  sciences.  It  will  be  that,  even  if  it  is  not  so  announced, 
and  an  attempt  at  unnecessary  formality  in  this  study  is  likely  to 
detract  from  its  interest  and  profit.  At  the  same  time  the  author 
believes  that  many  problems  can  best  be  approached  from  the  gen- 
eral viewpoint,  with  the  local  or  individual  application  following, 
rather  than  to  pursue  them  aU  from  the  viewpoint  of  local  or  in- 
dividual interest. 

At  the  close  of  the  discussion  of  each  problem  in  this  text  appears 
a  list  of  reference  readings  which  bear  directly  upon  that  problem. 
As  far  as  possible,  use  should  be  made  of  these  readings,  as  well  as 
of  any  other  trustworthy  sources  of  information  that  are  available. 
The  author  has  tried  to  select  for  reference  such  books  as  were  writ- 
ten either  with  the  high  school  pupil  particularly  in  mind  or  in  such 
a  style  or  manner  as  to  be  within  his  interest  and  ready  compre- 


vi  Suggestions 

hension.  Most  college  text-books  do  not  suit  the  average  high 
school  pupil.  Individual  students  whose  ability  is  above  the  aver- 
age can  be  made  familiar  with  books  of  that  character.  But  to 
assign  them  for  the  use  of  the  whole  class  is  unwise. 

In  Appendix  B  appears  a  complete  list,  with  the  names  of  the 
publishers,  of  all  books  referred  to  in  the  suggested  reference  read- 
ings. Those  most  commonly  mentioned  can  be  secured  by  nearly 
every  class.  Sometimes  two  or  three  copies  of  each  of  such  books 
may  constitute  a  practical  reference  library  which  for  many  classes 
will  serve  all  necessary  purposes. 

The  World  Almanac  or  some  similar  book  of  facts  is  both  cheap 
and  indispensable.  Full  use  should  be  made  of  government  re- 
ports and  bulletins,  state  reference  hand  books,  and  illustrative  or 
advertising  literature  issued  by  private  firms  or  individuals.  Cur- 
rent magazines  such  as  The  Literary  Digest,  The  Independent, 
Current  History,  and  The  Outlook,  should  be  constantly  employed 
for  up-to-date  information.  The  Survey  is  loaded  with  thought- 
provoking  articles.  Those  who  have  followed  the  lesson  outlines 
prepared  by  Dr.  Joseph  K.  Hart,  which  appeared  in  that  maga- 
zine a  year  or  two  ago,  will  recognize  the  source  of  some  of  the 
questions  used  in  this  text. 

With  each  problem  is  also  suggested  a  list  of  special  topics  which 
may  form  a  basis  for  project  study  on  the  part  of  individual  pupils 
or  even  of  the  class  as  a  whole  if  there  is  time.  Interspersed  in 
the  text  are  numerous  questions  which  may  arouse  class  discussion 
or  may  themselves  serve  as  a  starting  point  for  individual  or  class 
project  work.  Let  the  class  programs  be  varied.  Sometimes  a 
three-minute  talk  by  a  pupil  may  open  a  class  discussion.  Some- 
times a  formal  debate  provokes  interest  and  gives  practice  in  speak- 
ing before  an  audience.  At  least  once  a  term  each  pupil  should 
prepare  a  report  or  thesis  that  will  require  some  intensive  study 
and  full  reference  reading.  It  is  not  a  bad  idea  to  let  members  of 
the  class  conduct  class  programs  occasionally.  The  more  actual 
experience  they  get  in  doing  things  under  proper  guidance,  the  more 
valuable  will  be  the  returns  to  them  and  the  more  useful  will  be 
the  course  in  training  for  citizenship. 


TABLE   OF   CONTENTS 
FOUNDATIONS 

SKCTION  PAGB 

1.  What  Is  Our  Country? 1 

2.  What  Nature  Has  Done  for  America        ....  3 

3.  The  People  of  the  United  States 5 

4.  The  People  and  the  Land 6 

5.  Our  Government 8 

6.  Setting  Forth  Our  Convictipns 10 

7.  American  Ideals 11 

8.  Attaining  Our  Ideals 13 

9.  Our  Tasks 10 

MAKING  AMERICA  INTELLIGENT 

I.   PROVIDING   EDUCATION   THROUGH   PUBLIC 
SUPPORT 

10.  What  Is  Education? 21 

11.  How  Much  Is  It  Needed? 22 

12.  Why  We  Need  Public  Schools 25 

13.  The  Legal  Basis  for  Public  Schools 26 

14.  National  Systems  for  Education 27 

15.  School  Systems  of  the  States 29 

16.  School  Terms  and  Attendance  .         .         .         .         .35 

17.  How  the  Schools  Are  Supported 36 

18.  Grades  and  Classes  of  Schools 39 

19.  What  ShaU  We  Teach? .42 

20.  Problems  of  School  Management 45 

21.  Making  the  School  Most  Useful 49 

22.  Obstacles  for  the  Schools  to  Overcome     ....  50 

23.  The  Public  Library 52 

24.  Other  Public  Agencies  for  Education        ....  54 

II.   PROMOTING   EDUCATION   THROUGH   PRIVATE 
ENTERPRISE 

25.  Kinds  of  Private  Schools 57 

26.  Are  Private  Schools  Desirable? 58 

vii 


viii  Table  of  Contents 

SECTION  PAOB 

27.  Higher  Education 60 

28.  Private  Gifts  to  Education 61 

29.  The  Press  as  an  Educator 63 

30.  The  Citizen  Educating  Himself 65 


ELEVATING  AMERICAN  STANDARDS 

III.   FINDING  THE  FACTS  ABOUT  HUMAN 
ASSOCIATIONS 

31.  Why  Do  We  Do  Things? 68 

32.  Following  the  Crowd 70 

33.  Social  Classes  in  the  Old  World  and  the  New  ...  72 

34.  Social  Problems  of  the  City 74 

35.  Social  Problems  of  the  Country 76 

36.  Social  Problems  of  the  Small  Town 77 

37.  Community  Ideals 78 

IV.    MAKING   ENVIRONMENT   FAVORABLE   FOR 
RIGHT   LIVING 

38.  When  Is  Right  Living  Easy? 81 

A.  Protecting  Health 

39.  Our  Need  of  Good  Health 82 

40.  Elements  Necessary  to  Health          .....  83 

41.  What  the  Government  Does  to  Provide  These  Elements  85 

42.  Controlling  Disease 87 

43.  Preventing  Accidents        .......  89 

44.  Removing  the  Slum  Evil 91 

45.  "Prohibition" 94 

46.  Restraining  Vice 96 

47.  Relieving  Defectives 98 

B.  Affording  Pleasure 

48.  What  Is  Recreation? 102 

49.  Community  Agencies  for  Recreation         ....  104 

50.  Private  Agencies  for  Recreation 105 

C.  Enhancing  Beauty 

51.  Community  Planning 108 

52.  Community  Attractiveness 110 


Table  of  Contents  ix 

V.   PROMOTING   RIGHT    RELATIONS   AMONG   MEN 

A.  Restraining  Wrong-Doers 

SECTION  AGB 

53.  Why  People  Do  Wrong 115 

54.  Forms  of  Crime 116 

55.  Dealing  with  Criminals 117 

56.  Preventing  Criminals 120 

57.  Purifying  Politics 121 

58.  The  Golden  Rule  in  Business 123 

59.  Keeping  Contracts 125 

B.  The  Treatment  of  the  Foreigner 

60.  W^hy  the  Foreigner  Comes 127 

61.  Types  of  Immigrants        .......  129 

62.  A  Square  Deal  for  the  Foreigner 131 

63.  A  Square  Deal  for  the  American 133 

64.  Putting  Up  the  Bars 134 

65.  Making  Aliens  into  Americans 136 

C.  The  Color  Line 

66.  Why  Is  There  a  Negro  Problem? 140 

67.  The  Black  Man's  Progress 142 

68.  The  White  Man's  Policy 143 

69.  The  Red  Man  in  America 145 

70.  Red  Man  and  White  Man 147 

71.  The  "Yellow  Peril" 150 

72.  The  Chinaman  among  Us 152 

73.  The  Japanese  among  Us  .         .         .         .         .         .         .  153 

74.  The  White  Man's  Burden 155 

VI.   MAKING   RELIGION   EFFECTIVE 

75.  What  Is  Religion  For? 159 

76.  Religion  in  American  Life 161 

77.  Faiths  and  Sects  in  America 161 

78.  "A  Free  Church  in  a  Free  State" 163 

79.  Religion  in  the  Schools 164 

80.  Religion  in  the  Laws 166 

81.  The  Church  Reaching  Out  to  Humanity  ....  167 

82.  What  a  Church  May  Do  for  a  Community      .         .         .169 

VII.   GIVING   THE   HOME    ITS   PROPER   PLACE 

83.  What  the  Home  Does  for  the  Nation       .         .         .         .173 

84.  Homes  of  Yesterday  and  Today 174 

85.  Places  to  Live  in 177 


X  Table  of  Contents 

SECTION  PAGE 

86.  The  Ideal  Home 179 

87.  Broken  Homes 180 

88.  Making  Things  Better  through  Law       ....  182 

89.  Making  Things  Better  through  Training         .         .         .  184 

VIII.  ENERGIZING   PUBLIC   OPINION 

90.  What  Is  Public  Opinion? 187 

91.  How  Public  Opinion  Is  Formed      .         .         .         .         .  188 

92.  Makmg  Public  Opinion  Felt 189 

93.  Personal  Standards  of  Conduct       .         .         .         .         .  191 

94.  The  Value  of  Leaders 192 

95.  The  Community  Will       .         .         .         .         .         .         .194 

MAKING   AMERICA  PROSPEROUS 

IX.  COOPERATING  IN  PRODUCTION 

96.  The  Material  Basis  of  Life 196 

97.  Why  We  Work 199 

98.  Supplying  a  Community's  Needs 199 

99.  What  We  Do 203 

100.  Industry  in  the  Old  Days 205 

101.  The  Industrial  Revolution 207 

102.  Present-Day  Production 209 

103.  Division  of  Labor 210 

X.   FACILITATING   THE   TRANSFER   OF   PRODUCTS 

A.  Transportation 

104.  Its  Meaning  to  Civilized  Life 215 

105.  Water  Transportation 216 

106.  The  Railroad 219 

107.  Raih-oad  Needs 221 

108.  Street  Railways 225 

109.  The  Highway 226 

110.  Traffic  in  the  Ah- 229 

111.  Our  Means  of  Communication 231 

112.  The  Farmer's  Problem 233 

113.  Who  Shall  Do  This  Work? 235 

B.  Conveniences  for  Conducting  Trade 

114.  Money  and  What  It  Does 238 

115.  Materials  That  Are  Good  for  Money      .         .         .         .239 

116.  American  Coinage  Laws 240 

117.  Substitutes  for  Coin        .         .         .         .         .         .         .242 

118.  Credit  and  Its  Uses 244 


Table  of  Contents  xi 

SECTION  PAGE 

119.  The  Services  of  Banks 245 

120.  The  Federal  Banking  System 247 

121.  Credit  and  Caution .  248 

122.  Hard  Times  in  Business 251 

C.    Trading  with  Other  Countries 

123.  Why  Foreign  Trade  Takes  Place    .         .         .         .         .254 

124.  Special  Difficulties 255 

125.  Methods  of  Payment 257 

126.  The  Great  War  and  International  Trade        .         .         .  259 

127.  Who  Shall  Carry  the  Goods? 260 

128.  Tariff  Barriers 262 

XI.   DISTRIBUTING   THE    RETURNS   FAIRLY 

129.  What  Is  the  Basis  of  Distribution?         .         .         .         .268 

130.  What  Are  the  Facts  about  Distribution?        .         .         .  269 

131.  Influences  that  Control  Returns 272 

132.  Rent :  the  Return  to  Land 273 

133.  Wages 275 

134.  Interest 277 

135.  Profits .278 

XII.   PROMOTING   THE   PUBLIC   GOOD   THROUGH 
BUSINESS 

136.  Simple  Forms  of  Business  Organization  ....  281 

137.  Corporations 282 

138.  Trusts 283 

139.  Large  Scale  Production 285 

140.  Special  Features  of  Modern  Organization       .         .         .  286 

141.  Dangers  in  Big  Business 289 

142.  Forms  of  Monopolies 291 

143.  Monopoly  Prices 292 

144.  Public  Opinion  about  Big  Business         ....  294 

145.  Theories  of  the  Government's  Relation  to  Business        .  296 

146.  Restrictive  Legislation 297 

147.  Public  Ownership  and  Operation 299 

XIII.   SAFEGUARDING   THE   WORKERS 

148.  Do  They  Need  Special  Protection?         .         .         .         .  303 
A.    Protection  through  Legislation 

149.  Child  Workers 304 

150.  Women  Workers 306 


Xll 


Table  of  Contents 


SECTION  PAOB 

151.  Improved  Conditions  of  Labor 308 

152.  Government  Agencies  to  Aid  Labor        ....  310 

B.  Efforts  at  Self-Protection 

153.  Unions  and  Their  Objects       .         .         .         .         .         .  312 

154.  Demands  of  Unions 314 

155.  Methods  of  Unions 316 

156.  Their  Accomplishments .         .         .         .         .         .         .  318 

157.  Unions  and  the  Government 319 

C.  The  Employer's  Interest  in  the  Worker 

158.  The  Employer's  Viewpoint 322 

159.  Profit-Sharing 323 

160.  Welfare  Work 325 

D.  Fitting  the  Worker  and  the  Job 

161.  Why  People  Are  Out  of  Work 327 

162.  Providing  Employment 330 

163.  Preparing  for  a  Life  Work 332 

164.  Women  in  the  Industrial  World 333 

XIV.   ASSURING   INDUSTRIAL  PEACE 


165.  Who  Are  Interested? 

166.  What  Is  Wrong  in  Industry? 

167.  The  "Right"  to  Strike  and  to  Work 

168.  Agencies  for  Settling  Disputes 

169.  Is  Compulsory  Arbitration  Desirable  ? 

170.  Industrial  Democracy     . 

171.  Industrial  Ideals     .... 


337 
339 
341 
342 
345 
346 
347 


XV.   USING  WISELY   THE    GIFTS   OF   NATURE 


172.  How  Have  We  Used  Them?  . 

173.  Principles  of  Conservation 

174.  Conserving  the  Forests  . 

175.  Wise  Use  of  Water  Resources 

176.  Preserving  Natural  Attractiveness 

177.  Wealth  Underground 

178.  Occupying  the  Land 

179.  Methods  of  Cultivation  . 

180.  Making  the  Desert  Grow 

181.  Protecting  the  Farmer's  Welfare 


351 
353 
354 
357 
359 
360 
362 
365 
366 
368 


Table  of  Contents 


XllI 


XVI.    CONTROLLING   THE    COST   OF   LIVING 

SECTION 

A.  Using  Our  Income  Wisely 

182.   What  Makes  Things  Cost? 

Living  Expenses  Once  and  Now 

Standards  of  Living 

Regulating  Our  Own  Expenses 

Spending  That  Is  Wise 

Foolish  Uses  of  Money 

Wise  Saving  and  Investment 

B.  Economy  through  Cooperation 

189.  Cooperative  Movements  in  General        .         .         .         . 

190.  Producers'  Cooperation  in  the  United  States 

191.  Consumers'  Cooperation  in  the  United  States 

C    Can  the  Government  Help  Us  ? 

192.  The  North  Dakota  Experiment 

193.  Can  the  Government  Control  Prices?     .         .         .         . 

194.  Practical  Assistance 


183. 
184. 
185. 

186. 
187. 
188. 


D.    Caring  for  the  Needy 

195.  The  Poor  among  Us 

196.  Charity,  Wise  and  Unwise 

197.  Preventing  Poverty 

198.  The  Obligations  of  the  Well-to-do 


374 
376 
377 
379 
380 
382 
384 

387 
389 
391 

39a 
394 
395 

398 
400 
401 
404 


199. 
200. 
201. 
202. 
203. 
204. 
205. 
206. 


XVII.     SEEKING  A   BETTER   SOCIAL   ORDER 
WhatIs  the  Matter  with  Things  as  They  Are?      .         .     407 


The  I.  W.  W.  Argument 

The  Socialist  Idea  . 

The  Communist  Theory 

The  Anarchist's  Notion  . 

How  Private  Property  Originated 

Is  Private  Property  Fundamental? 

Human  Nature  in  the  Problem 


408 
409 
411 
413 
413 
415 
416 


MAKING   OUR  DEMOCRATIC  GOVERNMENT 
EFFICIENT 

XVIII.   ESTABLISHING   SOUND   PRINCIPLES 
OP   ORGANIZATION 

207.  Our  Need  for  Government 420 

208.  The  Source  of  Our  Political  Ideas 423 

209.  Forms  of  Government  the  World  Has  Tried  .         .         .     424 


XIV 


Table  of  Contents 


SECTION 

210.  Is  Democracy  Desirable? 

211.  Our  Federal  Form  of  Organization 

212.  State  or  National  Sovereignty  ?       .... 

213.  Relations  of  the  States  to  Each  Other    . 

214.  Distinctive  Characteristics  of  American  Institutions 

215.  Constitutions,  Making  and  Altering 


PAOB 

426 
427 
429 
430 
432 
435 


XIX.    OBTAINING   GOOD   LEGISLATION 

216.  Why  Have  Laws?  . 

217.  When  and  How  Many? 

218.  Law-Making  Bodies 

219.  Congress 

220.  State  Legislatures  . 

221.  The  Process  of  Making  Laws 

222.  Committees  and  Their  Work  . 

223.  Law-Making  Behind  the  Scenes 

224.  National  vs.  State  Legislation 


441 
442 
444 
444 
448 
449 
452 
453 
455 


XX.   SECURING   EFFECTIVE   ADMINISTRATION 

225.  The  Value  of  a  Good  Executive 460 

226.  The  President 461 

227.  Our  Cabinet 464 

228.  Special  Commissions  and  Institutions     ....  468 

229.  Administration  in  State  Governments    ....  469 

230.  Obtaining  Capable  Officials 470 

231.  Improvements  in  Law-Enforcement        ....  473 

232.  Reforms  in  Administration     ......  475 

233.  Responsibility  in  Government 476 

234.  Should  We  Have  a  Real  Cabinet  System?      .         .         .478 


XXI.   PROTECTING   RIGHTS   THROUGH   THE 
COURTS 

235.  Rights  That  Need  Protection 481 

236.  Constitutional  Safeguards 482 

237.  Agencies  to  Maintain  Order 483 

238.  Protection  against  the  Government        ....  486 

239.  State  Courts 488 

240.  Making  Use  of  the  Courts 490 

241.  Proceedings  against  Law-Breakers  ....  492 

242.  The  Courts  of  the  United  States 494 


Table  of  Contents  xv 


243.  Courts  and  the  Laws 496 

244.  The  Personal  Element  in  the  Courts       ....     498 

245.  Do  Our  Courts  Render  the  Service  That  They  Should?     500 


XXII.   GOVERNING   LOCAL   COMMUNITIES 
CAPABLY 

246.  Problems  Right  at  Home        .         .         .         .         .         .503 

247.  Systems  of  Local  Government 505 

248.  The  County 506 

249.  The  Town  or  Township 507 

250.  Boroughs  and  Villages 509 

251.  The  Growth  of  American  Cities      .         . ,       .         .         •  509 

252.  City  Politics 512 

253.  Typical  City  Governments 514 

254.  Making  City  Government  Better 516 

XXIII.   DISCOVERING   THE   PEOPLE'S   WILL 

255.  Who  Are  the  People? 521 

256.  The  People  Speaking  through  Parties     .         .         .         .  522 

257.  How  Parties  Ought  to  Be  Used       .         .         .         .         .524 

258.  Methods  of  Selecting  Candidates    .         .         .         .         .  528 

259.  The  Choice  of  a  President 529 

260.  Methods  of  Casting  the  Vote 532 

261.  Ballots .534 

262.  Representing  Everybody 536 

263.  The  Initiative  and  Referendum 540 

264.  The  Recall 541 

265.  The  Citizen's  Attitude  toward  Government   .         .         .  541 

XXIV.   MANAGING  PUBLIC   FINANCES   WISELY 

266.  Why  Governments  Spend  Money 546 

267.  Making  a  Budget 548 

268.  Sources  for  Revenue 550 

269.  The  Quahties  of  a  Good  Tax  .         ...         .         .         .553 

270.  How  Taxes  Are  Collected 555 

271.  Possible  Tax  Reforms 560 

272.  Special  Uses  of  the  Taxing  Power 562 

273.  Public  Debts 563 

274.  What  a  Citizen  Gets  for  His  Money       ....  566 


xvi  Table  of  Contents 

XXV.   TRAINING   COMMUNITIES   FOR   SELF- 
GOVERNMENT 

SECTION 

275.  Who  Ought  to  Govern  Themselves? 

276.  Preparing  Territories  for  Statehood 

277.  Governing  Island  Possessions 

278.  Protecting  Weaker  Peoples     . 

279.  Democracy  and  Empire 


570 
571 
572 
575 
576 


OUR  RELATIONS  WITH   OTHER  COUNTRIES 

XXVI.  ESTABLISHING   SOUND   PRINCIPLES   OF 

INTERNATIONAL   CONDUCT 

280.  A  Nation's  Obligations  to  Another          .         .     '    .         .  579 

281.  What  Is  International  Law? 580 

282.  Foreign  Representatives 582 

283.  Making  International  Agreements 585 

XXVII.  DETERMINING   THE   FUNDAMENTALS 

OF   OUR   FOREIGN   POLICY 

284.  Is  a  Settled  Policy  Desirable? 588 

285.  The  Control  of  Our  Foreign  Relations    .         .         .         .589 

286.  The  Policies  of  Our  Forefathers 592 

287.  The  United  States  a  World  Power          ....  594 

XXVIII.   PROMOTING   INTERNATIONAL   CO- 
OPERATION  AND   GOOD   WILL 

288.  International  lU-Feeling  and  Its  Results         .         .         .  597 

289.  Militarism  — Wisdom  or  Folly? 599 

290.  Peaceful  Settlements  between  Nations   ....  602 

291.  The  League  of  Nations 603 

292.  HowFar  Can  We  Hope  to  Go? 606 

293.  America's  Opportunity 608 


THE  AMERICA   TO   BE 

294.  Selfishness  or  Usefulness? 612 

295.  Our  Hope  for  Solving  Our  Problems       .         .         .         .613 

Appendix  A.  Constitution  of  the  United  States  .  .  1 
Appendix  B.  Reference  Readings  .....  21 
Index 25 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGB 

1.  Cotton  Almost  Ready  to  Pick 3 

2.  Where  the  People  Live 7 

3.  Marshal  Foeh  and  the  Liberty  Bell 12 

4.  Illiterates  in  the  States 23 

5.  The  National  Military  Academy  at  West  Point        .         .  28 

6.  The  Hamilton  School,  Everett,  Mass 34 

7.  How   One   City  Appealed  for  Public   Support   for   Its 

Schools 37 

8.  A  Center  of  Learning 40 

9.  Learning  a  Trade 44 

10.  The  Little  Red  Schoolhouse 47 

11.  Using  the  Public  Library 53 

12.  St.  Mark's  School,  Southboro,  Mass.         .         .         .         .  59 

13.  A  Scene  in  a  Museum 61 

14.  In  the  Reading  Room  of  a  Great  Public  Library      .         .  66 

15.  A  Typical  Crowd 71 

16.  Main  Street  in  a  Small  Town 77 

17.  A  Government  Inspector  at  Work 84 

18.  Guarding  the  Public  Health ,87 

19.  A  Model  Little  Huckster's  Cart 88 

20.  Foolish  Fire  Risks 90 

21.  On  the  East  Side  of  New  York 92 

22.  Work  for  the  Blind 98 

23.  Far  from  the  Madding  Crowd 103 

24.  A  Scene  at  Coney  Island 106 

25.  Our  National  Capital .  109 

26.  A  Model  City  Boulevard Ill 

27.  Blackwell's  Island 118 

28.  The  Foreign  Born  in  the  States  of  the  Union  .         .         .129 

29.  Immigrants  Nearing  Port 134 

30.  Becoming  Citizens 137 

31.  Negro  Population  in  the  States 141 

32.  Inside  Work  in  a  Large  Post  Office 144 

33.  The  Passing  of  the  Old  Life 146 

34.  Some  Indians  of  Today 147 

35.  Indian  Boys  Gardening 149 

36.  An  Up-to-Date  Hydroelectric  Plant          .         .        .        .,  151 

xvii 


xviii  Illustrations 


37.  Keeping  the  Peace  during  Race  Trouble  ....  156 

38.  The  Founder  of  Religious  Liberty 162 

39.  An  Old  New  England  Church 168 

40.  Childish  Dreams 175 

41.  Homeless  Waifs  at  an  Orphanage 178 

42.  A  Campaign  Meeting 192 

43.  The  Old  Grist  Mill 197 

44.  Grinding  Flour 198 

45.  Capital  at  Work 200 

46.  Fishing  Boats  in  Boston  Harbor 204 

47.  Sheep  Raising  in  the  West 205 

48.  How  It  Used  to  be  Done 205 

49.  The  First  McCormick  Reaper 208 

50.  The  New  and  the  Old  in  Shoemaking      ....  209 

51.  A  Row  of  Fishing  Schooners 211 

52.  An  Example  of  Industrial  Specialization .         .         .         .212 

53.  An  Old-Time  Canal 217 

54.  Boats  on  the  Levee  at  St.  Louis 218 

55.  How  the  Railroad  Was  Described  in  1852.         .         .         .  220 

56.  The  Old  and  the  New       .     - 222 

57.  A  Train  Coming  Out  of  the  Hudson  Tunnel    .         .         .  224 

58.  A  Fine  Rural  Highway 228 

59.  A  Curtiss  Eagle  Airplane 230 

60.  Learning  to  Use  the  Wireless 233 

61.  The  NC-4  in  Flight 235 

62.  Weighing  Gold  at  the  Assay  Office 241 

63.  A  State  Bank  Note 243 

64.  In  New  York's  Financial  District 249 

65.  A  Part  of  the  Waterfront  of  New  York  City    .         .         .256 

66.  Freight  Boats  and  Barges  on  the  Delaware      .         .         .  261 

67.  Our  Foreign  Commerce  in  American  Ships       .         .         .  263 

68.  A  Scene  in  the  Pennsylvania  Coke  District      .         .         .  271 

69.  Digging  Out  Iron  Ore 274 

70.  A  Famous  Office  Building 277 

71.  How  One  Corporation  Organizes  Its  Business  ,         .         .  279 

72.  A  Department  in  a  Big  Manufacturing  Plant  .         .         .  285 

73.  A  Train  of  Refrigerator  Cars 287 

74.  The  Greatest  Steel  Mill  in  the  World       .         .         .     290,  291 

75.  Ore  Boats  at  Loading  Docks 293 

76.  An  Inside  View  in  a  Steel  Mill 298 

77.  Undercutting  Coal  in  the  Interior  of  a  Mine    .         .         .  304 

78.  A  Kind  of  Work  Not  Often  Done  by  Women  ...  307 


Illustrations 


XIX 


79.  Attractive  Surroundings  for  Labor . 

50.  A  Crowd  of  Strikers 

51.  A  "Picket"  on  Duty      . 

82.  Houses  in  a  Company  Town  . 

83.  Help  for  the  Jobless 

84.  Drilling  and  Loading  Anthracite  Coal 
86.  Dressing  Sheep  in  a  Great  Meat-Packing  Establishment 

86.  An  Industrial  Conference  in  Session 

87.  Labor  and  Capital  in  Conference   . 

88.  Cleaning  Up  the  Forest . 

89.  Forest  Rangers  at  Work 

90.  A  Forest  Fire  in  Colorado 

91.  White  Coal 

92.  A  Heavily  Loaded  Train  of  Coal  Cars 

93.  A  Congressional  Township 
■94.  The  Desert  before  It  Gets  Water    . 

95.  Irrigation  Projects  in  Our  Western  States 

96.  Doing  Farm  Work  by  Machinery 

97.  A  Grain  Farm  on  Irrigated  Land 

98.  What  Some  People  Throw  Away 

99.  An  Interior  View  in  a  Great  Power  Plant 

100.  Imperial  Valley  Cotton  . 

101.  Poverty  in  the  Home 

102.  Feeding  Poor  Children   . 

103.  Harvesting  and  Threshing  on  a  Great  Western  Farm 

104.  The  Tallest  Building  in  the  World 

105.  The  Arrowrock  Dam,  Idaho  . 

106.  Where  Our  National  Law-Makers  Meet 

107.  President  Harding  Addressing  Congress 

108.  A  Bill  on  Its  Way  through  Congress 

109.  Inauguration  Day  .... 

110.  President  Coolidge  and  His  Cabinet 

111.  Government  of  the  United  States 

112.  The  Library  of  Congress 

113.  Caught  in   the  Act 

114.  A  Quiet  Moment  in  Traffic    . 

115.  A  Limitation  of  Personal  Liberty 

116.  Old  Courthouse,  Williamsburg,  Virginia 

117.  A  Moderate  Sized  Court  Room 

118.  The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States 

119.  Courthouse,  Rochester,  New  York 

120.  A  Famous  Western  Center  of  Trade 


XX  Illustrations 

PAGB 

121.  City  Hall,  Philadelphia 513 

122.  A  Mayor-and-Council  City 515 

123.  City  Government  under  the  Commission  Form       .         .     516 

124.  City-Manager  Government 518 

125.  Notifying  Governor  Cox 523 

126.  A  Presidential  Nominating  Convention  ....     530 

127.  A  New  York  Ballot 535 

128.  A  Preferential  Ballot 537 

129.  The  Referendum  at  Work  in  Oregon       .         .         .         .539 

130.  The  Entrance  to  a  Toll  Bridge 551 

131.  Public  Buildings  in  New  York  City         .         .         .         .558 

132.  The  Per  Capita  Debt  of  the  United  States     .         .         .565 

133.  The  Harbor  and  Part  of  the  Town  of  San  Juan,  Porto 

Rico 571 

134.  A  Scene  in  the  Panama  Canal 573 

135.  The  British  Embassy  in  Washington      .         .         .         .58? 

136.  Signatures  to  a  Treaty 585 

137.  American  Treaty-Makers  at  Paris  .....     589 

138.  A  United  States  Submarine 593 

139.  A  United  States  Battleship  in  Holiday  Dress  .         ,     598 

140.  What  War  Does 600 

141.  The  Heads  of  the  Delegations  at  the  Washington  Arma- 

ment Conference 606 


PROBLEMS   OF   AMERICAN 
DEMOCRACY 


PROBLEMS  OF  AMERICAN 
DEMOCRACY 


FOUNDATIONS 

*'  0  beautiful  for  spacious  skies, 
For  amber  waves  of  grain, 
For  purple  mountain  majesties 

Above  the  fruited  plain ! 
O  beautiful  for  pilgrim  feet. 

Whose  stern,  impassioned  stress 
A  thoroughfare  for  freedom  beat 
Across  the  wilderness ! 

America!  America! 
God  mend  thine  every  flaw. 
Confirm  thy  soul  in  self-control, 
Thy  liberty  in  law ! " 

—  Katharine  Lee  Bates. 


The  only  nations  that  have  no  problems  are  dead  ones.  To 
speak  of  the  Problems  of  American  Democracy  is  to  suggest  that 
our  country  is  alive  and  trying  to  accomplish  something.  In  pro- 
posing a  problem  in  mathematics,  certain  facts  and  conditions  are 
"  given,"  upon  which  the  problem  is  based.  What,  then,  are  the 
characteristics  and  materials  with  which  and  upon  which  we  must 
work  in  solving  the  problems  of  our  mighty  nation? 


1.  What  Is  Our  Country?  —  "  My  country,  'tis  of  thee," 
we  sing,  sometimes  mechanically,  sometimes  enthusiasti- 
cally. But  what  are  we  singing  about  ?  It  is  hard  to  analyze 
an  emotion,  but  surely  we  can  discover  some  of  the  elements 
that  make  up  an  object  for  whose  sake  we  may  sing,  serve, 
sacrifice,  and  strive. 

1 


£  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Perhaps  we  think  of  the  land  in  which  we  live.  Geog- 
raphy has  u  tremendous  effect  upon  history  and  progress. 
Switzerland's  mountains  have  helped  to  make  her  free. 
England's  island  situation  has  forced  her  people  upon  the 
sea  and  aided  her  to  become  the  greatest  colonizing  power 
the  world  has  ever  known.  A  warm  sun  makes  men  lazy. 
Frigid  climates  tax  their  energies  unduly.  In  the  temperate 
zones  have  been  found  the  peoples  who  have  made  world 
history.  The  United  States  has  been  blessed  by  nature 
with  a  bountiful  territory  which  may  well  call  forth  our 
admiration. 

Prove  that  man  now  is  not  as  much  a  creature  of  environment 
as  his  primitive  ancestor.  Why  do  the  "  rocks  and  rills,  woods 
and  templed  hills  "  of  a  man's  fatherland  inspire  him  with  patriot- 
ism? Has  Australia  lost  anything  by  reason  of  her  isolated  lo- 
cation? What  do  you  understand  by  the  economic  interpretation 
of  history?  Point  out  the  natural  features  which  directed  the 
development  of  the  great  nations  of  ancient  and  modern  times. 
Considering  physical  reasons  alone,  would  you  expect  Holland  to 
be  a  great  nation?     Japan?     Spain? 

But  we  must  have  people,  or  else  there  is  no  civilization. 
Their  habits  and  customs,  their  likes  and  dislikes,  their 
enterprise  or  ignorance,  determine  the  country's  prosper- 
ity. A  large  group  of  people  of  common  interests,  and 
perhaps  of  common  origin,  who  occupy  a  certain  defined 
area,  we  often  call  a  nation. 

Do  the  American  people,  in  this  sense,  constitute  a  nation?  the 
Irish?  the  Canadians?  the  Jews?  Why  would  it  sound  foolish  to 
sing  "  My  nation,  'tis  of  thee  "? 

An  unorganized  mass  of  people  is  only  a  mob.  To  di- 
rect their  conduct  and  make  it  effective,  they  must  have  a 
government.  The  laws  and  the  men  who  make  and  enforce 
them  may  make  or  break  a  nation's  destiny.  An  inde- 
pendent group  of  people  acting  in  a  political  capacity  we 
sometimes  call  a  state. 

Prove  from  school  life  the  necessity  of  government. 


Foundations  3 

The  laws  and  policies  of  our  country  or  any  other  are  not 
the  result  of  chance.  They  represent  our  attempts  to  carry 
out  the  principles  in  which  we  believe.  Without  ideals  no 
country  can  rise.  Who  could  take  pride  in  a  country  which 
was  content  merely  to  exist?  America's  ideals  inspire  us 
to  sing  of  "  the  land  of  the  free  and  the  home  of  the  brave," 
and  they  have  been  a  beacon  light  to  guide  the  oppressed 
in  every  land  in  struggling  toward  a  better  day. 

These  four  elements,  at  least,  compose  **our  country." 


■ 

I 

1 

^^v"  '"   ■•?«'*  ''-\ 

M^*2i?  K  *■ 

fca4®;' 

0^ 

lilf/i 

j'^^^miA 

mifwrn- 

i^^Jm-^^ 

'M^^t^^^^^-^-'m^'i^-  -^ 

fe^tli^l 

S^m^s^^^'^f:  .# 

'  *  .sp^^'^wi 

2.»^^Li 

0 

Courtesy  U.  S.  Departmem  of  Agriculture. 

Cotton  Almost  Ready  to  Pick. 

What  particular  conditions  of  climate  are  necessary  to  make  possible  a 
scene  like  this?  The  United  States  is  perhaps  the  most  favored  part  of  the 
world  for  producing  this  commodity. 


2.  What  Nature  Has  Done  for  America.  —  Almost  all 
the  physical  advantages  a  nation  can  possess  have  been 
granted  to  this  land  of  ours  in  great  abundance.  The  main 
body  of  our  territory  lies  entirely  within  the  temperate 
zone.     Its  3,000,000  square  miles  form  one  of  the  largest 


4  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

areas  in  the  world  of  a  reasonably  homogeneous  character. 
However,  lest  we  boast  too  much  about  our  size,  let  us 
add  that  our  territory  is  about  equal  to  Canada,  not 
much  larger  than  Brazil,  and  far  smaller  than  the  British 
Empire. 

The  varied  vastness  of  this  great  expanse  includes  almost 
every  known  condition  of  temperature,  rainfall,  and  alti- 
tude, and  assures  us  a  variety  and  abundance  of  crops.  It 
would  be  an  extraordinary  calamity  that  would  bring  disas- 
ter to  all  parts  of  our  land  at  once.  Considering  the  700,000 
square  miles  of  our  outlying  possessions  —  Alaska,  the 
Philippines,  and  the  rest  —  we  could  find  very  few  crops 
that  cannot  be  grown  under  the  American  flag.  And  even 
where  foodstuffs  are  hard  to  grow,  there  is  often  pasture  for 
great  herds  of  cattle. 

Our  forest  resources,  though  too  long  ruthlessly  wasted, 
are  still  abundant.  Tin  is  about  the  only  important  metal 
or  mineral  that  is  not  found  here  in  considerable  quantities. 
In  producing  coal,  iron,  and  copper  we  rank  first;  in  gold 
and  silver,  second.  Besides,  we  have  much  petroleum  and 
gas. 

The  streams  in  southern  New  England  very  early  fur- 
nished power  to  run  mills.  Today  our  v/ater  power,  con- 
verted into  steam  or  electricity,  has  helped  to  make  many 
sections  of  the  country  famous  for  manufactures.  Through- 
out our  territory  there  are  about  25,000  miles  of  navigable 
rivers.  The  Atlantic  coast,  nearest  to  our  European  cus- 
tomers, is  finely  supplied  with  harbors.  The  fewer  harbors 
of  the  Pacific  coast  will  in  years  to  come  doubtless  develop 
their  trade  with  Asia  to  an  extent  which  will  place  them 
among  the  great  ports  of  the  world. 

Thus  we  have  been  able  to  secure  the  raw  material  for  our 
factories,  mine  our  fuel,  iron,  and  building  material,  and  grow 
most  of  our  own  food  within  our  own  boundaries.  With  such 
advantages  any  people  reasonably  industrious  should  become 
mighty  and  prosperous. 


Foundations  5 

If  the  early  colonists  had  landed  on  the  Pacific  coast  instead 
of  the  Atlantic,  would  our  country  have  reached  the  same  state 
of  development  that  it  has?  Chicago  is  the  center  of  the  meat- 
packing industry.  Can  you  account  for  this?  Give  other  ex- 
amples of  communities  whose  natural  situation  aided  them  to  be- 
come famous  industrially.  Study  carefully  the  physical  map  of 
the  United  States  so  that  you  can  locate  the  source  of  any  of  the 
products  of  nature  which  are  obtained  here.  Make  a  map  of  the 
country  showing  the  sections  devoted  to  the  various  industries 
which  furnish  our  most  notable  products.  In  a  community  of 
such  varied  interests  as  ours,  what  dangers  may  we  need  to  guard 
against  ? 

3.  The  People  of  the  United  States.  —  In  some  respects  the 
United  States  of  today  resemble  the  United  States  of  yester- 
day even  less  than  the  man  resembles  the  boy.  No 
other  country  in  recorded  history  has  expanded  in  popu- 
lation with  such  rapidity,  though  every  civilized  nation  ex- 
cept France  has  shown,  in  the  last  century,  remarkable  in- 
crease. In  total  numbers,  however,  we  are  still  far  below  the 
British  Empire  and  China  and  probably  Russia. 

Our  Constitution  requires  the  taking  of  a  census  every 
ten  years.  Originally  this  was  done  to  find  the  population 
of  the  states  in  order  to  determine  how  many  represent- 
atives in  Congress  each  should  have.  Now,  however,  the 
Census  Bureau  is  a  permanent  organization,  and  in  taking 
a  census  endeavors  to  learn  the  nationality,  age,  sex,  liter- 
acy, and  other  facts  about  our  people,  as  well  as  to  count 
them.  Some  states  take  a  census  every  fifth  year  after 
the  national  census,  but  sometimes  these  state  censuses  are 
not  very  thorough. 

The  first  count  in  1790  showed  in  the  country  a  few  less 
than  4,000,000  people.  In  1850,  the  population  had  grown 
to  23,000,000.  In  1920,  there  were  in  the  main  body  of 
the  United  States  nearly  106,000,000  people,  with  about 
12,000,000  more  in  our  outlying  possessions. 

Such  phenomenal  growth  is  due,  in  part,  to  the  oppor- 
tunities we  have  offered  to  foreigners.     They  have  come 


6  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

here  In  ^uch  numbers  that  our  gains  in  population  have  been 
far  beyond  the  natural  increase  of  births  over  deaths.  In 
fact,  one-third  of  our  population  is  of  foreign  parentage. 
Every  race  in  Europe  has  contributed  extensively  to  make 
the  American  people  of  today  what  they  are.  Besides, 
nearly  one-tenth  of  our  people  —  about  10,000,000  —  are 
negroes,  about  300,000  are  Indians,  and  about  200,000  are 
Chinese  and  Japanese.  As  we  shall  observe  later,  some 
of  our  most  difficult  problems  are  concerned  with  the  min- 
gling of  races  and  colors  within  our  borders. 

There  are  over  2,000,000  more  men  than  women  in  the  United 
States.  This  is  due,  no  doubt,  to  the  fact  that  our  country  is 
comparatively  new,  and  that  the  man  is  always  foremost  as 
a  pioneer.  We  observe  this  fact  particularly  in  the  western 
states  where  the  men  greatly  outnumber  the  women,  whereas 
in  a  few  eastern  states  the  reverse  is  true.  A  country  los- 
ing in  population  through  emigration  always  tends  to  have 
a  predominance  of  women  over  men,  while  on  the  other  hand 
one  gaining  by  immigration  possesses  more  men  than  women. 

Would  you  expect  the  census  of  1870  to  show  any  difference  over 
that  of  1860  in  the  ratio  of  men  to  women?  How  does  the  per- 
centage of  men  and  women  compare  in  your  community?  Can 
you  explain  this? 

4.  The  People  and  the  Land.  —  How  the  people  are  dis- 
tributed is  often  more  important  than  how  many  there  are. 
Our  population  never  has  been  evenly  distributed  over  the 
country,  and  the  westward  movement  of  the  people  into 
unoccupied  territory  has  been  one  of  the  tremendous  in- 
fluences uopn  our  history.  Rhode  Island  is  the  most  thickly 
populated  state,  with  566.4  people  to  the  square  mile,  while 
Nevada  has  more  than  a  square  nrile  of  land  for  everybody 
in  it.  You  could  people  ten  Nevadas  out  of  the  city  of 
Cleveland  and  have  several  thousands  left  over.  Two- 
fifths  of  the  people  are  centered  in  that  section  of  the  coun- 
try which  is  east  of  the  Mississippi  and  north  of  the  Ohio 


Foundations  7 

and  Potomac  rivers.  New  York  State  alone  contains  about 
one-tenth  of  the  people  of  the  country.  In  this  northeastern 
section  or  on  its  edge  we  find  most  of  the  manufacturing 
centers  and  all  of  the  nine  largest  cities. 

After  each  census  the  Census  Bureau  endeavors  to  locate 
the  center  of  population.  If  we  imagine  the  country  as  a 
great  plane,  poised  at  some  point,  the  *'  center  of  population  " 
will  be  a  sort  of  numerical  center  of  gravity.  This  point 
has  moved  westward  from  the  eastern  shore  of  Maryland, 


Courtesy  Literary  Digest. 


Where  the  People  Live. 


where  it  was  first  located  in  1790,  until  the  1920  report 
placed  it  in  the  southeastern  part  of  Owen  County,  Indi- 
ana. The  fact  that  it  has  followed  the  thirty-ninth  paral- 
lel of  latitude  rather  closely  indicates  that  people  who 
live  in  the  north  usually  go  west  or  northwest  when  they 
migrate,  while  people  from  the  south  go  to  the  southwest. 

One  other  interesting  fact  is  the  steadily  increasing  tend- 
ency for  people  to  live  in  urban  rather  than  rural  communi- 
ties. The  Census  Bureau  considers  a  community  of  2500 
people  or  over  an  urban  community,  and  the  smaller  ones 


8  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

rural.  In  1790,  only  3.4  per  cent  of  the  people  lived  in  urban 
communities.  No  town  then  had  as  many  people  as  Mc- 
Keesport,  Pennsylvania,  or  Sioux  City,  Iowa,  has  today. 
In  1920,  over  51  per  cent  of  the  people  lived  in  urban  com- 
munities. This  does  not  mean  that  there  are  fewer  farmers 
today  than  there  were  one  hundred  years  ago,  but  that  the 
proportion  of  the  people  who  live  on  farms  is  steadily  de- 
creasing. For  this  change  we  must  put  most  of  the  respon- 
sibility on  the  growth  of  manufacturing.  Immigrants  also 
dwell  more  in  cities  and  in  sections  that  are  already 
crowded. 

If  you  judge  a  place  by  iraportance  rather  than  by  numbers,  with 
a  town  of  what  size  today  would  you  compare  a  place  that  had 
25,000  people  in  1790? 

What  is  the  population  of  your  community?  How  much  has 
it  grown  since  1900?  What  reasons  can  you  give  for  its  growth 
or  failure  to  grow  ? 

5.  Our  Government.  —  The  people  who  came  here  to 
settle  were  to  a  great  extent  the  most  liberty-loving  of 
all  Europe,  for  they  had  braved  the  dangers  of  the  sea  to 
obtain  freedom  in  religion,  government,  and  ideals.  It  is 
only  natural,  then,  that  they  should  carefully  guard  it  in 
their  form  of  government.  They  brought  with  them  to  the 
New  World  not  only  English  customs  and  language,  but  the 
most  advanced  English  ideas  of  liberty. 

Since  for  so  many  years  the  English  colonies  were  polit- 
ically separate,  they  could  not  readily  give  up  their  political 
individuahty  when  the  stress  of  the  Revolution  forced  them 
to  act  together.  The  Articles  of  Confederation,  our  first 
attempt  at  a  national  constitution,  were  a  weak  excuse  for 
a  real  bond  of  union.  Each  state  insisted  on  retaining  its 
sovereignty,  and  the  right  in  most  matters  to  do  as  it  pleased. 

The  distresses  and  the  discontent  of  that  '*  critical  period  " 
finally  impressed  the  great  minds  of  the  day  to  such  an  ex- 
tent that  they  succeeded  in  bringing  about  the  adoption  of 
our  present  Constitution.     Framed  by  the  famous  Phila- 


Foundations  9 

delphia  Convention  of  1787,  it  went  into  effect  in  1789,  and 
still  stands,  with  only  nineteen  amendments,  as  the  foun- 
dation of  our  government. 

Can  you  name  a  few  of  the  precedents  which  have  come  down 
to  us  through  Enghsh  customs?  If  you  had  been  living  in  1790, 
do  you  think  you  would  have  felt  differently  about  the  idea  of  a 
strong  union  than  you  do  now  ? 

Under  the  Constitution  the  government  of  the  United 
States  is  a  federal  government,  or  federation,  in  which  a 
number  of  political  units  combine  and  give  extensive  powers 
to  a  central  governmental  organization.  If  the  union  were 
so  constituted  that  the  units  forming  it  retained  the  supreme 
power  in  their  own  hands  instead  of  bestowing  it  upon  the 
central  government,  we  should  then  have  a  confederation. 
This,  in  fact,  is  what  the  Articles  of  Confederation  provided. 
Our  federal  system  is  unlike  the  centralized  government  of 
many  countries,  such  as  France,  Sweden,  and  Italy,  since 
in  these  countries  subdivisions  exist  only  for  purposes  of 
administration  and  do  not  have  political  authority  of  their 
own.  We  hardly  need  to  tell  a  class  in  an  American  school 
that  our  government  is  a  federal  republic,  in  which  the  ad- 
ministration of  affairs  is  intrusted  to  officers  chosen  by  the 
people.  The  dislike  which  the  American  colonists  felt  for 
King  George  III  was  so  extreme  that  they  would  not  con- 
sider for  a  moment  any  kind  of  king,  good  or  bad. 

Our  Constitution  provides  for  a  government  consisting 
of  three  departments  to  act  as  checks  on  each  other.  The 
legislative  branch,  or  Congress,  makes  the  laws;  the  executive 
branch,  headed  by  the  President,  carries  out  the  laws ;  the 
judicial  branch,  the  courts,  interprets  the  laws  and  applies  them 
to  individual  cases.  In  every  state  government  we  find  this 
same  sort  of  division  into  three  departments.  The  law- 
making body  is  the  legislature,  or  general  assembly.  The 
governor  and  a  variety  of  other  officers  serve  as  executives, 
and  there  is  also  a  system  of  state  courts.    The  states  are 


10  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

subdivided  into  counties,  and  these,  in  turn,  into  cities, 
boroughs  or  villages,  and  townships  or  towns.  In  these 
local  governments  we  often  find  a  division  of  authority  sim- 
ilar to  that  in  the  state  and  national  governments. 

6.  Setting  Forth  Our  Convictions.  —  After  these  few 
words  about  the  physical  elements  and  the  government  of 
our  nation,  we  may  now  say  a  little  about  our  ideals — "  the 
things  which  we  have  always  carried  nearest  our  hearts."  Our 
convictions  of  the  aim  and  purpose  of  our  democracy  have 
been  set  forth  time  and  again  by  orators  and  statesmen. 
They  have  become  a  part  of  the  very  air  we  breathe.  Even 
the  motto  on  our  coins  is  suggestive  —  "  In  God  We  Trust." 
Liberty,  civil  and  religious;  equaUty  of  rights  and  op- 
portunity, regardless  of  race,  color,  or  creed;  unity,  that 
*'  E  Pluribus  Unum  "  may  not  be  an  idle  boast  —  these  at 
least  we  cherish  deeply. 

The  Declaration  of  Independence  was  the  first  document 
to  set  forth  in  definite  form  the  theories  of  American 
democracy : 

"  We  hold  these  truths  to  be  self-evident,  that  all  men  are 
created  equal,  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator  with 
certain  unalienable  Rights,  that  among  these  are  Life,  Liberty  and 
the  pursuit  of  Happiness.  That  to  secure  these  rights.  Govern- 
ments are  instituted  among  Men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from 
the  consent  of  the  governed." 

In  the  preamble  of  the  Constitution  are  summarized  our 
aspirations  for  a  workable  government  and  the  ends  we  seek 
to  attain  through  its  establishment : 

**  We,  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a  more 
perfect  Union,  establish  Justice,  insure  domestic  Tranquillity, 
provide  for  the  common  defense,  promote  the  general  Welfare, 
and  secure  the  blessings  of  Liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  Posterity, 
do  ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the  United  States 
of  America." 

Men  such  as  Webster  and  Lincoln  and  Wilson  have  pre- 
sented these  ideals  in  phrases  that  will  never  die ;  the  careers 


Foundations  11 

of  our  noblest  statesmen  have  exemplified  them ;  our  fore- 
fathers —  yes,  our  brothers  too  —  have  sacrificed  and  died 
for  them.  Surely  they  are  worth  our  sincerest  service  and 
loyalty.^ 

7.  American  Ideals.  —  Of  all  the  ideals  we  have  preached, 
we  have  talked  more,  perhaps,  about  liberty  than  about  any 
of  the  rest.  *'  Give  me  Hberty,  or  give  me  death,"  cried 
Patrick  Henry.  Washington  said  that  ''  Love  of  liberty 
needs  no  recommendations,  because  it  is  in  the  hearts 
of  all."  Lincoln  spoke  of  this  nation  as  "  conceived  in 
liberty." 

But  what  is  this  liberty  for  which  men  have  been  willing 
to  sacrifice  and  die?  We  may  call  it  the  right  to  do  as  one's 
desires  and  conscience  tell  him,  without  arbitrary  control 
from  any  source,  so  long  as  he  does  not  interfere  with  the 
equal  rights  of  another.  We  must  carefully  distinguish 
it  from  license.  Doing  as  we  please  without  restraint  may 
make  another's  liberty  impossible. 

There  are  several  kinds  of  liberty.  The  most  simple  kind 
is  personal  liberty,  that  is,  freedom  as  contrasted  with 
slavery  —  freedom  of  thought,  word,  and  action.  National 
liberty  is  independence  —  freedom  from  oppression  or  ty- 
rannical control.  Civil  liberty  is  the  right  to  be  free  from 
interference  by  the  government  with  one's  private  conduct, 
as  long  as  that  conduct  does  not  menace  other  people.     Polit- 

*  Wm.  Tyler  Page  summarized  these  ideals  and  utterances  in  his  "Amer- 
ican's Creed,"  which  has  a  place  in  the  schoolroom  of  today,  though  a 
stickler  for  technical  accuracy  may  not  always  be  satisfied  with  certain  of 
its  expressions : 

*'I  believe  in  the  United  States  of  America  as  a  government  by  the  people, 
of  the  people,  and  for  the  people ;  whose  just  powers  are  derived  from  the 
consent  of  the  governed ;  a  democracy  in  a  republic ;  a  sovereign  nation 
of  many  sovereign  states;  a  perfect  union,  .one  and  inseparable,  established 
upon  those  principles  of  freedom,  equality,  justice,  and  humanity  for  which 
American  patriots  sacrificed  their  lives  and  fortunes. 

"I  therefore  believe  it  is  my  duty  to  my  country  to  love  it ;  to  support  its 
constitution  ;  to  obey  its  laws ;  to  respect  its  flag  ;  and  to  defend  it  against 
all  enemies." 


12  Problems  of  American  Democracy 


ical  liberty  is  the  right  to  have  a  share  and  interest  in  one^s 
government.  Rehgious  liberty  is  the  right  to  worship  God 
as  one  pleases. 

Illustrate  by  events  in  our  history  the  struggle  for  the  various 
forms  of  liberty.  Is  it  true  that  "  if  man  could  live  separate  from 
all  his  kind,  his  freedom  would  be  perfect  "? 

Another  ideal  of  which  we  boast  is  equality.  In  some 
respects  all  men  are  not  "  created  equal."  A  person's  her- 
itage of  ability,  intelli- 
gence, health,  and  wealth 
is  never  quite  the  same 
as  his  neighbor's.  In  our 
personal  characteristics, 
we  are  distinctly  not 
equal,  and  nothing  can 
make  us  so.  What,  then, 
do  we  mean  by  this 
"equality"?  Just  this 
—  that  before  the  law, 
as  before  God,  all  men 
stand  on  the  same  plane; 
and  that  every  man  de- 
serves a  square  deal  — 
an  equal  opportunity 
with  every  other  man  to 
make  the  most  of  the 
talents  which  he  pos- 
sesses.    "America  is  an- 


^■■Wjj^ll 

SaBHr  %        ■ 

^3^^^  ^^^M 

M^^hIhI 

w  ^^^H^^H 

1  ^^^^H^^B 

CopyrigJU,  Underwood  &  Underwood. 
Marshal  Foch  and  the  Liberty  Bell. 

The  Liberty  Bell  in  Independence  Hall, 
Philadelphia,  is  a  symbol  of  one  of 
America's  highest  ideals.  The  great 
Marshal  of  the  Allies  seems  to  feel  for  it 
the  same  reverence  that  good  Americans 
do. 


other  name  for  Opportunity,"  said  Emerson. 

What  kind  of  existence  would  it  be  if  every  one's  talents,  tastes, 
and  ability  were  the  same  as  every  other's?  Would  you  like  to 
live  in  such  a  community  ?    ' 

"  The  pursuit  of  Happiness,"  according  to  the  Declara- 
tion of  Independence,  is  another  one  of  our  "  unalienable 
Rights."     Is  there  anything  significant  in  the  use  of  the 


Foundations  13 

phrase,  "the  pursuit  of  Happiness,"  rather  than  ''happi- 
ness "  itself?  And  what  is  happiness?  Every  man  has  his 
desire  for  happiness  —  but  not  all  ideals  of  happiness  are  the 
same.  To  one  person  it  may  spell  power ;  to  another,  social 
position;  to  a  third,  wealth;  to  still  others,  health,  work, 
or  leisure.  That  each  may  be  able  to  strive  in  any  right 
way  for  his  kind  of  happiness  is  not  an  unreasonable  ideal. 

Can  a  criminal  be  really  happy?  An  old  lady  declared  that  in 
Heaven  she  was  "  going  to  do  nothing  forever  and  forever."  What 
is  your  opinion  of  her  ideal  of  happiness?  Would  it  suit  you? 
W^hen  are  you  happiest?  How  does  it  affect  you  if  others  are 
not  happy?  Is  there  any  difference  between  contentment  and 
happiness?  May  a  discontented  person  be  happy?  Is  discon- 
tent desirable  from  any  viewpoint  ? 

We  have  heard  much,  too,  about  democracy.  The  Eng- 
lishman Gladstone  was  not  sure  whether  it  was  a  good  or 
an  evil,  but  he  was  convinced  that  all  the  nations  were 
headed  in  that  direction.  Now  what  is  this  condition  to 
which  the  world  is  coming?  Perhaps  it  would  be  correct 
to  say  that  democracy  is  self-government.  Or,  it  is,  as 
Lincoln  put  it,  "  a  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people^ 
and  for  the  people."  Right  here  occurs  to  us  another  famous 
phrase  from  the  immortal  Declaration  —  that  governments 
derive  ''  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed."  This  means  that  the  powers  which  govern- 
ment exercises  are  given  to  it  by  the  people  over  whom  it 
exercises  authority.  Of  course  it  is  not  likely  that  every 
person  in  a  country  will  agree  as  to  its  government,  but 
the  wishes  of  the  greater  body  of  citizens  are  carried  out. 
To  find  out  what  the  majority  of  the  people  want,  and  then 
to  do  it,  is  the  theory  of  democracy. 

Does  democracy  depend  upon  the  spirit  of  the  people  or  the  form 
of  their  government?  To  what  extent  does  each  of  these  ideals 
depend  upon  the  other? 

8.  Attaining  Our  Ideals.  —  It  is  fine  to  have  ideals,  and 
still  finer  to  strive  to  reach  them,  for  they  will  not  come  to 


14  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

reality  merely  through  being  born  in  our  minds.  We  can  ob- 
tain them  only  by  estabhshing  those  conditions  which  make 
it  possible  for  them  to  live.  People  have  always  sought  to 
attain  their  ideals  through  cooperation  with  others  who 
were  seeking  the  same  ideals.  The  ideal  might  be  crude 
and  elemental,  perhaps  no  more  than  self-preservation; 
but,  whatever  it  was,  instinct  urged  them  to  live  with  and 
work  among  other  people  in  attaining  it,  and  necessity  forced 
them  to  do  so.  Cooperation  today  means  even  more  than 
it  did  to  our  primitive  ancestors.  Our  community  life  is 
very  complex.  One  individual  or  family  could  not  provide  for 
even  its  own  needs  and  desires  in  any  important  respect.  This 
is  an  age  of  specialization :  the  smallest  pin  is  a  whole  ser- 
mon on  modern  division  of  labor  and  cooperation.  The 
very  organization  of  our  country  is  based  on  the  theory 
of  cooperation. 

How  many  people  helped  provide  the  handkerchief  that  was 
given  you  for  a  Christmas  present?  the  book  you  are  now  read- 
ing? Without  cooperation  would  handkerchiefs  and  books  be 
possible?     Are  there    any   disadvantages  in  cooperative    living? 

Cooperation,  free,  fair,  and  full,  we  must  therefore  con- 
clude is  an  absolute  necessity  to  the  attainment  of  our  ideals. 
It  may  mean  working  with  others  in  earning  our  daily  liv- 
ing; it  may  mean  obeying  the  laws  which  the  majority  be- 
lieve to  be  desirable ;  it  may  mean  seeking  the  good  of  all, 
rather  than  living  for  ourselves  alone.  We  must  have  it  in 
as  many  forms  as  possible. 

But  how  are  we  going  to  cooperate  effectively  unless  we 
know  the  thing  that  is  best  to  do?  Intelligence  is  a  requi- 
site for  liberty.  The  ignorant  cannot  appreciate  its  true 
meaning.  An  intelligent  person  sees  the  need  of  certain 
restrictions  upon  absolute  liberty  and  is  more  apt  to  realize 
his  duty  as  a  citizen  and  his  responsibility  for  his  neighbor's 
liberty. 

Intelligence  is  necessary,  too,  for  equality.     Broader  sym- 


Foundations  15 

pathy  and  understanding  give  the  capacity  of  placing  one's 
self  in  the  other  fellow's  place  —  which  is  really  the  essence 
of  the  square  deal.  People  can  be  happy  without  being 
intelligent.  ''  Ignorance  is  bliss  "  —  yes,  sometimes,  but 
not  bliss  as  we  would  have  it.  The  ignorant  cannot  appre- 
ciate and  enjoy  things  that  give  fineness  and  quality  to 
life.  If  we  are  to  have  an  ideal  democracy  we  must  have 
universal  intelligence.  Ignorant  people  are  unworthy  of 
the  responsibility  of  governing  a  great  nation. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  misinformed  are  especially  anxious  to 
lead  the  uninformed,  and  that  the  uninformed  seem  particularly 
willing  to  follow  their  leadership.  Do  you  think  this  is  true?  If 
so,  why?  George  Washington,  Abraham  Lincoln,  Theodore  Roose- 
velt, and  Woodrow  Wilson  were  intelligent  men.  Did  their  in- 
telligence come  from  the  same  kind  of  source?  Is  there  any- 
thing which  an  ignorant  person  can  do  as  well  as  an  intelligent 
person?  What  problems  in  the  life  of  your  community  plainly 
can  be  solved  only  by  intelligent  people?  Show  how  intelligence 
or  the  lack  of  it  has  affected  the  history  of  our  own  and  other 
nations. 

But  we  need  something  more  than  knowing  how  to  do 
things.  We  need  that  attitude  toward  life  which  leads 
people  to  do  the  things  that  are  fair,  honest,  and  elevating. 
In  a  word,  we  need  morality.  It  may  be  the  negative 
kind  which  consists  of  avoiding  acts  that  are  harmful,  or 
the  positive  kind  which  impels  us  to  do  things  that  will  di- 
rectly benefit  our  fellow  men.  Morality  affects  liberty  and 
equality  in  very  much  the  same  way  that  intelligence  does  ; 
for,  boiled  down  to  its  essence,  liberty  entails  the  common 
practice  of  the  Golden  Rule.  And  when  it  comes  down  to 
righteousness,  honesty,  and  truth,  every  man  can  equal 
his  brother.  Happiness  which  is  based  on  a  broad  or  true 
understanding  of  noble  aims,  cannot  possibly  be  attained 
unless  morals  are  pure  and  fine.  Wliat  shall  it  profit  a 
man  if  he  goes  through  life  with  a  stunted  code  of  morals  — 
"  to  gain  the  whole  world  and  lose  his  own  soul  "? 


16  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Morality  is  therefore  an  essential  to  successful  democ- 
racy. A  good  people  can  make  a  government  good,  but 
it  is  only  by  the  rarest  sort  of  accident  that  a  bad  people 
have  a  good  government.  Morality  makes  fine  men,  and 
only  fine  men  can  govern  a  great  nation  as  we  would  have 
ours  governed. 

How  can  we  as  individuals  promote  the  morality  of  our  country  ? 
How  can  we  combine  with  others  in  doing  this?  Is  moraUty 
mainly  a  matter  of  environment  ? 

Prosperity  also  helps  wonderfully  in  attaining  ideals. 
By  prosperity  we  mean  a  state  of  general  well-being  and 
progress.  The  work  of  a  prosperous  nation  runs  smoothly  ; 
its  atmosphere  is  peaceful.  "  Reds  "  and  trouble-makers 
of  all  kinds  have  influence  chiefly  when  people  are  not  pros- 
perous. Prosperous  people  are  more  Hkely  to  be  law-abid- 
ing, making  necessary  reforms  through  the  orderly  pro- 
cesses offered  by  a  stable,  honest  government.  Material 
comfort  has  a  tremendous  amount  to  do  with  the  attitude 
of  all  of  us  toward  life.  If  we  have  a  reasonable  supply  of 
it,  we  can  enjoy  much  more  freely  "  the  blessings  of  lib- 
erty " ;  we  shall  have  little  reason  to  complain  of  not  get- 
ting a  square  deal ;  without  doubt  most  of  us  will  be  rea- 
sonably happy;  and  we  will  more  cheerfully  play  our  part 
in  this  great  democracy. 

To  what  extent  would  it  affect  the  life  of  each  of  the  following 
if  he  felt  sure  of  a  comfortable  hving:  a  farmer,  a  steel-worker, 
a  teacher,  a  street-car  motorman,  a  minister,  a  day-laborer,  a  gro- 
cer? Do  you  know  of  any  instances  when  prosperity  has  ruined 
a  man  or  a  country?     Is  it  easy  to  be  good  when  one  is  well  off? 

Point  out  how  each  of  these  four  conditions  of  progress  helps 
to  make  the  others  possible. 

9.  Our  Tasks. — Cooperation,  intelligence,  morality,  and 
prosperity  are  so  closely  related  that  no  definite  line  can 
be  drawn  to  show  where  the  ihfluence  of  one  on  national 
progress  stops  or  that  of  another  begins.  These  forces  for 
progress  in  their  mutual  relations  are  the  essentials  of  a 


Foundations  17 

democracy  such  as  we  would  have  our  own  become.  Our 
ideal  democracy  is  yet  to  be  —  and  only  further  promo- 
tion of  these  forces  will  bring  it  about. 

The  instant  we  use  the  word  ''problem  "  in  connection 
with  our  country,  we  suggest  that  there  are  some  things 
that  have  not  been  done  as  they  should  be  done.  We  have 
not  made  the  full  use  of  the  talents  that  have  been  intrusted 
to  us  as  a  nation.  We  have  perhaps  as  nearly  attained 
liberty  as  any  of  our  ideals.  Yet  our  liberty  is  too  often 
mistaken  for  license.  Selfishness  is  the  basic  element  under- 
lying the  motive  of  too  many  people.  We  need  to  exert  our- 
selves to  consider  our  neighbors'  rights  and  to  help  them 
to  respect  ours,  with  earnest  stress  upon  the  fact  that  our 
ideal  of  liberty  is  to  be  a  real,  ever  present  force,  making 
for  the  higher  and  happier  living  of  everybody. 

Our  ideal  of  equality  is  a  beautiful  aspiration,  but  —  ! 
The  rich  man  looks  down  upon  the  poor  man,  who  in  turn 
is  jealous  of  the  former's  means  and  influence.  Bribery 
or  political  favoritism  brings  the  wealthy  man  immunity 
or  light  punishment  in  court  and  makes  the  poor  man  bitter 
and  unpatriotic.  The  black  man  and  the  white  man  are 
not  on  an  equal  footing.  The  foreigner  from  Europe  is 
looked  at  askance  if  his  diction  is  imperfect  and  excluded 
from  "  society."  Probably  social  equality  between  races 
would  do  more  harm  than  good,  but  we  may  at  least  have 
equality  before  the  law,  not  only  technically  but  in  fact. 
And  we  have  not  reached  the  stage  where  every  person  has 
an  equal  opportunity  to  earn  a  decent  Hving. 

Our  governments  protect  life  and  property  only  mod- 
erately well,  for  more  crimes  are  committed  here  in  pro- 
portion to  population  than  in  any  other  advanced  nation, 
and  there  are  more  accidents  and  losses  by  fire.  Are  we  go- 
ing to  admit  that  we  cannot  make  our  people  as  safe  as  other 
countries  make  theirs?  Doubtless  we  can  never  expect 
to  be  happy  all  the  time,  but  it  surely  is  possible  to  make 
many  of  our  people  happy  and  prosperous  to  a  much  greater 


18  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

degree  than  they  are.  And  many  seek  the  wrong  kind  of 
happiness.  We  have  today  an  unprecedented  amount  of 
money  here,  but  the  social  unrest  is  alarming,  and  we  can- 
not boast  of  universal  happiness  and  prosperity. 

"And  is  thy  soul  in  health? 
A  nobler  people,  hearts  more  wisely  brave, 
And  thoughts  that  lift  men  up  and  make  them  free  — 
These  are  prosperity  and  vital  wealth." 

Perhaps  we  need  not  discuss  here  our  failure  to  attain 
ideal  democracy,  for  we  speak  of  this  later.  Democracy 
has  its  disadvantages  as  well  as  its  advantages,  and  we  have 
not  yet  overcome  all  of  the  disadvantages.  We  have  ac- 
complished much,  but  there  is  still  much  to  do.  Our  prob- 
lems and  those  of  other  nations  have  much  in  common. 
We  must  work  with  them  for  humanity's  good. 

We  have,  then,  these  tremendous  undertakings  to  at- 
tempt : 

Making  America  intelligent ; 

Elevating  the  standards  of  American  life ; 

Making  America  prosperous ; 

Making  our  democratic  government  efficient ;  and 

Establishing  right  relations  with  other  countries. 

And  all  through  these  efforts  must  be  developed  more  and 
more  the  spirit  of  cooperation.  Individuals  must  cooperate. 
Social  and  business  organizations  must  cooperate.  Com- 
munities must  cooperate.     Nations  must  cooperate. 

In  our  study  we  may  not  always  be  able  to  do  much  more 
than  discover  the  fact  that  certain  problems  exist  and  learn 
some  of  the  reasons  why  they  exist.  Their  solution  may 
be  a  matter  even  of  generations  to  come.  But  let  us  study 
them  with  the  faith  that  a  solution  is  possible  and  that  we 
can  help  to  begin  or  to  carry  on  the  process.  Let  us  not 
forget  that  our  nation  is  still  young,  that  it  has  as  a  guide 
the  history  of  all  civilization,  that  it  can  profit  by  thou- 
sands of  years  of  world  striving.     If  we  have  come  so  far 


Foundations  19 

in  so  short  a  time,  who  can  say  what  are  the  limits  of 
our  achievements?  It  is  the  privileged  duty  of  every  youth- 
ful citizen  of  the  United  States  to  "  dedicate  himself  to  the 
great  task  remaining  before  us." 

Make  a  list  of  ten  matters  in  which  the  United  States  is  distinctly 
notable  among  the  nations  of  the  world.  In  how  many  cases  is 
our  eminence  due  to  our  natural  resources  and  advantages,  and 
in  how  many  cases  to  the  way  in  which  our  people  have  made  use 
of  our  natural  gifts?  If  other  nations  have  failed  to  attain  the 
same  prominence  in  this  respect,  is  the  failure  due  to  the  lack  of 
opportunity,  or  to  personal  weakness  in  their  people  ? 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 

The  Physical  Divisions  of  the  United  States. 

Industrial  Sections  of  Our  Country. 

Our  Mineral  Resources. 

The  Progress  of  Equality  in  the  United  States. 

Famous  Spokesmen  of  American  Ideals. 

Cooperation  in  the  Life  of  Our  Community. 

How  Cooperation  Makes  the  United  States  of  America  Possible. 

Cooperation  as  a  World  Ideal. 

World  Empires  That  Have  Fallen. 

The  Relation  of  Prosperity  and  MoraUty. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Brigham  —  Commercial  Geography,  Chapter  7. 

Bogart  —  Economic  History  of  the  United  States,  Chapter  1. 

Burch  —  American  Economic  Life,  Chapter  9. 

Towne  —  Social  Problems,  Chapters  1,  2. 

Kaye  —  Readings  in  Civil  Government,  pages  1-30,  392-397. 

Tufts  — The  Real  Business  of  Living,  Chapters  2-9,   11,   13,   14, 

37,  39,  40. 
Beard  —  American  Government,  Chapter  4. 
Ross  —  What  is  America  ?  Chapter  10. 
Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  29,  30,  84,  85,  100, 

103,  113. 
Cleveland  and  Schafer  —  Democracy  and  Reconstruction,  pages 

25-68. 
Rowe  —  Society,  Chapter  40. 


£0  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Blackmar  and  Gillin  —  Outlines  of  Sociology,  Part  II,  Chapter  2; 

Part  IV,  Chapters  2,  5,  6. 
Hayes  —  Introduction  to  Sociology,  Chapter  3. 
Gettell  —  Introduction  to  Political  Science,  Chapters  3,  4. 
Hart  —  Actual  Government,  Chapter  1. 
Ha  worth  —  America  in  Ferment,  Chapter  2. 
Haskin  —  American  Government,  Chapter  13. 
Gillette  — Constructive  Rural  Sociology,  Chapters  2,  3,  5. 
Bryce  —  Modern  Democracies,  Chapters  3-7. 


MAKING  AMERICA  INTELLIGENT 

The  foundation  of  the  state  is  the  education  of  its  youth." 

—  DiONYSIUS. 


Logically,  the  first  problem  of  a  nation  is  to  make  itself  intelli- 
gent, since  people  cannot  be  expected  to  do  what  is  best  unless 
they  can  recognize  the  things  that  are  right  and  wise.  Education, 
it  has  been  said,  is  both  the  cause  and  the  result  of  democracy. 
This  business  of  education  is  our  own  big  "  job  "  right  now.  But 
what  is  education?  How  much  do  we  need  it?  By  what  agen- 
cies is  it  provided  ? 

I.  PROVIDING  EDUCATION  THROUGH  PUBLIC 
SUPPORT 

10.  What  Is  Education?  —  Before  we  talk  about  edu- 
cation let  us  decide  what  the  term  means.  Intelligence 
and  education  are  not  just  the  same.  Intelligence  is  the 
ability  to  meet  a  situation.  We  may  make  an  equation : 
intelligence  =  knowledge + common  sense.  Education  is  the 
cultivation  of  the  qualities  and  talents  which  a  person  pos- 
sesses. It  implies  both  acquiring  facts  and  learning  how 
to  apply  them. 

Is  it  proper  to  call  a  dog  or  a  horse  "  inteUigent  "or  **  educated  "  ? 

Our  idea  of  education  as  an  enforcement  of  the  powers 
of  body  and  mind  by  training  and  discipline  was  first  set 
forth  by  the  Greeks,  who  were  thoroughly  impressed  with 
its  importance.  During  the  Middle  Ages,  the  Church  was 
the  seat  of  all  learning.  The  clergy  and  monks  were  the 
teachers,  and  to  the  church  or  monastery  all  those  who 
wished  learning  found  their  way.  In  fact,  if  a  man  could 
read  and  write,  it  was  almost  sure  proof  that  he  was 
a  "  clerk, ''  or  clergyman.    But  education  in  past  ages  was 

21 


22  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

reserved  mainly  for  the  aristocrats,  the  wealthy,  and  the 
reUgious  leaders;  the  masses,  a  large  proportion  of  whom 
were  slaves  in  ancient  times,  and  downtrodden  serfs  in  the 
medieval  period,  were  kept  in  ignorance.  Now  we  main- 
tain that  education  must  be  afforded  to  "  all  the  children 
of  all  the  people/' 

Yet  it  does  not  follow  that  eve*ry  one  should  try  to  be 
educated  along  the  same  lines.  Smith  might  be  a  misfit 
in  college.  Jones  may  need  the  special  training  required 
by  a  successful  doctor,  lawyer,  teacher,  minister,  or  engi- 
neer. A  broad  and  solid  foundation  is  essential  to  the  suc- 
cess of  every  citizen.  He  is  an  educated  man  who  can  act 
intelligently  in  relation  to  the  problems  upon  which  every 
citizen  may  have  to  pass  judgment,  and  to  those  which 
arise  in  doing  that  kind  of  work  in  life  which  the  Creator 
called  him  to  perform. 

Are  there  any  occupations  in  which  a  high  school  education  is 
of  no  use?  any  in  which  it  would  be  harmful?  Does  everybody 
need  to  know  how  to  spell  correctly?  to  perform  ordinary  op- 
erations in  arithmetic?  to  understand  such  problems  as  we  are 
studying  in  this  course? 

What  reasons  do  you  have  for  attending  school?  If  you  are 
attending  school  because  some  one  else  has  commanded  you  to 
come,  what  good  does  that  person  or  authority  think  will  be  served 
by  requiring  your  attendance  ? 

11.  How  Much  Is  It  Needed  ?  —  One  way  to  measure 
the  need  of  education  is  in  terms  of  illiteracy.  The  Census 
Bureau  classes  as  illiterate  those  over  ten  years  of  age  who  can- 
not write  any  language,  taking  it  for  granted  that  those  who 
can  write  can  read.  The  figures  of  che  1920  census  are  star- 
tling. Six  per  cent  (4,900,000)  of  our  people  over  ten  years 
old  were  illiterate!  This  proportion  varied  in  different 
parts  of  our  country  and  among  the  various  classes  of  people, 
from  1.1  per  cent  in  Iowa  to  21.9  per  cent  in  Louisiana. 
Montana,  Idaho,  Wyoming,  Utah,  and  Washington  had 
only  .3  of  1  per  cent  illiterate  among  the  native  whites.     The 


Making  America  Intelligent  23 

bad  record  of  some  states  is  due  either  to  a  large  negro  pop- 
ulation, as  in  Mississippi  and  South  Carolina,  where  over 
50  per  cent  of  the  people  are  black,  or  to  an  almost  equally- 
ignorant  ''  poor  white  "  element.  Other  sections  owe  their 
illiteracy  to  aliens.  Arizona  and  New  Mexico,  as  well  as 
larger  states  in  the  East,  suffer  on  this  account. 

Nearly  one-fourth  of  the  draftees  in  the  Great  War  could 
not  read  a  newspaper  intelligently  or  write  a  respectable  let- 


. 

EXPLAMATION  - 

1    I 

BELOW    Z  PfRCENT 

lllilll 

Z     TO    A    PEP  CENT 

A    TO    7    PERCENT 

7    TO   10   PERCENT 

I////I 

to    TO   IS  PERCENT 

OVER    15    PER  CENT 

Illiterates  in  the  States. 

In  reckoning  illiterates  the  Census  Bureau  does  not  count  those  under 
ten  years  of  age.  Compare  this  map  with  the  maps  on  pages  129  and  141, 
and  see  if  you  can  discover  any  explanation  for  the  extent  of  illiteracy. 

ter  home.  Over  2,000,000  voters  are  illiterate,  many  more 
than  enough  to  swing  any  presidential  election  except  that 
of  1920  —  and  they  cannot  even  read  the  ballots !  By 
contrast,  none  to  our  credit,  England  has  an  illiteracy  per- 
centage of  1.8  and  Germany  of  one-half  of  one  per  centf 
True,  our  1920  census  showed  an  evident  improvement  al- 
most everywhere,  but  our  record  is  still  distressing. 


24  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Is  there  any  reason  why  your  community  should  be  better  or 
worse  than  the  average  in  this  respect?  Compare  it  with  others 
you  know  of.  How  many  people  of  your  acquaintance  are  illiter- 
ate? Why,  in  each  case?  Does  one  have  a  right  to  be  ignorant  if 
he  wishes?  Who  are  worse,  the  ignorant  or  the  prejudiced?  Can 
the  prejudiced  be  educated? 

Another  measure  of  our  need  is  the  effect  of  ignorance 
upon  a  nation.  Under  an  absolute  monarchy  or  an  oli- 
garchical government  the  citizens  are  less  troublesome  if 
they  do  not  know  too  much.  But  in  a  democracy  the  dan- 
gerous ones  are  those  who  do  not  know  or  who  only  half 
know.  They  are  the  ones  who  can  be  led  astray  by  false 
and  foolish  notions.  One  voter  out  of  every  twelve  in  the 
United  States  cannot  read  or  write.  Their  votes  count 
as  much  as  yours  and  mine  ever  will.  Our  democracy  is 
not  safe  —  no  democracy  could  be  —  while  such  conditions 
prevail.  The  most  elemental  of  all  motives  —  self-preserva- 
tion —  urges  us  to  make  them  better. 

Will  an  intelligent  democracy  make  mistakes  ? 

A  third  measure  of  our  need  of  education  is  its  benefit  to 
us.  The  culture  motive  for  learning  is  the  oldest.  It  is 
the  purpose  which  animates  most  of  those  people  who  love 
music,  art,  and  literature  for  their  own  sakes.  Next,  by 
contrast,  comes  the  commercial  motive  of  education,  often 
made  to  appear  the  most  important.  Every  day  spent  in 
school  may  be  a  stepping  stone  to  financial  success.  The 
average  income  of  the  college  graduate  is  considerably  greater 
than  that  of  the  high  school  graduate ;  and  the  high  school 
graduate  averages  very  much  higher  in  earning  power  than 
those  who  never  go  to  high  school  —  and  this  without  ref- 
erence to  the  stenographers,  bookkeepers,  machinists, 
and  others  whom  a  course  in  high  school  has  trained  directly 
for  earning  a  living.  Besides,  the  social  motive  —  that 
education  should  make  one  a  useful  citizen  —  is  a  reason 
for  cultivating  it,  not  only  as  an  incidental  result  of  the 
process  but  as  an  end  in  itself.     This  is  one  of  the  finest 


Making  America  Intelligent  25 

things  education  can  do.  It  then  appears  to  be  something 
more  than  an  expensive  toy  or  a  source  of  bread  and 
butter. 

What  types  of  pupils  in  school  are  likely  to  be  influenced  by 
each  of  these  three  motives?  May  more  than  one  motive  inspire 
a  person?  Do  the  cultural  and  the  commercial  motives  contra- 
dict each  other?  How  may  each  of  these  two  motives  contribute 
toward  social  ends? 

This  much  is  sure ;  we  need  education  so  much  that  we 
must  see  to  it  that  everybody  has  a  fair  chance  at  it,  even 
if  we  must  force  it  on  him.  The  dry  things  we  call  statis- 
tics show  that  Americans  by  the  milUons  do  not  have  any- 
where nearly  enough  of  it.  The  first  great  problem  for  us 
to  study  is,  therefore,  how  education  may  be  provided 
through  public  support. 

To  what  extent  do  the  following  indicate  community  intelligence 
or  the  lack  of  it :  bank  clearings,  savings  accounts,  insurance  policies, 
retail  sales,  retail  collections,  church  attendance,  home  ownership, 
house  furnishings,  recreation,  crime? 

12.  Why  We  Need  Public  Schools.  —  If  private  schools 
were  the  only  means  of  securing  an  education  of  any  sort, 
we  could  wish  in  vain  for  an  intelligent  America.  Thou- 
sands upon  thousands  of  people  must  either  be  educated 
at  public  expense  or  remain  in  ignorance.  Many  families 
could  not  afford  to  educate  their  children  properly,  and  others 
would  not.  Very  likely  churches  and  private  charities 
would  supply  some  of  the  needs  of  education,  but  not  many 
of  our  religious  denominations  can  support  school  systems 
of  their  own.  Equality  of  educational  opportunity  could 
not  be  obtained  or  even  approached  without  the  public 
school. 

Repeatedly  we  have  emphasized  the  importance  of  ed- 
ucation in  democracy.  Particularly  in  a  nation  like  ours 
into  which  so  many  elements  have  come  from  lands  where 
no  one  cared  to  have  the  masses  educated,  the  state  must 
for  its  own  safety  see  that  the  opportunity  is  afforded  for 


26  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

instruction  in  American  ideals.  The  public  schools  make 
possible  the  preaching  of  these  ideals  and  the  setting  up 
of  a  unity  of  purpose  among  the  inhabitants  of  our  land 
that  could  be  secured  in  no  other  way. 

Moreover,  in  practicing  democracy  itself  the  public  school 
renders  incalculable  service.  It  is  a  great  leveler.  Rich 
and  poor  meet  here  on  an  equal  basis.  Pupils  lose  in  a  large 
measure  their  intolerance  of  races  and  beliefs  different  from 
their  own.  The  public  schools  are  a  living  force  for  de- 
mocracy. Race,  color,  or  creed  does  not  bar  entrance  or 
prevent  progress.  Perhaps  some  distinctions  can  never 
wholly  be  erased  anywhere,  but  if  class  and  caste  are  ever 
forgotten  it  is  in  the  public  schools. 

If  you  had  to  attend  a  private  school,  how  far  along  in  your 
school  course  do  you  think  you  would  go?  Does  money  make  any 
difference  to  a  pupil  in  the  public  school?  What  kinds  of  people 
would  probably  provide  for  their  children's  education  if  there  were 
no  pubhc  schools  ? 

13.  The  Legal  Basis  for  Public  Schools.  —  It  is  perhaps 
a  sign  of  the  general  soundness  of  our  American  public  sen- 
timent that  our  great  public  school  system  is  the  outgrowth 
of  the  public's  realization  of  their  own  needs  and  that  it  was 
not  forced  on  them  originally  by  any  monarch  or  wise  oli- 
garchy. Wonderful  document  though  our  National  Constitu- 
tion is,  not  a  word  does  it  say  about  education,  and  no  national 
system  of  public  instruction  can  therefore  be  established 
without  amending  it.  The  work  of  education  is  left  en- 
tirely to  the  individual  states.  The  national  government 
does,  however,  carry  on  education  in  the  territories,  pos- 
sessions, and  the  District  of  Columbia,  under  the  power 
given  to  it  by  the  Constitution  to  govern  these  places,  and 
no  one  can  gainsay  its  right  to  give  the  states  all  the  advice 
it  wishes. 

The  Constitution  does  not  even  say  that  the  states  shall 
establish  a  system  of  public  instruction.     But  the  tenth 


Making  America  Intelligent  27 

amendment  declared  that  "  all  powers  not  delegated  to  the 
United  States  nor  prohibited  to  the  states  are  reserved  to 
the  states  respectively  or  to  the  people."  The  authority  for 
establishing  schools  is  therefore  one  of  the  numerous  powers 
*'  reserved  to  the  states."  It  is  everywhere  recognized 
as  distinctly  a  state  function. 

Almost  every  state  constitution  makes  some  provision 
for  education,  and  some  states  have  organized  a  thorough 
system  on  a  state- wide  basis.  A  great  many  of  the  states  — 
all  of  them,  at  first  —  saw  fit  to  pass  the  proposition  still 
further  along,  and  simply  authorize  their  counties,  cities,  or 
townships,  to  establish  schools.  Now,  however,  the  tendency 
is  in  the  opposite  direction,  and  all  self-respecting  states 
not  only  authorize  but  command  the  various  local  commu- 
nities to  set  up  schools  of  a  certain  standard. 

14.  National  Systems  for  Education.  —  In  most  foreign 
countries  education  is  more  centralized  than  here  and  is 
one  of  the  responsibilities  of  the  national  government.  In 
France,  Germany,  and  in  England,  a  minister  of  Public 
Instruction  or  a  Secretary  of  Education  is  a  member  of  the 
national  cabinet.  France  and  Prussia  have  been  the  classic 
examples  of  thoroughly  planned  educational  systems,  with 
systematic  courses  from  the  kindergarten  to  the  university. 

The  English  educational  system  is  like  our  own  in  not 
having  shown  until  recently  any  signs  of  being  a  system. 
Until  1870  most  of  the  schools  were  carried  on  by  the  Church 
of  England,  or  by  other  private  agencies.  The  great 
**  public  "  schools  such  as  Rugby  and  Eton  were  not  public 
in  our  sense  of  the  word,  but  much  like  such  private  acad- 
emies as  Phillips  Andover  or  Exeter.  Even  after  the  law 
of  1870,  the  government  continued  to  pay  extensive  sums 
to  support  the  church  schools,  but  *'  board  "  schools  are 
now  general.  These  are  so  called  because  they  are  operated 
at  public  expense  by  boards  of  education.  Be  it  said  to 
her  great  credit,  England  has  done  more  than  perhaps  any 


28 


Problems  of  American  Democracy 


other  nation  in  the  last  few  years  to  make  her  schools  better, 
in  spite  of  the  fearful  expenses  of  the  Great  War. 

Germany  has  contributed  greatly  to  music,  science,  literature, 
and  the  like.  Does  this  justify  her  public  school  policy?  Which 
policy  do  you  consider  more  desirable,  the  centralized  system  of 
national  administration  or  the  American  policy  of  state  control? 
In  the  respects  in  which  our  policy  differs  from  that  of  other  nations, 
would  it  be  well  to  modify  ours  at  all? 

Although,  as  we  have  said,  our  national  government  has 
no  authority  over  education  except  in  the  District  of  Co- 


CopyrigM,  Detroit  Publishing  Co. 
The  National  Military  Academy  at  West  Point. 

This  academy  was  founded  in  1801.  It  offers  its  students  a  thorough 
course  in  many  subjects,  as  well  as  training  them  to  become  officers  in  the 
Regular  Army.  Most  appointments  to  the  academy  are  now  made  after 
competitive  examinations  held  under  the  direction  of  congressmen,  who 
have  the  right  to  select  most  of  the  appointees. 

lumbia,  the  territories,  and  the  possessions,  it  does  a  great 
deal  to  help  the  states,  and  freely  exercises  its  privilege  of 
advice.  There  is  in  the  national  Department  of  the  In- 
terior a  Bureau  of  Education,  with  a  Commissioner  of  Edu- 


Making  America  Intelligent  29 

cation  at  its  head.  The  Bureau  collects  and  publishes 
statistics  on  matters  relating  to  schools  in  every  part  of 
the  country.  These  figures  show  the  states  and  local  com- 
munities just  where  they  stand  in  the  matter  of  education, 
and  often  stimulate  movements  for  betterment.  Bulletins 
of  the  Bureau  also  give  advice  on  the  organization  of  schools, 
the  subjects  which  should  be  taught,  and  the  best  methods 
of  teaching  them. 

The  national  government  also  helps  the  states  financially. 
It  began  the  policy  very  early,  by  setting  apart  public  land 
to  be  used  for  the  benefit  of  education.  For  many  years 
it  has  aided  in  the  support  of  agricultural  colleges.  In 
1917  the  Smith-Hughes  bill  was  passed,  appropriating  a  cer- 
tain amount  of  money  to  be  distributed  among  the  states  to 
promote  vocational  and  industrial  education,  provided  that 
each  state  appropriated  an  equal  amount  for  the  same  pur- 
pose. A  still  more  recent  proposition  is  that  Congress  shall 
give  to  the  states  $100,000,000  a  year,  to  be  used  in  several 
specified  ways  for  educational  improvement,  provided  the 
states  shall  spend  an  equivalent  amount  of  money  for  these 
purposes.  This  bill  also  proposes  a  Department  of  Educa- 
tion with  a  Secretary  of  Education  at  its  head,  who  shall  be 
on  equal  footing  with  the  other  Cabinet  Officers.  It  has, 
however,  met  with  considerable  opposition,  especially  from 
certain  private  schools. 

Do  you  see  any  objections  to  the  measure  just  mentioned  (now 
often  called  the  Sterling-Towner  bill)?  Would  the  establishment 
of  the  office  of  Secretary  of  Education  be  of  any  real  service  to 
the  cause  of  education  ? 

15.  School  Systems  of  the  States.  —  There  are  almost 
as  many  types  of  school  systems  in  this  country  as  there  are 
states,  for  each  state  has  its  own  distinct  educational  history, 
and  has  patterned  its  school  system  after  other  states  only 
as  much  or  as  little  as  it  wished.  Every  state  has  some 
sort  of  state  board  of  education  and  an  official  known  as 


80  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

a  superintendent  of  education,  a  superintendent  of  public 
instruction,  or  a  commissioner  of  education.  In  New  York 
State  the  control  of  education  is  in  the  hands  of  a  group 
of  men  known  as  the  Regents  of  the  University  of  the 
State  of  New  York. 

These  state  officials  are  chosen  in  various  ways.  In  New 
York  the  regents  are  chosen  by  the  state  legislature.  In 
some  states  certain  state  officers  constitute  ex  officio  a  state 
board  of  education.  Another  idea  is  to  have  a  state  board 
made  up  wholly  or  partly  of  people  who  are  already  con- 
nected with  education  in  some  way.  Still  another  type  of 
state  board  of  education  is  composed  of  intelligent  citizens 
who  take  an  interest  in  education,  but  are  not  necessarily 
school  people. 

Which  type  of  state  board  would  be  likely  to  be  of  the  greatest 
service  ? 

Educational  experts  usually  recommend  that  the  state 
superintendent  should  be  appointed  by  the  state  board  or 
perhaps  by  the  governor,  but  in  only  one-third  of  the  states 
is  this  officer  so  selected.  The  rest  of  the  states  have  their 
chief  educational  officials  elected  by  popular  vote  like  the 
rest  of  the  state  officers.  The  danger  here  is  very  plain 
that  politics  rather  than  merit  may  sometimes  determine 
who  shall  hold  these  important  positions. 

In  the  various  states  the  powers  of  the  state  board  or 
chief  administrative  officer  of  education  are  very  diverse. 
Often  the  state  board  is  simply  an  advisory  council,  which 
may  make  recommendations  but  has  little  authority  to 
put  them  into  effect.  It  very  likely  may  also  have  certain 
duties  in  distributing  the  state's  appropriations  for  education 
and  in  gathering  reports.  By  contrast,  we  have  systems 
such  as  that  of  New  York,  in  which  state  the  Commissioner 
of  Education  and  other  officials  who  are  appointed  by  the 
Regents  have  a  very  close  oversight  of  the  educational 
system  of  the  entire  state.     They  provide  uniform  exami- 


Making  America  Intelligent  31 

nations  for  admission  to  many  professions.  In  some  states 
textbooks  are  adopted  by  state  officials  for  the  entire  state. 
There  is  a  general  tendency,  too,  to  bring  the  issuing  of 
certificates  to  teachers  under  closer  supervision  by  the 
state.     Normal  schools  also  are  usually  under  state  control. 

What  custom  prevails  in  your  state  in  regard  to  the  selection 
of  your  state  educational  officers  and  to  the  powers  which  they 
possess  ?  Do  you  think  it  would  be  well  for  other  states  to  pattern 
their  system  after  that  of  New  York?  What  do  you  think  of  the 
idea  of  having  the  same  textbook  in  all  the  schools  of  a  state? 
Is  there  any  advantage  in  having  the  states  control  the  granting 
of  teachers'  certificates? 

No  matter  how  much  authority  a  state  government  may 
desire  to  exercise,  it  is  very  evident  that  the  actual  man- 
agement of  schools  must  be  in  the  hands  of  local  officers. 
Three  or  four  types  of  local  administration  have  been  in 
vogue  in  this  country.  The  earliest  idea  was  the  district 
school.  Each  school  building  under  this  arrangement  be- 
came the  center  of  a  district  and  each  district  had  its  own 
board  of  school  trustees  or  directors.  If  the  directors  or 
people  of  a  district  were  stingy,  not  enough  money  would 
be  provided  to  maintain  good  schools,  and  sometimes  the 
people  of  a  certain  neighborhood  might  not  be  wealthy 
enough  to  have  as  good  schools  as  they  would  like.  As  a 
result,  different  communities  in  the  county  or  even  in  the 
same  township  might  not  offer  anything  like  uniform  op- 
portunities for  their  children.  In  states  where  high  edu- 
cational ideals  prevailed,  the  district  system  after  a  time 
•disappeared.     Yet  a  number  of  our  states  still  have  it. 

The  next  step  in  advance  is  to  have  the  schools  adminis- 
tered on  the  basis  of  the  town  or  township  rather  than  the 
local  school  district.  The  whole  town  then  elects  the  school 
directors  or  trustees.  Uniformity  within  the  township 
is  much  more  fikely  with  this  method  than  with  the  district 
system,  but  there  may  still  be  great  differences  between  one 
township  and  its  neighbor.     To  make  the  county  the  unit 


32  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

of  supervision  brings  about  greater  breadth  of  vision  in 
administration  and  has  some  advantages  in  equahzing  school 
opportunities  in  the  different  sections  of  the  same  county. 
In  the  Southern  states  the  county  is  the  natural  basis  of 
administration  for  the  schools  the  same  as  it  is  for  every- 
thing else.  In  Maryland,  for  example,  the  governor  appoints 
a  board  of  education  in  each  county. 

Usually  the  school  directors  or  trustees  are  entirely 
responsible  before  the  law  for  the  management  of  the 
schools  of  their  district.  Formally  at  least,  they  elect  the 
teachers,  fix  the  amount  of  school  taxes,  provide  for 
putting  up  and  repairing  school  buildings,  adopt  textbooks, 
and  within  the  limits  permitted  by  the  state  laws  determine 
the  length  of  the  school  term.  In  some  states  the  directors 
are  permitted  to  decide  whether  the  pupil  should  be  furnished 
supplies  and  textbooks  free,  but  in  other  states  they  are 
required  to  furnish  them.  The  custom  of  furnishing  text- 
books and  supplies  is  relatively  recent  and  is  by  no  means 
universal  yet. 

In  districts  which  are  thickly  populated  or  in  which  sev- 
eral schools  have  been  established  the  board  usually  elect 
a  superintendent.  In  many  good  school  systems  they  make 
him  responsible  for  almost  the  entire  administration  of  the 
schools,  and  follow  his  advice  in  electing  teachers,  adopting 
textbooks,  and  in  most  other  matters.  In  some  states 
where  the  town  or  township  is  the  unit  of  school  admin- 
istration, two  or  three  towns  combine  and  elect  a  dis- 
trict superintendent.  In  New  York  and  other  states 
separate  districts  often  unite  for  the  purpose  of  main- 
taining a  high  school  that  will  be  able  to  do  good  work. 
In  the  states  where  the  county  system  prevails  there  must 
be  a  county  superintendent.  Several  states  which  have 
the  township  system  of  administration  also  find  use  for  a 
county  superintendent. 

School  administration  in  large  cities  may  be  a  particularly 
troublesome  problem.     The  crowding  of  people  in  certain  dis- 


Making  America  Intelligent  33 

tricts,  the  ignorance  in  one  part  of  the  city  of  the  needs  of 
other  parts,  the  corruption  which  sometimes  disgraces  city 
governments,  and  the  mixtm-e  of  pohtics  with  school  manage- 
ment, are  some  of  the  evils  which  often  exist.  In  the  hope  of 
getting  better  people  on  school  boards  (usually  called  boards 
of  education),  in  several  cities  the  board  is  chosen  by  the 
mayor  or  county  judges  or  in  some  other  way  rather  than 
by  popular  vote.  The  best  results  are  usually  obtained 
when  the  administration  of  the  schools  is  entirely  distinct 
from  any  other  branch  of  city  administration. 

Make  a  chart  or  diagram  of  the  educational  system  of  your  state. 
Do  you  think  it  could  be  improved?  Would  there  be  any  ob- 
jection to  appointing  a  school  board  and  giving  them  unhmited 
power  to  levy  taxes?  What  kinds  of  people  are  likely  to  make 
the  best  directors?  Discuss  the  advantages  and  disadvantages 
of  free  textbooks.  In  a  state  which  has  county  superintendents 
of  schools,  how  would  you  have  them  chosen? 

The  most  important  feature  in  any  school  system  is  the 
teacher.  Next  to  that  of  their  parents,  we  may  safely  say 
the  teacher  exerts  the  greatest  influence  on  most  children's 
hves.  Expensive  buildings  and  abundant  equipment  are 
almost  wasted  unless  the  right  persons  direct  their  use. 
Teachers  are  elected  by  the  board  of  education  or  school 
directors.  In  the  best  school  systems  teachers  are  nomi- 
nated by  the  superintendent  or  similar  officer,  and  election 
by  the  board  is  simply  a  necessary  formality. 

The  qualifications  demanded  of  teachers  vary  widely, 
but  the  standards  for  admission  to  the  profession  are  in 
general  higher  than  ever  before.  States  usually  provide 
for  different  grades  of  teachers'  certificates.  The  teacher 
in  the  grade  schools  should  have  at  the  very  least  a  normal 
school  education.  A  college  education  should  be  no  hand- 
icap for  teaching  any  grade,  and  for  a  good  high  school 
teacher  is  a  necessity.  But  it  should  be  understood  that 
high  standards  and  good  salaries  for  teachers  go  hand  in 
hand.     Most  men  and  women  who  enter  the  teaching  field 


34  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

do  so  for  love  of  the  work  and  too  often  have  had  to 
subsist  on  not  much  more  than  that.  The  best  reward  the 
good  teacher  has  is  the  satisfaction  of  doing  a  noble  task 


The  Hamilton  School,  Everett,  Mass. 

This  is  a  grammar  school  building  of  a  modern  type.  It  was  not  built 
for  show  and  no  space  goes  to  waste ;  but  how  light  and  pleasant  it  must  be 
inside ! 


well,  but  it  is  a  disgrace  to  any  community  if  it  does  not 
recognize  such  a  service  in  a  decent  and  visible  form. 

Ask  your  parents  or  other  older  members  of  your  family  if  they 
remember  particularly  any  one  teacher  who  had  a  special  influence 
on  their  lives.  If  they  do,  what  is  the  reason  for  remembering 
him  or  her?  What  qualities  do  you  think  are  most  desirable  in 
a  teacher?  (If  you  discuss  this  question,  it  ^dll  be  best  to  avoid 
mentioning  teachers  in  your  own  school.)  Are  there  any  other 
people  outside  of  your  own  family  who  have  notably  influenced 
your  own  life?  Is  there  any  other  reason  than  a  teacher's  per- 
sonality for  the  dislike  which  children  sometimes  exhibit  for  the 
teacher  ? 

What  requirements  does  your  state  demand  when  teachers'  cer- 


Making  America  Intelligent  35 

tificates  are  granted?  Are  there  any  regulations  or  customs  in 
your  city  or  state  concerning  the  tenure  of  office  of  teachers  ?  What 
would  you  think  of  a  regulation  that  would  provide  life  tenure  for 
a  teacher  after  he  had  served  ten  years  in  a  community?  Would 
it  be  well  to  elect  a  teacher  for  "good  behavior,"  as  federal  judges 
are  chosen? 

16.  School  Terms  and  Attendance.  —  The  lack  of  uni- 
formity among  the  states  in  school  matters  appears  in  the 
length  of  the  school  terms  and  the  ages  for  required  attend- 
ance. These  frequently  vary  even  within  the  same  state. 
Some  small  communities  cannot,  or  think  they  cannot, 
afford  to  keep  their  schools  open  as  long  as  the  larger  towns 
and  cities.  In  most  of  the  large  cities  and  in  many  smaller 
communities  which  have  good  schools,  the  school  term  is 
ten  months  of  twenty  school  days  each.  New  York  de- 
mands this  of  every  district  in  the  state.  Smaller  districts 
in  most  states  keep  the  schools  open  only  nine,  eight,  or 
seven  months,  and  in  the  South,  where  the  states  have  been 
lax  in  educational  matters,  some  localities  have  maintained 
schools  only  three  or  five  months  in  the  entire  year. 

It  has  been  proposed  that  the  year  be  divided  into  four  sections 
of  three  months  each,  the  pupil  being  required  to  attend  only  nine 
months  of  the  twelve.  Would  this  be  an  advantage?  If  so,  to 
whom?  What  conditions  would  be  necessary  to  make  it  work 
successfully  ?  Is  it  possible  for  schools  with  less  than  a  ten  months' 
term  to  do  first-class  work?  Why  do  most  private  schools  have 
a  shorter  term? 

Keeping  the  schools  open  will  not  of  itself  assure  an  in- 
telligent America.  Some  people  always  have  to  be  forced 
to  do  even  what  is  good  for  them.  So  in  the  majority  of 
the  states,  the  children  are  required  to  attend  school  for 
at  least  eight  years.  Some  of  the  various  age  requirements 
are  from  six  to  fourteen,  seven  to  fifteen,  eight  to  sixteen, 
and  even  from  six  to  eighteen  in  Utah  and  Idaho.  A  child 
may  leave  school  before  he  has  reached  the  proper  age  pro- 
vided his  family  needs  his  earnings,  but  often  he  is  required 
to  attend  a  "  continuation  "  school  once  or  twice  a  week. 


36  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

But  attendance  laws  are  very  hard  to  enforce.  How  often  must 
a  pupil  go  to  be  considered  in  attendance  ?  Ilow  can  we  find  those 
who  are  not  going,  and  check  up  the  private  schools?  It  is  plain 
we  need  a  careful  school  census  and  faithful  truant  officers. 

Statistics  show  that  82  per  cent  of  the  children  of  the  United 
States  between  the  ages  of  10  and  14  are  attending  school, 
the  total  enrollment  in  1918  being  22,710,383.  About 
2,000,000  pupils  are  in  the  high  schools.  From  every  1000 
people  199  are  attending  elementary  schools,  19  attending 
high  schools  and  4  attending  college.  About  85  per  cent 
of  the  eighth  grade  graduates  go  on  to  high  school,  but  only 
39  per  cent  of  these  finish  the  course. 

To  our  shame  it  was  found  that  the  average  education 
of  our  soldiers  in  the  Great  War  was  no  higher  than  the 
sixth  grade.  To  encourage  pupils  to  stay  in  school  as  long 
as  possible  by  helping  them  to  overcome  financial  difficul- 
ties and  bad  health  as  well  as  other  temptations,  is  surely 
a  primary  duty  of  every  community.  For  our  own  sake 
and  the  sake  of  those  who  do  not  see  these  things  in  the  right 
light  we  cannot  afford  to  let  these  advantages  be  gleaned 
only  by  those  who  do  so  willingly. 

How  do  your  state  and  community  handle  this  matter?  Are 
your  attendance  laws  well  enforced?  What  would  you  regard 
as  sufficient  reasons  for  leaving  school  before  finishing  high  school  ? 
If  a  pupil  is  offered  a  "  job  "  before  finishing,  what  questions  would 
you  ask  him  to  consider  before  taking  it  ? 

17.  How  the  Schools  Are  Supported.  —  Few  things  worth 
having  are  free.  Schools  are  no  exception.  The  main- 
tenance of  them  is  often  the  biggest  single  item  in  the  prop- 
erty holder's  local  tax  bill.  Indeed,  this  frequently  ought 
to  be  the  case.  Nothing  else  that  the  community  imder- 
takes  can  compare  with  it  in  importance  unless  it  be  the 
protection  of  life  and  health. 

Nearly  $1,000,000,000  are  yearly  spent  on  education  in 
this  country.  The  greatest  part  of  this  sum  is  obtained 
by  local  taxation,    placed    mainly    on    real    estate.     In 


Making  America  Intelligent 


37 


many  respects  this  is  the  fairest  way  because  people  who 
pay  for  the  schools  are  directly  benefited  by  them.  At  the 
same  time  it  is  a  matter  of  concern  to  the  entire  state  that 
all  of  its  people  should  be  educated,  and  it  is  both  just  and 
wise  for  a  state  to  assist  its  needy  districts  to  keep  up  schools 

* '// r/  gwJ  scope  alike  to  the  skill  of  the  hands,  the  genius  qf  the  mind  and  the  dream  of  the  heart. ' 


Schoors  Share  in  Nation's  Wealth 

OAKLAND  SGHOOLS  USE  LESS  THAN  TWO-FIFTHS  OF  THE  TAXES 


This  nation  spends  annually  on  our 

Public  Elementary  School  Education. 


$  762.259.154 


Each  year  the  nation  spends  on  face 

Lotions  and  "beautifying"  Cosmetics . 


750.000.000 


Normal  Schools  training  teachers  in  the 

United  States  of  America  cost  yearly. 


20,414.689 


The  bill  paid  with  jolly  alacrity  for 

Chewing  Gum  in  this  broad  land. 


50.000.000 


Higher  Education  totals  yearly  in  the 
(  Institutions  of  Learning  in  America. . 


137.055.415 


Sundaes,  sodas  and  Drinking  Fountain 

Delights  cost  annually  and  gleefully. 


350.000.000 


All  Departments  of  Education  in  the 

Whole  Nation  cost  annually  less  than. 


1.000.000,000 


Joy  Rides  and  Pleasure  Resorts  present  a 
Yearly  Bill  totaling  the  goodly  sum 


of  3.000,000. 000 


#  In  the  year  1920  to  1921  in  California 

Crime  cost  this  sunny,  golden  State. 


55.73036 


In  1920  to  1921  School  Education 

In  California  cost  its  citizens  only. 


47.455.957 


City  and  County  Taxes 

Levied  for  All  Purposes. 


5.12 


Oakland  Schools  use  from 

City  and  County  Taxes  only. 


1.84 


How  One  City  Appealed  for  Public  Support  for  Its  Schools. 
The  facts  given  in  this  appeal  are  worth  careful  consideration. 


of  a  high  standard.     Many  states  appropriate  large  sums 
each  year  out  of  the  state  treasury. 

In  many  of  the  Western  states,  and  in  some  in  the  East, 
special  funds  have  been  set  aside,  the  income  from  which  is 
used  for  school  support.     Some  of  these  are  based  on  the  in- 


38  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

come  from  land  which  Congress  gave  to  them  many  years 
ago.  When  the  "township"  in  the  Western  states  was 
laid  out,  it  was  understood,  in  accordance  with  Congres- 
sional enactments,  that  one  "section,"  and  later  two 
"  sections,"  were  to  be  reserved  for  the  support  of  schools. 
Some  state  constitutions  command  the  legislature  to  appro- 
priate certain  sums  yearly  for  schools.  In  addition  funds 
obtained  from  dog  licenses,  automobile  licenses,  and  even 
liquor  licenses,  together  with  fines  and  fees  of  various 
sorts,  help  out  the  school  income  in  several  states.  Legis- 
latures often  do  more  than  they  are  constitutionally  re- 
quired to,  though  we  have  had  as  yet  no  complaint  of  a 
legislature's  being  too  generous. 

One  point  on-  which  the  policies  of  communities  differ  is 
whether  to  levy  the  school  tax  as  a  part  of  the  general  com- 
munity tax  or  to  give  the  local  school  board  power  to  levy 
a  separate  tax.  Where  the  school  tax  is  part  of  the  general 
tax  levy,  it  usually  does  not  fare  so  well  as  by  the  other 
method.  A  city  council  may  feel  that  there  is  more  polit- 
ical advantage  gained  from  spending  money  on  highways, 
parks,  or  some  other  projects.  People  who  consider  them- 
selves experts  on  good  school  administration  almost  in- 
variably favor  a  separate  tax,  though  sometimes  they  do 
not  object  to  having  a  liberal  maximum  fixed  beyond  which 
the  school  board  must  not  go. 

The  man  who  grumbles  because  he  must  pay  taxes  to 
maintain  schools  where  he  has  no  children  attending  is  so 
stingy  as  to  deserve  pity.  When  we  consider  what  the  public 
school  means  to  thousands  of  individuals  and  to  the  nation 
as  a  whole,  we  may  consider  helping  to  support  it  an  act 
of  common  courtesy  to  which  a  citizen  is  as  much  committed 
as  he  is  to  support  the  police  or  fire  departments  or  help 
care  for  the  streets.  In  its  lowest  aspect,  maintaining  the 
schools  is  simply  self-protection  for  a  community,  and 
miserly  selfishness  toward  it  should  meet  universal  disap- 
proval.    At   a   high    school    commencement    exercise    the 


Making  America  Intelligent  39 

speaker  said,  in  part :  ''  Ladies  and  gentlemen,  for  years 
you  have  been  making  a  great  investment  in  our  public 
school  system.  Tonight,  as  superintendent  of  the  local 
schools,  I  have  the  honor  and  privilege  of  declaring  to  you," 
pointing  to  the  class,  "  yom*  dividend." 

Which  should  receive  more  of  the  state's  appropriation,  the  small 
or  the  large  community?  What  would  you  think  of  a  tax  on  nat- 
ural resources,  such  as  coal,  gas,  and  the  like,  as  a  means  of  getting 
money  for  school  purposes?  Is  there  any  objection  to  using  the 
income  from  liquor  licenses  to  help  support  schools  ? 

18.  Grades  and  Classes  of  Schools.  —  Originally  the  peo- 
ple thought  of  establishing  a  school  only  for  the  purpose 
of  teaching  the  absolutely  necessary  elements  of  learning. 
Now  we  have  added  the  kindergarten  as  a  kind  of  entrance 
to  the  elementary  grades,  and  consider  these  eight  elemen- 
tary grades  as  a  means  of  access  to  the  "  secondary  "  edu- 
cation of  the  high  school.  Out  of  the  doors  of  the  high 
school  the  great  majority  pass  directly  to  their  first  positions 
in  the  world's  workshop,  but  the  smaller  number  of  the 
'^  elect  "  wish  to  be  able  to  proceed  just  as  easily  to  the 
college  and  the  university.  Our  attempts  to  make  this 
movement  from  the  kindergarten  through  to  the  univer- 
sity easy,  gradual,  and  consistent  are  what  we  call  "  grad- 
ing "  the  schools. 

Graduation  from  the  grade  school  was  once  considered 
a  grand  finishing  point.  There  was  such  a  great  gap  be- 
tween the  elementary  and  the  high  school  that  thousands 
never  tried  to  cross  it.  To  remedy  this  evil  the  junior  high 
school  has  been  organized,  combining  the  seventh,  eighth,  and 
ninth  grades  into  a  separate  group.  The  junior  high  school 
does  not  undertake  to  cover  these  grades  in  a  shorter  time,  but 
aims  to  do  away  with  needless  reviews  of  the  work  of  earlier 
grades,  and  to  give  the  pupil  a  start  in  advanced  subjects 
such  as  foreign  languages,  algebra,  social  studies,  vocational 
instruction,  and  the  like.  The  junior  high  school  idea  has 
come  to  stay  and  will  undoubtedly  make  steady  progress. 


40 


Problems  of  American  Democracy 


Where  the  three  grades  mentioned  constitute  a  school  by 
themselves,  the  resulting  arrangement  is  sometimes  called 
the  6-3-3  plan.  When  the  grades  from  seven  to  twelve  are  in 
one  school,  it  is  the  6-6  plan,  as  compared  with  the  8-4  plan, 
which  has  been  so  very  common. 

The   American  high   school   is   tremendously  important 
in  the  nation's  life.     Boys  and  girls  of  high  school  age  are 


A  Center  op  Learning. 

The  High  and  Latin  School,  Cambridge,  Massachusetts.  This  is  one  of 
our  older  high  schools,  but  its  location  so  close  to  the  library,  shown  at  the 
left  of  the  picture,  is  admirable. 


old  enough  to  begin  to  understand  the  needs  of  themselves 
and  of  society,  and  young  and  ambitious  enough  to  want  to 
improve  conditions.  When  we  consider  that  to  perhaps 
three-fourths  of  the  high  school  pupils  graduation  day  does 
not  mean  the  "  commencement  '^  of  further  study,  but  of 
an  active  life  career,  we  must  conclude  that  the  high  school 
has  a  tremendous  responsibility  in  directing  their  energy 
wisely. 


Making  America  Intelligent  41 

Many  believe' that  every  state  ought  to  maintain  a  state 
university.  In  most  of  the  states  of  the  West  a  pupil,  if 
he  so  desires,  may  go  from  the  high  school  to  the  university 
as  naturally  as  from  grade  to  high  school.  Only  a  high  school 
diploma  is  required  for  entrance.  No  tuition  is  charged  to  resi- 
dents of  the  state ;  those  who  come  from  other  states  pay  a  rea- 
sonable fee.  The  West  possesses  the  most  complete  public 
school  systems  in  the  country;  perhaps  the  East  would  be 
benefited  by  adopting  some  western  methods. 

The  agricultural  college  is  a  special  type  of  public  educa- 
tional institution  and  is  found  in  the  East  as  well  as  in  the 
West.  It  is  frequently  a  branch  of  the  state  college  or  uni- 
versity. These  colleges  are  often  called  "  land  grant " 
colleges  because  the  national  government  has  given  them 
land  for  use  in  their  support. 

Would  free  university  education  make  it  too  easy  for  the 
*'  slacker  "  to  procure  an  education?  Would  it  raise  or  lower 
private  school  standards  ? 

It  was  once  a  common  charge  that  our  schools  were  con- 
ducted like  prisons  through  which  the  pupils  marched  in 
^'  lock-step,"  and  if  for  any  reason  a  pupil  could  not  keep 
step  he  was  thrown  out  without  mercy.  If  that  charge 
was  ever  true,  it  is  no  longer  so  in  any  good  school  system. 
To  give  proper  education  to  pupils  who  are  not  in  their  nor- 
mal or  ordinary  standing,  special  schools  and  classes  in  great 
variety  have  been  estabUshed. 

There  are  vacation  schools,  or  "  summer "  schools,  in 
w^hich  pupils  may  make  up  back  work  or  take  up  advance 
studies.  There  are  open-air  schools  for  pupils  who  are  in- 
clined to  be  consumptive,  and  schools  for  crippled  and  de- 
fective children.  Special  classes  in  the  regular  school  are 
often  formed  for  the  benefit  of  the  "  retarded  "  pupil,  who 
for  some  reason  is  two  years  or  more  behind  the  grade  which 
the  majority  of  pupils  of  his  age  have  reached.  He  can 
make  more  progress  if  he  studies  in  a  special  class  with  a 
teacher  who  can  see  that  he  gets  such  particular  instruction 


42  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

as  will  do  him  the  most  good.  Sometimes,  also,  "  gifted  '' 
children  —  those  with  more  than  average  mental  talents  — 
are  put  in  separate  classes,  so  that  they  can  go  through 
the  regular  course  more  rapidly  than  the  general  schedule 
would  permit. 

Another  type  of  special  school  is  the  evening  school. 
Subjects  of  an  elementary  nature,  such  as  arithmetic  and 
the  teaching  of  English  and  citizenship  to  foreigners,  are 
offered  here,  and  sometimes  nigh  school  courses  as  well. 
Besides  these,  there  are  industrial  and  special  trade  schools 
where  thorough  training  for  certain  trades  is  afforded,  such 
as  those  of  carpenter,  electrician,  or  mechanic.  Frequently 
such  schools  are  managed  in  direct  cooperation  with  the 
industries  of  the  community. 

Only  the  large  cities  can  afford  all  these  special  schools 
and  classes,  but  a  person  who  has  the  advantage  of  living 
there  has  no  excuse  for  not  being  educated  up  to  the  full 
extent  of  his  powers.  The  small  school  with  a  capable 
teacher,  whether  it  be  in  the  village  or  the  rural  neighbor- 
hood, may,  however,  offer  just  as  much  opportunity  for 
individual  training  —  indeed,  much  more  than  the  city 
school  whose  classes  average  forty  or  more  members.  What 
the  small  school  may  lack  in  equipment  and  varied  courses 
may  be  well  made  up  by  the  personal  relations  and  indi- 
vidual interest  possible  between  teacher  and  pupil. 

Are  there  any  special  schools  in  your  community?  If  so,  how 
are  they  maintained ;  to  what  purpose ; .  how  much  good  do  they 
do?  Is  it  wise  to  give  a  pupil  the  impression  that  he  is  unusually 
bright  or  unusually  dull  ?  Are  pupils  ever  harmed  by  being  forced 
ahead  in  their  studies?  At  what  age  ought  a  pupil  of  ordinary 
intelligence  to  graduate  from  the  high  school? 

19.  What  Shall  We  Teach?  —  One  of  the  greatest  ques- 
tions that  confronts  the  people  who  plan  and  direct  a  public 
school  system  is.  What  shall  be  included  in  the  curriculum? 
So  far  as  the  public  university  is  concerned,  the  question 
needs  little  discussion.     The  university  is  supposed  to  pre- 


Making  America  Intelligent  43 

sent  almost  every  subject  that  is  demanded  by  the  student. 
But  in  the  elementary  and  high  schools  the  question  must 
be  solved  by  those  in  authority,  because  such  responsibility 
cannot  be  shifted  upon  the  shoulders  of  boys  and  girls. 

The  primary  object  of  the  elementary  or  grade  school 
must  be  to  teach  at  least  the  three  R's  —  readin',  'ritin', 
and  'rithmetic.  History,  geography,  spelling,  and  com- 
position must  also  find  a  place.  Most  people  agree  as  to 
the  necessity  of  teaching  these  subjects.  What  has  been 
the  compelling  motive  of  introducing  such  "  side-lines  '^ 
as  art,  music,  cooking,  sewing,  and  manual  training  into 
the  grade  school?  Merely  an  attempt  to  broaden  the  child's 
mind  and  to  open  the  channels  of  possible  interest  which 
otherwise  might  have  remained  unknown.  By  the  time 
they  have  reached  the  high  school  age,  Johnnie  and  Mary 
may  know  what  they  like  and  dislike,  but  as  a  rule  they  do 
not  know  what  will  do  them  the  most  good.  Educators  have 
attempted  to  handle  this  proposition  by  requiring  subjects 
which  they  from  experience  know  to  be  most  profitable, 
and  permitting  the  pupil  to  elect  according  to  his  likes  or 
dislikes  from  numerous  other  subjects. 

Should  a  commercial  student  take  only  commercial  subjects? 
Is  there  any  cultural  value  in  typewriting  and  shorthand?  What 
is  culture  anyway?  What  particular  values  are  offered  by  the 
various  subjects  usually  available  in  the  high  school? 

But  how  many  things  should  be  required  of  high  school 
pupils  ?  The  high  school  has  been  called  the  people's  college, 
and  for  the  majority  of  them  the  completion  of  its  course 
means  the  end  of  formal  education.  The  ambitious  or  for- 
tunate pupils  who  go  on  to  college  ought  to  be  provided  for, 
but  surely  it  is  not  fair  to  the  larger,  less  favored  group  not 
to  fit  them  to  do  anything  else. 

Unfortunately,  pupils  often  do  not  know  what  trade  or 
profession  they  are  going  to  take  up,  and  will  wander  about 
taking  a  great  variety  of  studies  and  generally  following 


44 


Problems  of  American  Democracy 


the  line  of  least  resistance,  picking  out  the  "  soft  "  courses 
or  taking  the  same  things  that  their  chums  take.  By  all 
means  a  pupil  ought,  when  he  is  selecting  his  subjects,  to 
consider  his  probable  vocation,  ability,  interest,  and  the 
need  of  an  all-round  development.  Time  is  too  valuable 
to  be  wasted  !     Make  everything  count ! 

Not  all  that  the  schools  can  teach  is  learned  from  text- 
books.    Many  kinds  of  activities  help  to  connect  the  school 


Learning  a  Trade. 

These  school  boys  take  great  pride  in  the  work  which  they  learn  to  do  on 
the  printing  press. 

with  the  life  of  the  community  and  of  the  world,  to  interest 
boys  and  girls  in  movements  of  general  uplift,  to  give  some 
play  to  personal  tastes  and  talents,  and  to  promote  respon- 
sibility. Capacity  for  organization,  initiative  in  action, 
and  general  good  fellowship  are  the  result  of  rightly  directed 
efforts  in  groups  at  school. 

Even  in  the  early  grades  many  such  projects  can  be  under- 
taken. Thrift  and  savings  clubs.  Junior  Red  Cross  work, 
school  gardens,  athletics,  and  Boy  and  Girl  Scout  organi- 


Making  America  Intelligent  45 

zations  promote  good  citizenship  and  make  for  all-round 
helpfulness.  In  the  high  school  all  those  activities  which 
the  grade  school  undertakes,  and  many  more,  are  found. 
Literary,  debating,  and  dramatic  societies,  a  school  paper, 
glee  clubs,  orchestras,  and  "  Friendship  "  clubs  encourage 
social  and  moral  improvement  and  contribute  to  the  general 
interest.  Class  organizations,  civic  associations,  and  sys- 
tems of  student  government  are  often  great  factors  in  teach- 
ing responsibility. 

And  so  the  school  of  today  is  no  longer  a  Uttle  cloistered 
world  where  study  and  recitation  are  the  only  features. 
True,  not  all  schools  can  have  all  these  organizations  and 
opportunities.  Small  schools  in  particular  must  avoid  lay- 
ing too  much  stress  on  such  matters;  for,  after  all,  study 
and  class-work  are  the  things  for  which  the  school  is  really 
organized.  It  sometimes  seems  as  if  recitations  were  held 
merely  to  put  in  time  between  basket-ball  games.  But  in 
large  schools  where  the  various  activities  are  carried  on  by 
different  groups  of  people,  one  person  is  not  likely  to  be 
engaged  in  more  than  one  or  two  of  them,  and  the  danger 
of  overdoing  it  is  less. 

How  many  of  these  and  other  activities  are  carried  on  in  your 
school  ?  How  much  interest  do  the  students  take  in  them  ?  Are 
athletics  of  any  benefit  to  spectators?  Honestly,  which  activities 
are  of  the  greatest  value  to  your  school?  Are  any  of  them  over- 
done? 

20.  Problems  of  School  Management.  —  At  least  six 
elements  enter  into  the  success  of  a  school  system  —  its 
buildings  and  other  equipment,  its  teachers,  its  courses  of 
study,  its  general  administration,  its  revenues,  and  the  at- 
titude toward  it  of  pupils  and  parents.  Whether  it  be  New 
York,  Chicago,  or  Hartland  Four  Corners,  every  commu- 
nity which  has  schools  finds  that  these  matters  demand 
attention.  Naturally,  however,  the  big  city  and  the  rural 
district  see  them  from  very  different  angles. 


46  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  country  school  in  the  past  and  in  large  measure  in 
the  present  has  been  too  poorly  equipped,  too  small  to  accom- 
pUsh  much,  too  badly  directed  and  altogether  too  unim- 
portant. Many  people  have  a  tender  spot  in  their  hearts 
for  the  "  little  red  schoolhouse,"  but  as  a  factor  in  modem 
education  it  is  almost  ridiculous.  Frequently  the  country 
schoolhouse  consists  of  one  room,  wherein  perhaps  forty 
pupils  ranging  from  the  first  through  the  eighth  grade  are 
under  the  direction  of  one  teacher.  The  teacher  may  be 
no  more  than  a  high  school  graduate  —  many  have  not  that 
much  preparation  —  and  the  attendance  of  the  pupils  is 
very  irregular.  They  stay  away  on  the  slightest  pretext 
and  often  because  of  distance  or  discouragement  on  the 
part  of  their  parents. 

Under  such  conditions  it  is  a  wonder  if  anything  at  all  can 
be  accomplished.  Some  people  argue  that  our  greatest  men 
were  educated  in  country  schools  in  times  when  they  were 
worse  than  they  are  now.  These  people  forget  that  what 
the  country  school  failed  to  do,  such  men  did  themselves.  But 
unfortunately,  our  mountaineers  and  sturdy  country  youths 
are  not  aU  Abraham  Lincolns.  The  city  lad  with  his  fine 
buildings,  hbraries,  and  recreational  resources  seems  to  have 
too  many  advantages  educationally  over  his  country  cousin. 

Yet  not  everything  is  lovely  in  the  city  schools.  Build- 
ings may  have  been  located  and  erected  without  sufficient 
foresight  for  the  future  needs  of  a  rapidly  growing  com- 
munity. Pupils  then  may  have  to  go  into  undesirable 
neighborhoods  to  reach  their  school,  classes  may  average 
forty  or  fifty  pupils  to  a  teacher,  and  thousands  of  pupils 
may  be  put  on  half-time  schedules.  The  teacher's  per- 
sonal touch  can  have  little  effect  under  such  conditions, 
and  the  best  teacher  in  the  world  cannot  give  very  effective 
instruction.  Dirty  politics  and  favoritism  may  come  into 
city  schools  as  well  as  rural  districts.  There  are  many  more 
attractions  to  entice  pupils  away  from  school,  and  few  par- 
ents come  near  the  school  unless  the  principal  sends  for  them. 


Making  America  Intelligent 


47 


Since  a  rural  community  cannot  afford  many  expensive 
buildings,  one  remedy  is  the  consolidated  school.  This 
may  be  the  complete  or  township  type,  displacing  all  small 
schools  and  having  all  the  pupils  of  one  township  or  even 
two  townships  come  to  it  for  instruction,  or  it  may  be  the 
partial  type,  and  embrace  pupils  from  only  part  of  a  town- 
ship.    Whether  this  is  located  in  a  village  or  town  or  out 


Copyright,  Boston  Photo  News  Co. 
The  Little  Red  Schoolhouse. 

This  scene  at  Zoar,  Mass.,  might  be  duplicated  still  in  many  rural  com- 
munities. The  facilities  afforded  for  learning  in  such  a  place  are  better 
than  nothing,  but  that  is  about  all  we  can  say  for  them.  One  of  the  country 
roads  we  read  about  also  appears  in  the  picture  in  what  is  probably  its  best 
condition. 


in  the  country,  there  is  always  a  considerable  journey  for 
many  pupils  to  make  daily.  To  do  away  with  this  incon- 
venience wagons  or  omnibuses  take  the  pupils  to  and  from 
school.     Incidentally,  this  calls  for  good  roads. 

Capable  teachers  are  a  dire  need  of  the  rural  districts. 
The  larger  salaries  usually  paid  in  cities  and  towns  tend 


48  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

to  draw  the  ablest  teachers  there,  even  though  the  cost  of 
hving  is  greater.  Increased  salaries  for  rural  teachers  are 
an  instant  necessity.  A  recent  investigation  in  one  of  our 
states  showed  the  expense  per  child  in  city  schools  compared 
with  the  expense  in  rural  schools  to  be  in  the  proportion 
of  $33  to  S13.  If  the  agricultural  districts  of  a  state  are 
ignorant  and  backward,  the  whole  state  cannot  help  suffer- 
ing. Yet  because  of  the  lower  valuation  of  property  in  the 
country  than  in  the  city,  it  usually  takes  a  much  higher  tax 
rate  in  the  country  to  support  even  ordinary  schools.  The 
only  remedy  is  for  the  state  to  give  greater  aid  proportion- 
ately to  country  school  districts  than  to  the  city  districts, 
and  to  see  that  as  good  guidance  and  supervision  are  afforded 
country  teachers  as  in  the  best  city  schools. 

Most  of  the  needs  of  both  town  and  country  go  back  to 
one  thing  —  sufficient  funds.  Money  will  not  buy  the  per- 
sonal interest  that  a  good  teacher  should  take  in  his  pupils, 
and  it  will  not  make  the  pupils  anxious  to  learn.  But  money 
will  buy  books  and  supplies,  build  fine  school  buildings  and 
offer  some  inducement  for  capable  teachers  to  accept  posi- 
tions in  rural  schools.  Money  will  enable  the  city  district 
to  have  enough  teachers  so  that  classes  may  be  kept  down 
to|  twenty-five  or  thirty  pupils  instead  of  fifty  or  more,  and 
will  permit  its  pupils  to  enjoy  playgrounds  and  athletic 
fields.  Money  will  make  it  possible  to  carry  on  other  ac- 
tivities besides  the  actual  school  work  —  activities  that 
will  promote  the  interest  of  both  the  pupils  and  the  commu- 
nity in  the  school,  and  lead  to  such  cooperation  that  the 
interests  of  all  will  be  advanced.  That  every  country  child 
and  every  city  child  alike  may  have  the  best  education  that 
can  be  provided  is  the  only  ideal  with  which  any  state  or 
community  should  be  satisfied. 

Do  country  schools  need  as  long  a  term  as  city  schools?  Would 
a  $1500  salary  for  a  teacher  be  more  attractive  in  the  city  or  the 
country?  Where  would  first-class  school  buildings  be  most  appre- 
ciated? 


Making  America  Intelligent  49 

21.  Making  the  School  Most  Useful.  —  We  have  invested 
in  our  public  school  buildings  over  $2,000,000,000  and  we 
spend  almost  half  of  that  sum  each  year  operating  them.  Do 
we  get  the  proper  return  for  the  investment?  A  factory- 
manager  would  complain  loudly  about  business  conditions 
if  his  plant  could  run  only  five  days  a  week,  six  or  seven 
hours  a  day,  and  at  most  nine  or  ten  months  a  year.  Yet 
that  is  all  the  average  school  building  is  used. 

Superintendent  William  Wirt  of  Gary,  Indiana,  rendered 
a  great  service  in  showing  our  educators  the  possibilities 
of  the  **  platoon "  system  of  school  organization.  By 
properly  arranging  schools  and  courses  of  study  so  that 
the  school  playground,  gardens,  gymnasium,  auditorium, 
shops,  library,  and  the  like  are  used  by  one  set  of  pupils 
while  another  set  are  in  the  regular  classrooms,  almost  twice 
as  many  pupils  can  be  accommodated  in  one  school  plant 
as  under  the  common  method  of  administration.  Of  course 
this  plan  offers  no  way  out  unless  a  school  is  equipped  with 
these  desirable  accessories,  but  perhaps  it  will  help  some 
school  boards  to  discover  the  usefulness  of  what  they  might 
otherwise  call  mere  fads. 

Actually  enforcing  school  attendance  laws  instead  of 
simply  pretending  to  do  so,  and  keeping  an  accurate  school 
census,  will  also  help  to  make  the  school  serve  as  many  chil- 
dren as  possible.  The  parents  rather  than  the  children  are 
sometimes  the  ones  who  most  need  prodding  up.  Planning 
school  courses  so  that  they  will  afford  the  broadest  training 
for  life,  and  not  just  teach  subjects  for  facts  alone,  impor- 
tant though  these  may  be,  will  also  be  of  great  benefit. 
Sometimes  there  has  been  reason  to  complain  that  the  school 
and  actual  life  failed  to  link  together  in  any  proper  degree. 

But  should  the  school  buildings  be  for  the  use  of  the  chil- 
dren alone?  Congressman  M.  Clyde  Kelly,  who  believes 
that  such  an  idea  is  absurd,  calls  the  schoolhouse  the  "Com- 
munity Capitol.'^  He  says :  "  The  schoolhouse  is  the 
one  true  answer  to  the  demand  for  a  meeting  place,  where 


50  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

by  association  on  a  common  level,  the  sense  of  equality  may 
be  realized,  and  where  in  the  power  and  happiness  of  touching 
elbows,  Americans  may  banish  the  thousand  and  one  divisive 
lines  of  danger."  Open  the  school  buildings  in  the  evenings, 
on  Saturdays  and  Sundays,  and  during  the  vacations,  for 
such  purposes  as  lectures,  entertainments,  moving  pictures, 
gymnasium  work,  and  community  '' socials. "  Everywhere 
the  schoolhouse  could  be  made  a  community  center  for  all 
kinds  of  activities  for  neighborhood  betterment.  Voting 
should  be  done  there,  cooperative  enterprises  of  all  lands 
can  have  their  headquarters  there,  the  local  post  office  can 
be  stationed  there  —  in  fact,  few  of  us  have  reahzed  what 
the  schoolhouse,  the  property  of  the  whole  community,  can 
be  made  to  mean  to  everybody  in  the  community.  Particu- 
larly in  some  rural  districts  such  use  of  the  school  may  mean 
the  community's  social  salvation. 

Could  your  own  school  building  be  made  a  "  community  capitol "  ? 
Is  it  used  in  any  o£  the  ways  here  suggested? 

22.  Obstacles  for  the  Schools  to  Overcome.  —  The  effec- 
tiveness of  the  school  depends  upon  the  degree  of  success 
with  which  certain  obstacles  from  within  and  without  are 
overcome.  The  good  of  adequate  buildings,  textbooks, 
and  equipment  is  evident.  And  the  school  must  not  ignore 
the  health  of  its  pupils.  Fireproof  structures  with  suffi- 
cient provisions  for  light  and  heat,  proper  ventilation,  and 
comfortable  desks  are  essential.  School  nurses  and  doc- 
tors and  sensible  physical  examinations  may  mean  much 
to  the  welfare  of  pupil  and  school. 

One  great  obstacle  within  the  school  is  the  lack  of  co- 
operation between  teacher  and  pupil.  Student  and  instruc- 
tor must  reaUze  that  they  are  both  human,  and  establish 
the  relationship  of  friend  and  friend  working  together,  rather 
than  of  task-giver  and  task-doer.  Class  distinction  within 
the  school  is  sometimes  a  serious  obstacle.  "  Exclusive  " 
fraternities  and  cliques  are  wholly  out  of  place  in  a  demo- 


Making  America  Intelligent  51 

era  tic  public  school.  And  the  loafer  may  be  found  every- 
where. Later,  if  pupils  have  little  to  show  for  their  school 
attendance,  the  public  which  pays  money  to  support  the 
school  thinks  it  is  not  getting  value  received  and  blames 
the  whole  school  system.  No  one  but  you,  the  pupils  of 
our  schools,  can  remove  obstacles  such  as  these. 

Is  your  school  as  democratic  as  it  should  be?  What  does  your 
school  do  with  its  loafers? 

Conditions  outside  the  school  may  also  hinder  its  prog- 
ress in  many  ways.  In  the  first  place,  people  do  not  see 
its  needs.  They  think  that  what  was  good  enough  for  them 
twenty  or  thirty  years  ago  is  good  enough  for  the  boys  and 
girls  today,  and  they  refuse  to  spend  money  for  gymnasiums, 
swimming  pools,  libraries,  laboratories,  and  auditoriums. 
They  do  not  realize  that  ideals  advance  in  education  just 
as  in  other  lines.  As  a  result  of  this  lack  of  understanding, 
the  schools  cannot  obtain  enough  money  through  taxation 
to  improve  educational  facilities. 

Perhaps  the  most  serious  drawback  to  the  public  school 
from  without  is  lack  of  interest  on  the  part  of  the  parents. 
Many  parents  completely  misunderstand  school  conditions. 
Can  you  guess  why  ?  A  parent-teacher  association  is  often 
of  great  help  in  promoting  school  efficiency.  In  such  an 
organization,  the  parents  and  teachers  can  come  together 
and  work  out  problems  of  mutual  interest,  the  parents 
understanding  the  teachers'  efforts  and  the  teachers  work- 
ing with  them  for  the  children's  best  advantage. 

Nowadays  there  are  frequently  too  many  attractions 
outside  the  school.  Movies,  theaters,  and  dancing  have 
no  place  in  the  lives  of  boys  and  girls  of  school  age  to  such 
an  extent  as  to  crowd  out  school  work.  Even  things  which 
are  inherently  of  great  value  may  be  abused  in  this  way. 
Sometimes  there  are  other  obstacles  which  seem  unavoid- 
able, such  as  crowded  conditions  at  home,  poverty,  and  the 
like.     Children  are  often  forced  to  leave  school  to  go  to 


52  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

work,  especially  when  financial  conditions  are  bad.  But 
even  some  of  these  handicaps  can  be  overcome  when  school 
authorities,  parents,  and  pupils  fully  understand  each  other. 

Class  Problems  : 

Home  Study :  How  much  does  the  average  pupil  in  our  school 
need ;  how  much  does  he  give  ;  if  conditions  are  not  right,  who  is  to 
blame,  and  how  can  they  be  corrected  ? 

Parent-Teacher  Associations :  Does  our  community  have  one  or 
more ;  what  can  they  do  to  make  our  schools  of  greater  service? 

23.  The  Public  Library.  —  The  library  is  one  of  the  most 
important  factors  for  education  other  than  formal  school- 
ing. Whether  you  hold  a  university  degree  or  have  not 
even  a  diploma  from  a  primary  school,  the  library  will  add 
to  your  education.  No  sizable  city  or  town  in  the  nation 
has  a  valid  excuse  for  being  without  one. 

Public  libraries  may  be  classified  thus :  those  supported 
by  local  taxation,  and  belonging  entirely  to  the  community; 
those  privately  founded  or  owned,  given  over  to  the  use  of 
the  public;  those  under  the  care  of  private  corporations, 
doing  public  work  by  contract.  Libraries  owned  by  the 
city  are  frequently  managed  by  a  board  of  trustees  whose 
powers  vary  with  the  community.  Some  cities  and  towns 
have  libraries  established  by  endowment  with  the  under- 
standing that  the  municipality  contributes  a  certain  sum 
yearly.  This  is  a  pet  idea  of  Andrew  Carnegie,  who  did 
much  more  than  any  other  one  man  to  bring  library  facili- 
ties within  the  reach  of  the  poorest.  Traveling  libraries 
sent  out  from  county  or  state  headquarters  are  becoming 
more  and  more  conunon  in  rural  districts.  Usually  a  large 
motor  truck  lined  with  shelves  is  used  for  this  purpose. 
Definite  routes  are  laid  out  and  books  are  brought  and  called 
for  at  regular  intervals. 

The  library  is  of  great  help  to  the  schools.  It  prevents 
one-book  education,  and  broadens  courses  and  subjects 
which  might  otherwise  be  uninteresting.  It  also  can  serve 
as  a  community  center.     Many  libraries   contain   audito- 


Making  America  Intelligent 


53 


riums  and  rooms  where  people  can  meet  for  various  pur- 
poses. The  Ubrary  offers  weekly  story  hours  affording  an 
opportunity  for  small  children  to  become  acquainted  with 
the  best  literature,  and  renders  all  kinds  of  service  in  assem- 
bling books  for  the  classroom,  club,   or  individual  study. 


Using  the  Public  Library. 

In  many  public  libraries  a  considerable  number  of  books  are  kept  on  open 
shelves  so  that  readers  may  go  directly  to  them  and  make  their  own  selec- 
tions, from  which  they  may  desire  to  take  notes  or  use  in  some  other  way. 
This  privilege  is  a  great  convenience  but  it  is  not  granted  in  some  Ubraries 
for  fear  it  would  be  abused  by  dishonest  or  careless  people. 

The  modern  theory  of  the  library  is  to  have  a  book  for  every 
reader,  easy  of  access,  and  with  liberal  rules  concerning  its 
use. 

The  cultivation  of  good  reading  habits  and  a  taste  for 
good  literature  should  be  a  part  of  every  boy's  and  girPs  edu- 
cation. Those  volumes  piled  in  stately  rows  along  the 
library  shelf  were  written  for  you  and  me  —  they  represent 
what  men  have  thought  and  lived  for  since  history  began. 
As  an  educational  factor  in  American  life  the  influence  of 
the  library  is  far-reaching  and  should  be  even  greater. 


54  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Are  the  modern  boy  and  girl  in  danger  of  becoming  book- worms? 
What  principles  should  govern  our  reading?  Should  we  read  for 
pleasure,  information,  literary  appreciation,  or  to  acquire  a  vocabu- 
lary or  style? 

What  cities  in  the  United  States  have  the  finest  libraries?  Is 
it  right  to  name  libraries  in  honor  of  men  who  have  done  much 
to  establish  them  ?  Is  it  selfish  on  their  part  to  wish  this  ?  Should 
the  library  accept  and  display  every  variety  of  books,  papers,  and 
magazines  ? 

Greatest  of  all  our  libraries  is  the  Library  of  Congress  at 
Washington.  Its  list  of  titles  is  rising  steadily  toward 
3,000,000.  Its  building  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  in  the 
country.  Every  book,  photograph,  or  other  piece  of  printed 
matter  which  is  copyrighted  in  this  country  may  be  found 
there,  so  that  its  facilities  are  most  ample  for  providing  access 
to  almost  everything  that  is  published.  Any  one  who  can 
go  there  may  make  use  of  its  resources,  and  to  public  officials 
and  sometimes  others  the  privilege  is  granted  of  taking  books 
out. 

24.  Other  Public  Agencies  for  Education.  —  Education 
may  come  from  many  sources  besides  schoolrooms  and 
books,  and  community  taxes  provide  some  of  these. 
Think  of  the  museums  and  art  galleries  which  some  fortu- 
nate cities  possess,  presented  perhaps  by  the  beneficence  of 
some  rich  man,  but  now  the  common  property  of  every  resi- 
dent. Think  of  the  free  lectures,  organ  recitals,  concerts,  and 
occasional  historical  pageants  which  public  money  pays  for. 
And  a  few  of  our  cities  have  a  community  theater,  though 
this  kind  of  thing  is  more  common  in  Europe. 

Parks  may  furnish  instruction  as  well  as  enjo5Tnent  in 
letting  people  see  many  varieties  of  flowers,  plants,  and 
trees  —  and  of  animals  also  if  the  place  boasts  a  zoo.  If 
education  means  physical  development,  parks  and  play- 
grounds render  service  that  is  distinctly  educational. 

Few  people  realize  how  valuable  educationally  are  the 
bulletins  issued  by  the  various  departments  at  Washington 


Making  America  Intelligent  55 

and  similar  agencies  in  states  and  smaller  districts.  Indeed^ 
by  far  the  greatest  part  of  the  facts  which  form  the  basis 
of  study  and  information  in  subject  after  subject  is  gath- 
ered in  the  first  place  by  some  government  agency  and  after- 
ward organized  or  interpreted  by  some  writer  of  textbooks, 
newspapers,  magazines,  or  encyclopedias.  We  ought  to 
make  use  far  more  than  we  do  of  our  government's  con- 
tributions to  our  enhghtenment.  Few  of  us  have  any  idea 
how  much  we  are  really  getting  back  for  the  money  which 
we  pay  in  taxes  to  support  these  public  services. 

.*.  The  American  public  schools,  while  far  from  perfect,  are  render- 
ing a  wonderful  service.  We  should  spare  no  pains  to  make  this  serv- 
ice constantly  more  efficient,  and  should  be  willing  to  support  gener- 
ously the  schools  and  any  other  facilities  that  will  help  to  make  every 
American  citizen  intelligent. 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 

Literacy  and  Illiteracy  in  Europe. 

The  Mountain  Whites  of  the  South. 

School  Attendance  in  Our  Community. 

Educational  Requirements  for  Voting. 

Education  in  Ancient  Athens. 

Roman  Education. 

Medieval  Education. 

Resolved,  that  a  purely  academic  education  does  not  fit  a  man  for 

success  in  business. 
Schools  in  Colonial  Days. 
"  The  Hoosier  School  Master." 
Benjamin  Franklin  as  an  Educator. 
The  History  of  American  High  Schools. 
The  Smith-Hughes  Bill. 

The  Organization  of  the  Schools  of  Our  State. 
The  Schools  of  Our  Community. 

The  Support  of  Schools  in  Our  Community  and  State. 
School  Terms  and  Attendance. 
Continuation  Schools. 
The  School  System  of  England. 
The  School  System  of  France. 
The  School  System  of  Germany. 
Educational  Activities  of  the  Federal  Government. 


56  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  Qualifications  for  Teachers  in  Our  State. 

Junior  High  Schools. 

An  Ideal  Program  of  Studies  for  Our  Schools. 

The  Qualities  Needed  for  a  Good  Teacher. 

School  Activities. 

The  School  as  a  Community  Center. 

Systems  of  Grading  and  Promotion  of  Pupils. 

The  Proposal  for  Federal  Aid  to  Schools. 

The  Ideal  Country  School. 

Schools  for  Special  Pupils. 

The  School  and  the  Movdes. 

The  Growth  of  Publife  Libraries  in  the  United  States. 

Providing  Textbooks  in  the  Public  Schools. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Monroe  —  History  of  Education. 

Burch  and  Patterson  —  American  Social  Problems,  Chapter  23. 

Earle  —  Child  Life  in  Colonial  Days,  Chapters  3-7. 

Cubberly  —  Public  School  Administration,  Chapters  1-6,  14-19,  26. 

Graves  —  History  of  Education. 

Stray er  and  Englehardt  —  The  Class  Room  Teacher. 

Dewey  —  Schools  of  To-morrow. 

Foght  —  The  Rural  Teacher  and  His  Work. 

Carney  —  Country  Life  and  the  Country  School,  Chapters  7-12. 

Kelly  —  The  Community  Capitol,  Part  I. 

Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  Series  A,  Lesson  11. 

Keith  and  Bagley  —  The  Nation  and  the  Schools. 

Cleveland  and  Schafer  —  Democracy  in  Reconstruction,  Chapters 

9,  10. 
Gillette  —  Constructive  Rural  Sociology,  Chapter  18. 
Magruder  —  American  Government,  Chapter  28. 
Hart  —  Actual  Government,  Chapter  28. 
Beard  —  American  City  Government,  Chapter  12. 
Rowe  —  Society,  Chapters  18,  19. 
Young — New  American  Government,  Chapter  20. 


II.   PROMOTING  EDUCATION  THROUGH  PRIVATE 
ENTERPRISE 


Nine-tenths  of  us  get  the  bulk  of  our  formal  education  in  the 
public  schools.  But  what  means  are  available  for  those  who  can- 
not or  do  not  wish  to  go  to  public  schools?  What  opportuni- 
ties are  offered  us  beyond  the  courses  of  the  ordinary  public  high 
school?     Does  education  need  to  cease  when  we  leave    school? 


25.  Kinds  of  Private  Schools.  —  To  classify  exactly  the 
numerous  types  of  private  institutions  is  not  easy,  but  for 
convenience  we  may  make  three  groups  —  those  supported 
wholly  by  rehgious  denominations,  those  privately  endowed, 
wholly  or  in  part,  and  those  conducted  as  business  en- 
terprises. 

The  parochial  or  church  schools  stress  the  history  and 
doctrine  of  their  denominations,  as  well  as  giving  general 
instruction.  The  privately  endowed  schools  often  arrange 
their  courses  along  much  the  same  lines  as  our  public  schools. 
Very  many  of  these  are  boarding  schools,  and  many  are 
partly  supported  by  gifts  from  religious  denominations,  as 
well  as  by  tuition  fees.  Military  academies  and  "  finishing  '^ 
schools  may  belong  in  either  this  group  or  the  next.  The 
private  day  school  may  also  come  under  either  head. 

The  schools  conducted  as  business  enterprises  are  ex- 
ceedingly varied  in  character.  The  commercial  school,  or 
business  '*  college,"  is  one  tj^De  of  such  schools.  In  these 
"  colleges  "  students  take  up  such  commercial  subjects  as 
are  offered  generally  in  every  high  school.  The  chief  reason 
for  the  popularity  of  these  schools  is  the  guaranteed  short- 
ness of  the  courses  of  study.  Some  one  has  dubbed  this 
the  ''  get- wise-quick  "  method. 

57 


58  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

A  great  deal  of  fun  is  poked  at  the  "  correspondence  " 
school  —  "  Learn  to  swim  at  home  in  three  lessons,"  we 
say.  Nevertheless  the  correspondence  school  has  its  place 
in  education.  People  who  have  not  the  means  to  attend 
private  schools  or  who  are  too  far  removed  from  public 
schools  or  cannot  quit  their  regular  employment  derive  a 
great  deal  of  benefit  from  these  "  lessons  at  home."  These 
schools  teach  a  wide  range  of  educational  subjects. 

The  tutorial  school,  maintained  for  those  who  need  special 
help  or  drill  in  certain  subjects,  particularly  for  college  en- 
trance, and  the  special  schools  of  oratory,  music,  languages, 
trained  nursing,  and  even  some  of  a  disciplinary  nature 
fall  into  this  third  class.  Schools  for  the  blind,  the  deaf, 
and  the  defective  in  speech  are  also  maintained  as  private 
institutions. 

26.  Are  Private  Schools  Desirable  ?  —  Doubtless  there 
will  always  be  some  place  for  private  schools.  We  may 
always  find  some  boys  and  girls  who  do  not  fit  in  with  any 
large  groups,  but  have  talents  which  can  be  made  useful 
by  individual  training.  Others  whose  homes  have  been 
broken  by  parental  absence,  death,  or  other  misfortunes, 
need  the  care  that  they  can  get  only  in  a  well-managed 
boarding  school.  Such  a  school  sometimes  supplies  the 
needed  discipline  when  a  weak-willed  parent  has  lost  author- 
ity over  his  child.  Some  young  men  and  women  have 
the  opportunity  for  secondary  education  come  to  them  when 
they  are  too  old  to  find  it  pleasant  going  to  high  school  in 
company  with  younger  boys  and  girls.  Some  parents  want 
their  children  to  receive  the  distinctively  religious  or  de- 
nominational instruction  which  a  public  school  cannot 
properly  give.  And  others,  to  their  discredit,  think  their 
children  are  too  ''  nice  "  to  associate  with  the  general  run 
of  boys  and  girls. 

This  last  remark  suggests  the  chief  charge  that  is  made 
against  private  schools  —  that  they  are  undemocratic.     Not 


Making  America  Intelligent  59 

many  schools  will  consciously  teach  their  pupils  to  be  snobs, 
but  the  very  fact  that  only  those  pupils  attend  who  can 
afford  to  pay  tuition  charges,  rents  for  special  rooms, 
and  the  like,  may  give  them  in  their  own  minds  a  sense  of 
superiority  over  public  school  pupils  which  is  not  warranted 
either  by  their  own  brains  or  the  quality  of  instruction  they 


St.  Mark's  School,  Southboro,  Mass. 
A  well-known  private  school. 

receive.  But  unless  and  until  the  public  at  large  is  willing 
to  pay  school  taxes  high  enough  to  permit  the  public  schools 
to  furnish  all  the  individual  attention  which  the  private 
school  is  supposed  to  offer,  some  parents  who  can  afford  to 
do  so  will  prefer  to  put  their  children  in  private  schools. 

What  special  features  are  connected  with  boarding-school  life? 
Is  the  average  boy  or  girl  better  for  losing  his  home  life  in  order 
to  enjoy  these  special  features?  If  we  do  not,  through  attendance 
at  the  public  school,  learn  to  mingle  with  people  of  all  social  ranks, 
are  we  likely  ever  to  understand  them? 

What  do  you  think  of  the  person  who  goes  to  a  business  "  college  " 
rather  than  take  a  four-year  commercial  course  at  a  high  school 
because  he  can  "  get  through  sooner  "? 


60  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

27.  Higher  Education.  —  Although  most  colleges  and 
universities  are  simply  advanced  private  schools,  they  serve 
such  a  distinct  purpose  that  it  is  best  to  consider  them  sep- 
arately. They  have  increased  very  greatly  in  number  and 
importance;  their  influence  is  becoming  more  and  more 
noticeable. 

The  chief  difference  between  the  college  and  the  univer- 
sity is  that  the  university  is  supposed  to  teach  almost  any 
subject,  and  to  maintain  special  departments,  such  as  schools 
of  law,  medicine,  or  general  post-graduate  work.  The  col- 
lege may  limit  itself  to  the  ''liberal  arts,"  and  frequently  is 
included  as  a  unit  of  a  university.  Colleges  or  universities 
usually  have  a  board  of  trustees  with  a  president  or  chancel- 
lor as  the  executive  head.  ''  Deans  "  have  charge  of  the  vari- 
ous buildings  or  departments,  and  the  **  registrar  "  looks 
after  the  attendance  and  schedules. 

A  few  cities  have  universities  of  their  own,  but  the  state, 
aided  by  the  national  government  as  we  have  seen,  usually 
supports  the  public  university.  Private  colleges  rely  wholly 
on  tuition  fees,  gifts,  and  endowments. 

Although  only  one  per  cent  of  our  population  goes  to 
college,  and  only  half  that  number  graduate,  this  small  por- 
tion contributes  greatly  to  our  welfare.  From  it  have  come 
one-half  of  our  Presidents,  Cabinet  members,  and  Senators, 
and  one-third  of  our  Representatives.  Besides  these,  a  very 
high  percentage  of  other  public  officers  and  prominent  men 
are  college  and  university  graduates. 

How  many  of  the  "  great  men  "  from  your  locality  graduated 
from  a  college  or  university  ?  How  many  from  your  class  intend  to 
go  to  college? 

Class  Problem: 

Who  Should  Go  to  College? 

Should  everybody  aim  to  attend  college?  If  not,  how  and  where 
would  you  draw  the  line  ?  Who  must  go  ?  Should  the  college  accept 
all  who  apply?  If  it  must  or  desires  to  limit  attendance,  what 
means  of  selection  are  best?     Do  written  tests,  such  as  College 


Making  America  Intelligent 


61 


Entrance  Board  Examinations,  really  test  one's  fitness  to  profit 
by  college  attendance?  What  do  you  think  of  "  intelligence  tests  " 
as  a  part  of  entrance  requirements?  Should  the  college  dictate 
to  the  high  school  a  course  for  those  it  will  accept  or  should  it  ac- 
cept any  subjects  a  high  school  graduate  offers?  Is  it  good  for 
a  person  to  work  his  way  through  college  ? 

28.   Private  Gifts  to  Education.  —  Many  of  the  great  ad- 
vantages ofTered  in  our  colleges  and  universities  would  have 


A  Scene  in  a  Museum. 

The  Japanese  Garden  in  the  Museum  of  Fine  Arts,  Boston.  One  can 
learn  much  here  about  the  ideals  and  thoughts  of  the  Japanese  people  of 
former  days. 


been  impossible  without  private  generosity.  A  large  number 
of  our  wealthy  citizens  have  proved  very  willing  to  give 
others  equal  or  better  opportunities  for  advancement  than 
they  themselves  enjoyed.  College  after  college  exists 
only  by  reason  of  gifts  from  men  and  women  of  means,  and 
great  universities,  as  well  as  local  high  schools  and  even 
elementary  schools,   owe  their  being  to  such  munificence. 


62  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

George  F.  Peabody,  John  F.  Slater,  Anna  T.  Jeanes,  Mrs. 
Russell  Sage,  Henry  C.  Frick,  Andrew  Carnegie,  and  John 
D.  Rockefeller  may  be  mentioned  as  among  the  most  famous 
of  those  givers,  but  many  others  less  widely  known  are 
commemorated  in  the  names  of  the  institutions  which  they 
founded  or  helped  to  maintain. 

The  world  owes  Andrew  Carnegie  a  debt  of  gratitude  for 
the  libraries  he  scattered  so  widely,  and  Pittsburgh  in  par- 
ticular for  its  great  museum  and  Carnegie  Institute  of  Tech- 
nology. Besides,  the  Carnegie  Foundation  for  the  Ad- 
vancement of  Teaching,  whose  specific  purpose  was  to  give 
pensions  to  college  professors,  has  been  indirectly  the  means 
of  elevating  the  scholastic  standards  of  many  so-called 
"  higher  institutions."  John  D.  Rockefeller  is  responsi 
ble  for  the  University  of  Chicago,  and  for  gifts  to  several 
other  institutions  of  learning.  In  addition,  he  presented 
$32,000,000  to  the  General  Education  Board,  which  has  made 
many  investigations  and  given  much  aid  to  the  cause  of 
education,  particularly  in  the  South.  The  Rockefeller 
Foundation,  which  has  a  charter  from  the  state  of  New 
York,  is  another  agency  for  the  promotion  of  public 
intelligence  and  well-being,  especially  in  matters  affecting 
health. 

We  have  not  spoken  of  "  generosity  "  in  this  connection. 
In  one  sense  that  is  not  the  word  to  use,  for  the  givers 
usually  had  plenty  of  money  left  and  did  not  miss  what  they 
gave.  But  think  of  the  thousands  of  homes  that  would 
know  little  or  nothing  of  literature,  art,  music,  or  history  if 
it  had  not  been  for  these  gifts.  Whether  rich  men's  names 
are  carved  in  marble  over  the  doors  of  libraries  or  museums  is 
of  very  little  importance  in  comparison  with  the  good  their 
means  have  accomplished. 

The  Smithsonian  Institution  at  Washington  is  an  example 
of  a  national  institution  which  is  the  result  of  one  man's 
gift.  James  Smithson,  an  EngUshman,  willed  $500,000  to 
this  country  which  Congress  decided  to  employ  this  way. 


Making  America  Intelligent  63 

Has  your  community  received  any  benefit  from  such  gifts  ? 
Make  a  list  of  the  colleges  or  other  institutions  which  are  named 
for  some  founder  or  contributor.  If  you  had  a  million  dollars  or 
more  to  give  for  an  educational  cause,  how  would  you  make  use 
of  it? 

29.  The  Press  as  an  Educator.  —  Outside  the  schools 
the  press  has  the  biggest  opportunity  for  educating  the 
public.  No  teacher  can  possibly  instruct  so  many  pupils. 
But  is  it  doing  as  much  good  as  it  might  do  ? 

A  modern  newspaper  is  a  wonderful  institution.  The 
gigantic  printing  presses  turn  out  thousands  of  copies  daily. 
Hundreds  of  people  are  engaged  in  preparing  its  appear- 
ance. Come  what  may,  fire  or  flood,  the  newspaper  must 
be  printed.  Popular  demand  is  so  great  that  sometimes 
in  its  eagerness  to  satiate  the  public  thirst  for  news,  the 
paper  manufactures  it.  Many  agencies,  such  as  the 
Associated  Press,  the  International  News  Service,  and  the 
United  Press  have  been  established  to  gather  and  distribute 
news  all  over  the  world.  They  enable  the  papers  of  New 
York  and  San  Francisco  to  publish  the  same  news  on  the 
same  day.  There  are  over  56,000  newspapers  published, 
24,000  of  which  are  in  the  United  States. 

It  has  been  said  that  the  four  functions  of  the  newspaper 
are :  to  gather  news,  to  distribute  news ,  to  express  opinion, 
and  to  create  opinion.  Another  has  stated  that  the  func- 
tion of  the  paper  is  threefold :  to  narrate  events  as  they 
have  happened,  to  advance  arguments  on  what  is  happen- 
ing, and  to  indicate  what  is  going  to  happen.  Thus  the 
newspaper  is  narrator,  debater,  and  weathercock.  But 
the  modern  newspaper  goes  beyond  these  bounds,  and  con- 
tains so  many  different  "  features  "  that  it  is  no  longer  a 
mere  substitute  for  the  town-crier  but  a  source  of  interest 
and  pleasure  to  all,  from  the  youngest  member  of  the  family 
to  the  oldest. 

Freedom  of  the  press  undoubtedly  requires  that  the  news- 
paper be  free  to  criticize  public  matters  and  men.     But  often 


64  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

this  liberality  is  taken  advantage  of,  especially  in  the  case 
of  party  politics.  Some  papers  maliciously  attack  opposing 
candidates  in  such  an  unscrupulous  manner  as  to  disregard 
all  claim  to  decency  and  honor.  Since  some  people  believe 
anything  they  read  in  their  own  paper,  when  a  paper  per- 
verts the  news  the  results  are  far-reaching.  Again,  in  some 
cases  much  they  publish  is  a  pure  waste  of  time ;  they  ac- 
custom people  to  cheap  literature  and  they  stir  up  unwar- 
ranted ill-feeling  between  men  and  nations.  They  may  even 
indirectly  suggest  the  commission  of  crime  and  vice. 

Do  you  think  all  newspapers  could  be  classified  as  either  con- 
servative, sensational,  or  yellow?  What  features  characterize 
each  of  these  classes  or  any  others  which  you  may  discover  ?  Give 
an  example  of  each  class.  Should  newspapers  try  to  give  the  pub- 
lic what  they  think  the  public  wants  or  what  they  think  is  best? 
Is  the  public  responsible  for  the  quality  of  the  newspapers?  How 
much  of  the  newspaper  is  really  educational  ? 

Should  everybody  read  at  least  two  newspapers  of  different 
political  views  ?  How  much  of  the  newspaper  do  you  read  ?  What 
part  do  you  read  first?  What  is  your  observation  of  the  read- 
ing habits  of  the  public  in  general  ? 

In  the  years  just  preceding  the  Civil  War,  the  views  of  Horace 
Greeley,  editor  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  were  accepted  almost 
as  gospel  by  many  thousands  of  northerners.  Do  any  editors 
have  a  similar  influence  today  ?     Why  ? 

For  those  who  prefer  a  clear,  reliable  statement  of  news 
to  the  uncertain  jumble  in  the  papers  we  have  news  maga- 
zines, weekly,  monthly,  and  quarterly.  And  there  are 
dozens  of  magazines  which  either  do  not  pretend  to  be  news 
magazines  or  limit  themselves  to  a  particular  fiield,  such  as 
the  farm  journal  and  the  scientific  magazine  for  their  partic- 
ular patrons,  the  religious  magazine,  the  fiction  magazine, 
and  that  which  plays  up  "  human  interest  "  articles. 

The  American  people  are  world  renowned  as  a  ^'  magazine 
people."  In  Europe  the  book  is  more  popular  than  the 
periodical.  Some  of  our  best  and  most  noted  popular  mag- 
azines are  read  all  over  the  world,  wherever  Americans  live. 


Making  America  Intelligent  65 

Many  of  them  have  distinct  literary  merit;  many  discuss 
public  questions  with  intelligence  and  vigor.  These  have 
a  positive  educational  value.     But  oh,  some  of  them  —  ! 

What  magazine  would  you  take  if  you  could  take  only  one? 
Why?  Why  may  a  magazine  be  more  trustworthy  than  a  news- 
paper ? 

Name  twenty  well-known  periodicals,  classifying  them  in  ac- 
cordance with  their  general  purposes  and  characteristics. 

What  advice  would  you  give  a  twelve-year-old  child  in  regard 
to  his  reading?  How  much  of  it  might  you  take  for  yourself? 
Should  an  individual  try  to  accumulate  a  library  of  his  own?  If  so, 
what  books  or  types  of  books  would  you  advise  him  to  buy? 

30.  The  Citizen  Educating  Himself.  —  So,  then,  the  person 
who  is  not  getting  as  much  education  as  he  would  like,  can 
blame  no  one  but  himself.  Opportunities  stare  at  us  from 
all  corners.  We  cannot  help  but  ''live  and  learn."  The 
school,  the  library,  the  newspaper,  and  the  magazine  are 
only  a  few  of  the  many  educational  forces  which  are  found 
in  American  life. 

In  every  city  of  any  size,  lectures,  organ  recitals,  and 
concerts  make  their  appeal  to  many.  Industrial  clubs, 
whose  members  are  the  employees  of  a  certain  factory  or 
business  institution,  give  further  chance  for  betterment. 
In  some  cases  they  offer  cultural  education,  but  more  often 
special  training  in  a  particular  line  of  work  in  which  the 
factory  or  business  house  is  engaged.  In  this  manner  em- 
ployees increase  their  own  efficiency  and  prepare  themselves 
for  better  positions.  Such  agencies  as  the  Y.M.C.A.  and 
the  K.  of  C.  do  similar  service. 

Often  a  college  or  university  sends  out  professors  to  va- 
rious parts  of  a  city  or  to  other  communities  to  give  lectures 
to  groups  of  people.  A  series  of  such  lectures  is  called  an 
extension  course.  The  "  Chautauqua "  has  become  an 
important  factor  in  many  rural  neighborhoods,  and  every 
year  during  the  summer  months  presents  its  lectures,  con- 
certs, general  discussions,  and  entertainments. 


66 


Problems  of  American  Democracy 


The  museum  is,  and  even  the  theater  and  the  motion 
picture  may  be,  an  educational  force.  Social  life  also  plays 
its  part  in  intellectual  development :  mingling  with  in- 
telligent people,  conversing  with  associates,  and  studying 
human  relations  from  many  angles  gives  us  something  not 


1 ,: . 

."'■1 

'         ■'  "1 

i 

si  ?  ■■  1 

b* 

In  the  Reading  Room  of  a  Great  Public  Library. 

Daily  and  weekly  papers  from  all  over  the  world  are  received  here  every 
day  where  they  may  be  read  by  all  who  are  interested.  Travelers  from  far 
away  are  often  pleased  to  find  their  home  papers  in  the  racks  of  such  a 
library. 


to  be  found  in  books.  Traveling  widens  greatly  this  con- 
tact, bringing  us  into  touch  with  people  whom  we  can  study, 
and  learning  about  places  and  things  which  we  cannot  know 
through  our  ordinary  relationships  at  home. 

Education  has  been  defined  as  a  "  realization  of  one's  highest 
self."  It  is  a  lifelong  job.  It  is  much  more  than  schooling. 
Formal  education  is  primarily  for  young  people,  it  is  true, 
and  some  men  and  women  have  freer  access  than  others 
to  the  various  channels  of  learning.  But  the  fact  remains 
that  ignorance  is  not  its  own  excuse  for  being  and  that  every 


Making  America  Intelligent  67 

man  and  woman  in  the  United  States  may  cultivate  in  a 
large  degree  their  God-given  powers. 

Can  you  think  of  other  educational  factors  than  those  mentioned 
in  this  chapter  ?  Has  a  person  the  moral  right  to  neglect  any  rea- 
sonable opportunity  for  self -improvement  ? 

.*.  There  are  few  cases  of  really  excusable  ignorance  in  the  United 
States.  If  a  person  honestly  yearns  for  learning  and  enlightenment,  he 
has  many  opportunities  to  obtain  it.  If  America  is  not  made  intelligent, 
it  will  be  the  fault  of  her  citizens  themselves. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

Private  Schools  in  Our  Neighborhood. 

The  History  of  the  Founding  of  the  Great  Colleges  of  our  State. 

The  Activities  of  the  Public  Library. 

The  Newspapers  of  Our  Community. 

Magazines,  Good  and  Bad. 

The  Business  of  Managing  a  Newspaper  or  Magazine. 

Types  and  Standards  of  the  American  Press. 

Individual  Education  at  Home. 

The  Foreign  Language  Press  in  the  United  States. 

Foreign  Languages  in  the  Schools. 

.    REFERENCE  READINGS 

Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  79,    108,    109,   114, 

115,  118. 
Rowe — Society,  Chapter  37. 
Dealey — Sociology,  Chapters  8,  12,  13. 
Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  A-6. 
EUwood  —  Sociology  and  Modern  Social  Problems,  Chapter  16. 
Bryce  —  Modern  Democracies,  Chapters  8,  10,  72. 
Hayes— Introduction  to  Sociology,  pp.  652^68,  680-684. 


ELEVATING  AMERICAN   STANDARDS 

*'  It  is  worth  while  to  be  a  citizen  of  a  great  country,  but  size  alone 
is  not  enough  to  make  a  country  great.  A  country  must  be  great  in 
its  ideals  ;  it  must  be  great-hearted ;  it  must  be  noble ;  it  must  despise 
and  reject  all  smallness  and  meanness,  it  must  be  faithful  to  its 
word." — Root. 


The  very  reason  why  we  would  have  education  universal  is  to 
uplift  American  standards.  But  if  our  education  is  to  be  of  real 
value  to  ourselves  or  our  community,  we  must  have,  along  with 
the  knowledge  and  ability  we  acquire,  the  purpose  to  use  them  for 
the  highest  good.  Knowledge  alone  may  simply  make  wickedness 
more  dangerous.  Let  us  consider  first  the  motives  which  cause 
people  to  act  as  they  do  and  some  of  the  undesirable  conditions 
which  exist  in  people's  association  with  one  another.  Then  we 
can  more  clearly  state  our  social  ideals  and  understand  how  to 
make  effective  the  various  agencies  that  seek  to  help  people  to  do 
right. 

III.    FINDING  THE  FACTS  ABOUT  'HUMAN 
ASSOCIATIONS 

31.  Why  Do  We  Do  Things?  — The  very  fact  that  we 
never  think  why  we  do  some  things  suggests  one  answer 
to  our  question.  We  have  formed  the  hahit  of  doing  them. 
Perhaps  in  early  childhood  we  were  taught  to  say  "  please  " 
and  ''thank  you."  If  so,  we  have  probably  accustomed 
ourselves  to  politeness.  We  practice  it  ourselves  and  ex- 
pect it  from  others.  Going  to  school,  taking  a  certain 
route  to  get  there,  and  following  a  fixed  routine  of  study 
and  recitation,  are  features  of  our  own  life  which  could  find 
parallels  in  the  activities  of  a  business  man  or  a  coal  miner. 
Sometimes  we  inherit  certain  traits  or  mannerisms;  some- 
times we  deliberately  learn  to  do  something  in  a  certain 
way  and  keep  on  doing  it.     It  is  far  easier  to  form  a  habit 

68 


Elevating  American  Standards  69 

than  to  break  one.  How  important  then,  that  we  form 
habits  of  doing  right !  For  some  people  '^  it  goes  against 
the  grain  "  as  much  to  perform  an  undesirable  act  as  it 
would  for  others  to  refrain  from  doing  it. 

Our  social  environment  explains  many  of  our  actions.  Per- 
haps law  commands  us  to  do  certain  things  that  we  would 
not  otherwise  do.  Perhaps  a  community  custom  makes 
us  feel  out  of  place  if  we  act  differently  from  the  rest. 
*'  What  will  people  say?  "is  a  question  that  may  gain  the 
power  of  a  tyrant  over  us.  Outside  physical  conditions 
of  weather  and  geography  affect  the  form  of  our  clothing, 
our  amusements,  and  the  way  we  do  our  daily  tasks.  Fam- 
ily affection  or  authority  restrains  us  from  one  line  of  con- 
duct and  forces  us  into  another.  *'  When  in  Rome,  do  as 
the  Romans  do,"  is  a  saying  that  explains  much  of  our  con- 
duct, though  it  cannot  always  justify  it.  We  cannot  escape 
association  with  others,  unless  we  are  content  to  go  back  to 
barbarism.     In  a  real  sense,  no  one  is  wholly  self-made. 

Imitation,  conscious  or  unconscious,  is  often  the  reason 
for  what  we  do.  If  "  they  "  are  wearing  furs  on  the  Fourth 
of  July,  some  of  us  will  do  so,  no  matter  how  uncomfort- 
able we  are.  Fashion  and  foolishness  too  often  go  hand 
in  hand.  But  deliberately  to  pattern  our  lives  after  the 
model  of  a  great  character  may  lead  us  to  develop  the  noblest 
qualities  of  humanity. 

Self-interest  seems  to  be  the  controlling  motive  of  many. 
What  they  like  or  what  will  profit  them,  they  do  —  and 
little  else.  This  may  be  the  most  disgusting  kind  of  self- 
ishness, yet  not  always.  One  may  seek  education  or  wealth 
in  order  to  use  it  for  humanity's  good,  and  at  the  same  time 
receive  as  much  personal  benefit  as  if  he  cared  nothing  for 
anybody  else.  Not  only  honesty  but  generosity  and  sac- 
rifice may  really  be  "  the  best  policy.''  Ambition  may 
lead  us  to  do  right  instead  of  wrong. 

One  other  impelling  motive  we  have  already  suggested  — 
service  or  usefulness.     We  need  more  of  it,  but  we  must  not 


70  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

think  it  is  entirely  missinjsi;.  Men  have  sacrificed  large  in- 
comes to  accept  pubhc  office  or  to  follow  professions  whose 
chief  reason  for  existence  is  the  improvement  of  human  living. 
The  mother's  whole  life  is  often  animated  by  this  motive 
alone,  and  the  call  of  duty  always  finds  some  one  listening. 

Do  people  often  analyze  th§ir  motives?  Would  it  be  well  if 
more  did  so?  How  do  you  define  conscience?  Does  it  mean  the 
same  for  everybody  ?  Does  altruism  pay,  in  the  long  run  ?  Should 
it  make  any  difference  to  us  whether  it  does  or  not?  How  far  is 
the  habit  motive  a  result  of  the  other  types  of  motives  ?  Give  a  specific 
example  of  each  of  the  motives  suggested,  and  of  any  others  which  you 
think  should  be  added  to  the  list. 

32.  Following  the  Crowd.  —  The  conduct  of  human  be- 
ings in  a  crowd  offers  one  of  the  most  interesting  studies 
of  human  relationship.  Perhaps  we  have  noticed  that  in 
a  crowd  men  do  things  they  would  otherwise  scorn.  To 
understand  a  little  about  this  "  crowd  psychology "  will 
help  us  to  explain  why  certain  things  happen. 

One  of  the  most  important  elements  in  a  crowd's  conduct 
is  suggestion.  In  a  crowd,  almost  any  proposition,  no  mat- 
ter how  foolish,  spreads  like  wild-fire.  There  is  a  certain 
excitement  in  a  crowd  which  craves  action  and  only  a  sug- 
gestion is  needed  to  set  it  in  motion.  This  action  is  quick 
and  leaves  no  time  for  argument  or  difference  of  opinion. 
It  is  a  first  impulse,  the  result  of  aroused  imagination.  A 
crowd  may  become  a  mob  at  a  moment's  notice,  when  men 
become  irrational,  bent  on  ruin.  The  ''  crowd  "  spirit  is  fre- 
quently short-lived,  and  may  end  as  quickly  as  it  began. 

Another  factor  in  mob  psychology  is  imitation.  A  mob 
leader  is  intelligent  enough  at  least  to  know  how  to  handle 
the  crowd.  The  ignorant  man  follows  the  leader  and  imi- 
tates him.  This  tendency,  true  at  all  times,  is  particularly 
evident  in  a  crowd.  The  average  person  does  not  want 
others  to  think  that  he  is  afraid  to  do  something  which  the 
others  wish,  and  so  he  follows  along,  even  against  his  better 
judgment.     And  usually  he  exercises   no   judgment.      For 


Elevating  American  Standards  71 

the  time  he  has  ceased  to  be  an  individual.     He  has  become 
just  a  fraction  of  a  crowd. 

Further,  a  crowd  is  emotional.  It  can  easily  be  stirred 
up  to  do  almost  anything,  if  the  speaker  can  play  on  the 
feelings  of  the  people.  A  crowd  is  irrational  and  credu- 
lous. It  accepts  anythmg  it  is  told.  Alone,  in  saner  mo- 
ments, a  person  would  laugh  at  things  which  he  believes 


Keystone  View  Co.  ' 
A  Typical  Crowd. 

These  steel  strikers  at  Gary,  Indiana,  seem  to  be  taking  in  everything  the 
speaker  says. 

when  told  by  the  leader  of  a  crowd.  Lynchings  occur  when 
a  crowd  gets  together,  and  the  responsibility  is  shared.  Few 
people  would  deliberately  shoot  a  man  even  though  they 
thought  he  deserved  to  be  killed.  It  may  be  the  feeling 
that  one  will  not  be  punished  that  induces  a  person  to  join 
a  "  lynching  party  "  or  it  may  be  the  excitement  and  in- 
fluence of  the  moment.  **  Race  riots  "  are  seldom  if  ever 
willfully  planned,  but  take  place  when  a  man  temporarily 
lays  aside  his  individuality  and  becomes  simply  a  white 


72  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

man  or  a  black  man  —  a  member  of  a  crowd  with  a  sup- 
posed grievance  against  another  crowd. 

This  crowd  psychology  can  be  turned  to  good  account 
as  well  as  bad.  The  skillful  politician  takes  advantage  of 
it  repeatedly.  Roosevelt  was  a  master  at  this  game.  Un- 
fortunately men  with  good  causes  too  often  depend  solely 
upon  the  merits  of  their  cause  and  are  beaten  by  a  less 
worthy  seeker  after  popular  favor  who  knows  how  to  catch 
the  crowd. 

The  Liberty  Bond  campaigns  of  the  Great  War,  reU- 
gious  revivals,  meetings  to  stir  up  "  school  spirit,"  are  in- 
stances of  movements  whose  aim  and  results  are  wholly  or 
chiefly  good,  in  which  the  skillful  employment  of  crowd 
psychology  may  be  or  has  been  the  main  factors  for  success. 
To  do  this  well  in  a  worthy  cause  is  an  accomplishment  not 
to  be  despised ;  but  to  be  strong  enough  not  to  be  led  astray 
in  a  crowd  bent  on  mischief  is  equally  the  duty  of  a  good 
citizen. 

Does  this  crowd  psychology  play  any  part  in  the  hazing  and 
class  rushes  that  occur  in  some  colleges?  Make  a  list  of  the  in- 
stances you  know  in  which  people  have  done  things  in  a  crowd 
which  they  would  not  have  done  alone.  Can  you  give  illustrations 
of  political  campaigns  when  success  resulted  because  one  side  knew 
crowd  psychology  better  than  the  other? 

33.  Social  Classes  in  the  Old  World  and  the  New.  — 
Underlying  many  of  the  struggles  in  world  history,  economic 
and  political,  is  the  conflict  between  one  social  class  and 
another.  A  person  born  in  a  certain  class  has  often  had 
little  chance  of  getting  out  of  it,  no  matter  how  capable, 
lazy,  good  or  bad  he  might  be.  Three  social  classes  were 
once  universal  in  Old  World  nations  and  are  still  evident 
in  some  countries. 

(1)  The  aristocracy,  comprising  the  families  of  the  royalty 
and  the  nobility.  Money  is  a  consideration  secondary  to 
rank  and  ancestry,  but  aristocrats  are  usually  not  poor. 

(2)  The  bourgeoisie,  made  up  of   merchants,   tradesmen, 


Elevating  American  Standards  73 

and  other  people  of  successful  business  enterprise.  Most 
of  the  capitaUsts  are  of  this  class.  A  bourgeois  citizen  who 
achieves  something  of  note  may  hope  sometime  to  have  a 
title  conferred  upon  him. 

(3)  The  masses,  sometimes  called  the  proletariat,  com- 
posed of  the  thousands  of  mill  and  factory  workers,  miners, 
and  peasants.  Often  they  have  had  little  opportunity  for 
education  or  any  sort  of  advancement. 

But  of  course  we  have  no  social  classes  in  America !  Let 
us  see.  Maybe  they  are  not  so  clearly  defined  as  those  in  the 
Old  World.  Perhaps  they  are  based  on  the  dollar  mark 
rather  than  on  a  coat  of  arms.  Does  not  wealth  make  a 
great  deal  of  difference  in  the  United  States?  A  newly 
rich  person  may  never  be  able  to  enter  the  best  society  but 
his  children  and  their  children  will  probably  be  accepted 
without  difficulty.  Ancestry  and  birth  play  a  part,  too. 
The  family  whose  forefathers  came  over  in  the  Mayflower 
has  a  certain  prestige,  in  its  own  mind  at  least.  And  people 
of  culture  sometimes  feel  their  own  superiority.  What 
corresponds  most  nearly  to  the  bourgeois  of  other  countries 
is  our  own  middle  class  —  the  men  engaged  in  all  kinds  of 
business  or  professions,  who  live  comfortably  but  not  in 
luxury.  Our  "masses"  are  the  ''laborers,"  skilled,  semi- 
skilled, or  unskilled.  Most  of  them  live  from  day  to  day, 
but  extreme  poverty  is  not  the  rule  among  them. 

But  social  classes  neither  in  this  country  nor  in  Europe 
are  so  iron-cast  as  formerly.  The  saving  grace  now  is  that 
a  person  may  rise  from  the  laboring  class  to  the  middle  class, 
or  from  the  middle  class  to  that  status  known  as  ''high 
society."  He  may  also  fall.  There  is  no  especial  disgrace 
here  for  people  to  marry  "out  of  their  class,"  and  each 
class  is  not  independent  of  the  other. 

Is  there  any  excuse  for  social  classes  in  a  democracy? 
Undoubtedly  some  will  say  that  social  classes  offer  an  in- 
centive to  people  to  work  and  to  rise  higher.  But  if  the 
poor  despise  the  rich,  the  middle  classes  envy  the  rich,  and 


74  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

the  rich  look  down  upon  the  poor  and  middle  classes,  there 
is  going  to  be  trouble.  The  fact  that  one  of  our  historic 
documents  says  "  All  men  are  created  equal  "  does  not  make 
them  so.  Inequality  of  people  in  the  different ''  classes  "  and 
the  feeling  between  them  are  the  chief  hindrances  to  our 
attainment  of  real  democracy.  People  who  harp  on  the 
desirability  of  developing  "  class  consciousness  "  are  a  curse 
to  any  country. 

Are  wealthy  people  really  happier  than  others?  Is  the  correc- 
tion of  social  inequality  the  duty  of  one  "  class  "  any  more  than 
another?     Does  "  class  consciousness  "  do  any  good? 

Is  your  community  "stratified"  socially?  If  so,  on  what 
basis?  How  do  any  social  distinctions  manifest  themselves  in 
any  instances  within  your  notice?  What  is  the  influence  of  the 
public  school  on  social  distinctions?  of  political  parties?  of 
churches  ? 

34.  Social  Problems  of  the  City.  —  The  large  city  has 
always  been  itself  a  problem.  The  city  of  the  Middle  Ages, 
from  the  viewpoint  of  safety,  convenience,  or  health,  was 
an  impossible  place  to  live  in,  we  would  say  now.  Most 
certainly  we  have  improved  since  then,  but  some  of  us  never 
look  farther  than  wide  streets  and  flowered  boulevards  in 
forming  our  opinions  about  a  city. 

Congestion  is  one  of  the  disadvantages  of  city  life.  Our 
cities  have  usually  grown  up  around  harbors,  factories,  or 
other  places  of  industry  which  attracted  workers.  They 
naturally  settled  within  a  short  distance  of  the  place  where 
they  worked.  As  more  people  came,  these  sections  became 
more  and  more  thickly  populated.  When  houses  are  scarce, 
rents  go  up,  and  the  crowding  becomes  worse  than  before. 
The  result  is  general  poor  health,  and  the  spread  of  vice  and 
crime.  The  sad,  wan  faces  of  little  children  brought  up 
imder  such  conditions  should  be  a  warning  to  every  city. 
The  saying  that  "  God  made  the  country  and  man  the  town  " 
contains  more  pathos  than  people  who  live  in  desirable  con- 
ditions in  the  city  seem  to  realize. 


Elevating  American  Standards  75 

The  problem  of  the  foreigner  is  worse  in  the  city  than  in 
the  rural  community.  Foreigners  seek  the  city  because 
there  they  find  the  factory  and  the  mill.  In  their  struggle 
to  make  some  kind  of  living  they  crowd  into  those  self-same 
sections  we  have  just  discussed.  They  make  *'  little  Ita- 
lies,"  "little  Russias,"  and  other  distinctive  settlements, 
so  that  these  overcrowded  sections  of  a  city  are  plainly  di- 
vided into  centers  of  nationahty,  where  the  languages  and 
customs  are  those  of  the  **  old  country." 

The  people  who  live  in  the  slum  districts  do  not  have 
an  opportunity  to  play  properly.  Their  more  fortunate 
fellow-citizens  play  too  much  and  too  carelessly,  while  the 
tired  factory  or  mill  hand  comes  home  too  fatigued  to  take 
any  interest  in  amusement.  If  he  does  desire  some  rec- 
reation, only  the  cheap  movie  and  the  common  dance  hall 
or  the  street  corner  are  open  to  him.  Playgrounds  are  too 
few  and  far  between,  and  we  know  what  it  means  when 
children  have  to  play  in  the  streets.  Child  labor  and  the 
sweat  shop  are  evils  which  still  exist  despite  all  that  has 
been  done  to  abolish  them. 

Nor  is  home  life  in  the  finer  parts  of  the  city  all  that  is 
ideal.  The  movie,  the  theater,  and  the  dance  hall  take  the 
young  people,  on  whom  home  influence  should  be  constantly 
working,  out  of  the  home  too  much  of  the  time.  Young 
people  think  they  are  ''seeing  life,"  but  they  do  not  realize 
how  artificial  and  distorted  is  most  of  this  "life." 

Cities  offer  special  opportunities  for  poUtical  corruption 
and  misgovernment.  They  are  hotbeds  of  discontent. 
Here  is  where  revolutions  are  plotted  and  radicals  always 
get  a  hearing.  The  extravagance  of  boastful  wealth  and  the 
gloominess  of  hopeless  poverty  appear  here  in  most  glaring 
contrast.  The  typical  city  dweller  knows  Httle  and  cares 
less  about  either  his  own  neighbors  or  those  who  live  else- 
where, and  judges  everybody  from  his  own  limited  view- 
point. Oh  yes,  we  can  find  good  in  our  great  cities,  but 
just  now  we  are  looking  for  the  opposite  —  and  finding  it. 


76  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

35.  Social  Problems  of  the  Country.  —  By  contrast  the 
sparsely  settled  rural  districts  have  problems  of  their  own. 
Perhaps  the  greatest  is  isolation  and  the  resultant  lack  of 
cooperation.  The  nature  of  the  farmer's  work  does  not 
permit  constant  association.  He  becomes  accustomed  to 
working  by  himself.  The  church  and  the  school  should  be 
common  centers,  but  unfortunately  the  country  minister, 
as  well  as  the  country  teacher,  is  too  often  underpaid  — 
a  serious  drawback  to  competent  leadership. 

It  has  been  said  that  one  mile  from  a  rural  railroad  sta- 
tion time  goes  back  a  hundred  years.  The  old  kerosene 
lamp  still  burns  on  the  table,  the  homely  evidences  of  years 
long  passed  may  still  be  seen,  and  no  attempt  to  better  con- 
ditions is  being  made.  Sanitation  is  unknown,  and  roads 
are  a  joke.  This  charge  is  often  wholly  untrue  and  unjust. 
Yet  there  is  urgent  need  for  modern  improvements  in  many 
a  farm  neighborhood.  The  housewife  especially  deserves 
consideration.  Life  to  her  is  one  day  of  drudgery  after 
another,  and  she  perhaps  uses  the  same  old  methods  of  do- 
mestic work  that  her  great-grandmother  did.  The  Ameri- 
can farmer  can  never  be  a  peasant ;  he  has  the  full  rights 
of  citizenship.  Yet  we  often  see  him  working  with  crude 
arm  implements  or  his  wife  toiling  with  few  or  no  domestic 
facilities.  The  result  of  all  this  is,  too  frequently,  on  the 
part  of  the  old  folks,  taciturn  resignation  to  constant,  weari- 
some, unnecessary  monotony. 

But  the  young  folks  break  away.  Their  motive  may 
be  to  procure  a  good  education,  to  "  see  things,"  to  follow 
a  natural  calling,  or  broaden  their  prospect  of  advancement. 
All  these  motives  may  be  justifiable  in  themselves.  Many 
country  youths  rightly  belong  to  the  city,  while  on  the  other 
hand  many  city-bred  boys  would  flourish  better  and  five 
more  happily  in  the  country.  It  is  a  sad  state  if  the  young 
blood  all  flows  in  one  direction. 

Many  country  communities  are  living  in  the  twentieth 
century  far  more  fully  than  much  of  "little  old  New  York." 


Elevating  American  Standards  77 

But  others  need  to  learn  cooperation  in  work  and  pleasure, 
the  benefits  of  efficient  churches  and  schools  and  the  com- 
forts and  conveniences  which  science  and  invention  have 
made  possible  for  both  the  farmer  and  his  wife.  We  must 
see  to  it  that  the  farmer  can  earn  a  decent  Hving.  It  is 
distressing  to  note  how  many  farms  are  mortgaged  and  how 
many  farmers  are  simply  renters.  If  the  farmer  goes  down 
in  ruin,  the  nation  will  go  down  with  him. 

36.    Social  Problems  of  the   Small  Town.  —  But  some- 
times it  seems  as  if  the  small  town  faces  the  most  difficult 


Main  Street  in  a  Small  Town. 

Does  this  scene  suggest  that  life  in  this  particular  community  is  very 
interesting  ? 

problem.  Its  residents  do  not  have  the  healthy  interests 
that  farmers  do,  nor  does  it  possess  enough  of  the  wealth 
and  progressiveness  of  the  large  town  to  give  it  city  advan- 
tages. Here  too  the  churches  may  be  too  many  and  too  weak, 
and  the  schools  just  good  enough  to  make  one  realize  what 
they  ought  to  be. 

There  is  nothing  for  the  people  to  do  after  the  day's  work 
is  over  but  talk  about  their  neighbors.  Monotonous  ex- 
istence in  a  "  one-hoss  town  "  deadens  all  initiative.     A 


78  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

show,  or  a  "  sociable  "  once  a  month  cannot  satisfy  youth's 
craving  for  variety.  The  same  scenes  and  same  few  faces  do 
not  offer  enough  scope.  The  hfe  of  the  small  town  is  worse 
to  tolerate  than  the  quiet  life  of  the  farm  because  the 
"  taste  "  of  other  things  is  there.  The  small  town  is  just 
"  betwixt  and  between." 

The  young  fellows  loaf  on  the  comers  or  in  the  pool-room 
for  lack  of  something  better  to  do,  and  since  they  have  noth- 
ing to  do,  are  inclined  to  do  wrong,  merely  for  diversion. 
People  who  are  brought  up  in  such  communities  are  apt 
to  become  narrow-minded  and  prejudiced,  and  to  get  hope- 
lessly deep  in  their  little  rut.  Such  men  and  women  are 
not  of  great  value  to  a  progressive  nation  and  they  them- 
selves get  little  out  of  life.  The  small  town  too  often  stops, 
so  far  as  good  influence  or  contribution  of  any  kind  to  the 
nation  is  concerned,  with  the  end  of  its  "  Main  Street." 
But  they  are  not  all  like  this.  Some  are  delightful  places 
not  only  for  spending  a  summer  vacation  but  to  live  in  the 
year  round.     Can  the  rest  be  made  so? 

37.  Community  Ideals.  —  We  have  spoken  of  our  national 
ideals  and  pointed  out  their  importance.  Should  not  the 
local  commxmity,  which  has  as  much  to  do  with  the  every- 
day life  of  its  people,  have  its  own  ideals  too?  Believing 
that  it  should,  social  service  organizations,  churches,  and 
other  agencies  working  for  the  public  good  have  set  forth 
their  aspirations  in  programs  for  community  effort.  We 
may  summarize  some  of  their  ideals  as  follows : 

A  community  should  strive : 

1.  To  prociu-e  cooperation  from  all  its  members ;  in  other  words 
to  display  the  "  community  spirit." 

2.  To  utilize  to  their  best  advantage  all  natural  resoiu-ces,  with 
sufficient  thought  for  the  future. 

3.  To  make  living  conditions  wholesome  and  attractive  and  give 
all  an  equal  opportunity  for  a  decent  living  and  for  advancement. 

4.  To  provide  sufficient  recreation  of  the  right  kind  to  keep  every- 
body healthy  and  happy. 


Elevating  American  Standards  79 

5.  To  keep  clean,  physically  and  morally. 

6.  To  make  every  citizen  think  for  himself  politically,  to  assure 
honest  politics,  and  to  encourage  sound  public  opinion. 

7.  To  know  itself  and  its  needs,  to  raise  its  ideals  ever  higher, 
and  by  education  and  patriotic  appeal  daily  to  approach  nearer 
its  ideals. 

These  are  attainable  ideals.  Evil  has  its  cause  in  con- 
ditions which  we  daily  tolerate.  The  thing  for  every  com- 
munity to  do,  is  to  wake  up,  look  around  for  such  causes, 
eliminate  them  so  far  as  possible,  and  keep  them  from  taking 
root  again.  Then  we  may  expect  to  tell  a  different  story 
from  that  which  truth  has  obliged  us  to  tell  about  the  con- 
ditions of  human  association  in  too  many  communities  in 
our  land. 

Have  you  ever  seen  desirable  things  in  other  communities  which 
your  own  community  lacks  ?  If  so,  what  are  they  ?  Do  you  have 
or  did  you  ever  visit  a  "  community  house  "  ?  What  is  your  opinion 
of  the  idea? 

What  progress  has  your  community  made  in  the  last  ten  years 
toward  the  ideals  we  have  mentioned?  To  whom  does  the  blame 
or  credit  belong  for  the  changes  which  have  taken  place?  What 
have  you  done  about  it,  or  your  church,  or  any  other  organization 
to  which  you  belong? 

*'  What  kind  of  town  would  my  town  be, 
If  every  person  were  just  like  me?  " 

.*.  Evil  conditions,  as  well  as  good,  arise  from  the  association  of 
himian  beings.  Each  type  of  community  has  its  own  special  problems. 
With  an  understanding  of  the  conduct  of  people  in  "  crowds,"  we  must 
direct  such  action  toward  betterment  rather  than  harm. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

The  Social  Problems  of  Our  Town. 

The  Psychology  of  a  Crowd. 

Is  "  Main  Street  "   a  Fair  Description    of   the  American   Small 

Town? 
Social  Classes  in  England. 
Aristocracy  in  America. 
An  Experience  with  a  Crowd. 


80  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  Origin  of  Superstitions. 
The  Castes  of  India. 
The  Community  House. 

REFERENCE   READINGS 

Stelzle  —  American  Social  and  Religious  Conditions,  Chapters  1,  2. 

Tufts  —  The  Real  Business  of  Living,  Chapters  29-31. 

Burch  and  Patterson  —  American  Social  Problems,  Chapters  2-4,  12. 

Rowe  —  Society,  Chapters  13,  14,  17,  24,  25,  45-47. 

Ross  —  What  is  America?     Chapters  6,  7. 

Blackmar  and  Gillin  —  Outlines  of  Sociology,  Parts  III,  IV. 

Bryce  —  Modern  Democracies,  Chapter  75. 

Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  119-121. 

Cleveland  and  Schafer  —  Democracy  in  Reconstruction,  Chapters  6, 7. 

Hayes  —  Introduction  to  Sociology,  Chapters  4-6. 

Gillette  —  Constructive  Rural  Sociology,  Chapters  4,  6,  7,  15. 

EUwood  —  Sociology  and  Modern  Social  Problems,  Chapters  1-3. 

Follett  — The  New  State,  Chapters  2,  22,  23.    Appendix. 

Caniey  —  Country  Life  and  the  Country  School,  Chapters  1,  4. 

Carver — Principles  of  Rural  Economics,  Chapter  6. 


IV.    MAKING  ENVIRONMENT  FAVORABLE  FOR 
RIGHT  LIVING 


We  have  just  suggested  the  kind  of  community  that  ours  and 
every  other  ought  to  be.  In  every  place  there  are  doubtless  good 
and  evil  and  the  prospect  of  improvement.  Environment  is  re- 
sponsible for  much  in  a  community's  life.  Let  us  see  how,  by  mak- 
ing environment  attractive,  we  can  encourage  people  to  maintain 
high  standards  of  thought  and  conduct  and  remove  temptations 
to  wrong-doing. 

38.  When  Is  Right  Living  Easy  ?  —  Perhaps  we  may 
be  asked,  Is  it  desirable  that  right  living  should  be  easy? 
We  sometimes  accuse  our  Puritan  forefathers  of  believing 
that  the  more  disagreeable  were  the  circumstances  sur- 
rounding the  doing  of  an  act,  the  more  virtue  there  was  in 
it.  True,  character  is  made  by  overcoming  obstacles.  But 
surely  a  community  is  bettered  when  wrong-doing  is  re- 
duced, however  the  change  is  brought  about.  Surely  a 
community  is  happier  and  better  in  which  it  is  easy  and 
popular  to  do  right. 

General  enlightenment  is  certainly  a  help,  for  knowing 
what  to  do  is  a  long  step  toward  doing  it.  Health  also  does 
much  to  encourage  right  living.  It  is  always  easier  to  do 
wrong  or  to  neglect  some  duty  when  we  are  ''  out  of  sorts." 
A  state  of  common  well-being  removes  the  excuse  for  theft 
and  dishonesty.  If  the  community  is .  well  planned  and 
beautiful,  by  instinct  we  are  led  to  care  for  it  better,  to  re- 
spect public  and  private  property,  and  try  to  make  it  even 
more  attractive.  Playtime,  whether  we  are  young  or  old, 
encourages  us  to  do  our  work  better.  We  feel  that  the  world 
is  good  to  us  if  we  have  the  chance  for  enjoyment  and  we 

81 


82  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

are  more  likely  to  try  to  be  good  to  the  world.  Where  con- 
ditions such  as  these  prevail,  "  plain  living  and  high  think- 
ing "  are  natural  rather  than  difficult.  Private  citizens 
and  public  officials  then  seek  each  other's  good  as  well  as 
their  own. 

A.  Protecting  Health 

39.  Our  Need  of  Good  Health.  —  Good  health  means 
not  only  freedom  from  disease  and  from  mental  and  physical 
defects,  but  the  possession  of  energy  and  vitahty  beyond 
that  necessary  for  mere  existence.  The  man  or  woman  who 
does  not  have  good  health  is  losing  half  the  joy  of  living. 
It  has  been  said  that  life  consists  of  four  things :  working, 
playing,  eating,  and  sleeping.  None  of  these  can  be  done 
rightly  without  health.  When  a  person  does  not  feel  well, 
he  cannot  do  his  share  of  the  world's  work  satisfactorily, 
cannot  enjoy  his  play,  and  has  a  bad  influence  on  those 
with  whom  he  comes  in  contact.  Initiative  is  dulled,  am- 
bition is  lost.  Many  a  man  who  has  accumulated  wealth 
has  found  out,  too  late,  that  money  brings  little  happiness 
unless  health  goes  along  with  it.  Health  is  fundamental  to 
the  individual  and  hence  to  the  community,  the  nation, 
and  the  progress  of  the  world  as  a  whole. 

Can  you  justify  the  statements  of  this  section  from  your  own 
experience  or  knowledge?  It  is  said  that  there  was  little  sickness 
among  the  Eskimos  until  they  came  in  contact  with  white  people. 
If  true,  what  inferences  does  this  statement  justify  ? 

Now,  are  we  a  healthy  nation?  The  keeping  of  vital 
statistics  —  records  of  births,  deaths,  and  diseases  —  is 
not  done  as  carefully  as  it  should  be.  The  so-called 
*'  registration  area  "  in  the  United  States,  where  records 
are  kept  with  some  approach  to  accuracy,  does  not  include 
more  than  two-thirds  of  the  states.  Sweden  has  the  best 
showing  of  all  countries  in  the  average  length  of  life  of  its 
people  —  fifty-two  and  a  fourth  years.  Somewhere  around 
forty-five  years  would  be  nearer  the  fact  in  this  country. 


Elevating  American  Standards  83 

We  have  made  some  progress.  There  was  a  time  when 
the  plague  was  looked  upon  with  resignation  as  a  thing  of 
fate  —  but  now  we  know  differently  and  realize  that  it  is 
within  our  power  to  prevent  it.  Since  the  use  of  antitoxin 
in  diphtheria,  only  five  per  cent  of  those  having  the  disease 
die,  whereas  formerly  from  twenty  to  thirty  per  cent  yielded 
to  it.  Cholera  no  longer  troubles  the  United  States.  Vac- 
cination has  made  smallpox  exceedingly  rare.  The  dis- 
covery of  the  germ  and  the  germ  carrier  has  done  much  to 
prevent  disease.  By  warring  on  the  mosquito,  the  United 
States  has  virtually  abohshed  yellow  fever,  not  only  here 
but  even  in  tropical  regions  such  as  Cuba  and  Panama. 
At  the  present  time  about  a  million  people  in  the  United 
States  are  tubercular,  but  even  so  large  a  number  of  tuber- 
cular people  is  small  compared  with  what  it  was  thirty 
years  ago. 

And  yet  there  is  much  to  learn,  as  appeared  when  the 
*'  flu  "  epidemic  swept  around  the  world  during  the  last 
years  of  the  Great  War  and  afterwards,  and  doctors  were 
almost  helpless  against  it.  In  infant  mortality  the  record 
of  the  United  States  is  worse  than  that  of  most  other  coun- 
tries. The  worst  health  reports  come  from  southern  com- 
munities where  a  large  negro  and  poor  white  population 
do  not  know  how  to  take  care  of  their  health.  The  city  of 
Seattle  makes  the  best  showing  of  any  of  our  large  cities. 
About  1  in  18  of  the  children  bom  there  die  before  they 
are  a  year  old,  as  compared  with  1  in  10  in  Pittsburgh ;  and 
Seattle's  death  rate  per  year  of  all  ages  is  about  8  per  1000, 
whereas  14  per  1000  would  be  considered  good  in  most  other 
places.     No,  as  a  nation  we  are  not  startlingly  healthy. 

Look  up  the  records  of  your  own  community  in  this  matter.  Are 
they  better  or  worse  than  formerly?  Why?  Does  any  partic- 
ular disease  need  special  attention  in  your  locality? 

40.  Elements  Necessary  to  Health.  —  It  sometimes 
seems  that  good  health  is  a  gift  bestowed  by  the  gods  upon 


84 


Problems  of  American  Democracy 


A  Government  Inspector  at  Work. 

There  are  over  475  government  inspectors  who  report  every  day  at  the 
Chicago  stockyards  headquarters  of  the  Bureau  of  Animal  Industry  of 
the  United  States  Department  of  Agriculture.  These  carcasses  have  al- 
ready passed  three  inspections.  If  this  inspector  is  satisfied  they  are  stamped 
"U.  S.  Government  Inspected"  and  are  sent  to  the  coolers. 


Elevating  American  Standards  85 

some  people  and  denied  to  others  —  that  some  just  natur- 
ally have  good  health  and  others  do  not.  But  there  are 
certain  factors  in  the  health  of  the  community  which  are 
vital.  Every  person  needs  pure  air,  but  there  are  thousands 
of  people  who  do  not  get  it.  If  windows  were  made  only 
to  admit  light  they  would  not  be  made  to  open ;  the  notion 
that  night  air  is  unhealthful  is  foolish.  Pure  water  is  also 
necessary,  for  typhoid  and  other  germs  abound  in  impure 
water.  Pure  food,  and  of  the  right  kind,  is  another  essen- 
tial. Meat,  canned  and  preserved  goods,  and  milk  must 
be  particularly  guarded. 

Proper  living  conditions  also  greatly  affect  health.  Per- 
sonal habits  are  of  great  importance.  Recreation  and  rest 
are  needed  to  keep  our  health  when  once  we  have  it.  We 
may  add  as  another  factor  in  health  the  prevention  and 
control  of  disease,  for  in  spite  of  every  effort  to  prevent  it 
disease  does  appear. 

41.  What  the  Government  Does  to  Provide  These  Ele- 
ments. —  National,  state,  and  local  governments  must  all 
cooperate  if  public  health  is  to  be  safeguarded  most  effec- 
tively, but  the  national  government  has  little  power  to  act, 
except  when  its  activities  relate  to  interstate  or  foreign 
commerce.  The  Bureau  of  Animal  Industry  in  the  national 
Department  of  Agriculture  is  responsible  for  the  inspection 
of  meats  at  the  great  stockyards,  and  carries  on  various 
investigations.  The  Bureau  of  Chemistry  in  the  same  De- 
partment renders  special  service  in  analyzing  drugs  and 
foodstuffs  to  see  that  they  comply  with  federal  laws.  The 
Public  Health  Service,  a  branch  of  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment, collects  health  statistics,  publishes  weekly  health 
reports,  and  holds  conferences  with  state  health  authorities. 
It  also  cares  for  the  health  of  the  men  in  public  service  at 
sea  or  in  ports,  establishes  hospitals,  enforces  quarantine 
regulations  on  inbound  steamers,  and  inspects  immigrants. 

All  of  our  states    now    have    state    boards    of   health. 


86  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Their  power  over  local  health  authorities  is  usually  super- 
visory and  limited,  although  it  varies  in  the  different  states. 
The  state  board  of  health  or  its  executive  head  sometimes 
can  act  with  supreme  power  when  conditions  demand,  even 
to  the  extent  of  quarantining  the  entire  state.  State  boards 
collect  and  publish  statistics,  and  aid  in  the  cause  of  public 
health  in  various  other  ways.  The  inspection  of  rural 
springs  and  wells,  for  instance,  may  be  one  of  their  duties. 
State  laws  may  lay  down  requirements  in  regard  to  air  and 
light  in  factories,  schools,  and  the  like,  may  regulate  the 
keeping  of  eggs,  butter,  and  other  commodities  in  cold  stor- 
age, may  arrange  for  the  inspection  of  cattle  and  milk,  and 
authorize  the  necessary  inspectors  and  examiners  to  enforce 
such  regulations. 

Most  of  the  responsibility  for  enforcing  health  regulations 
rests  on  the  local  boards.  In  many  states,  laws  require 
a  health  board  or  officer  in  every  city  and  town  and  even 
in  rural  districts.  The  work  of  these  boards  may  include 
keeping  records  of  births  and  deaths,  maintaining  quar- 
antine laws,  and  overseeing  hospitals.  These  local  boards 
come  into  close  touch  with  their  communities,  and  can  under- 
stand local  needs  better  than  a  county  or  state  board.  Some- 
times, however,  because  of  mistaken  community  senti- 
ment, they  may  be  too  lax  for  the  good  of  the  neighboring 
communities,  and  the  state  authorities  may  have  to  impose 
their  will  upon  them. 

Mention  several  occasions  respecting  the  public  health  when 
there  ought  to  be  very  close  cooperation  between  national  and 
state  authorities.  Do  we  need  more  extensive  federal  authority 
in  the  matter  than  is  now  exercised?  How  much  power  is  pos- 
sessed by  your  state  board  of  health? 

Such  matters  as  the  removal  of  garbage  and  rubbish, 
smoke  regulations,  and  the  like,  must  always  be  mainly 
local  problems.  So  is  the  supplying  of  water  to  cities  great 
and  small,  even  though  the  Catskill  reservoirs  which  New 
York  City  built  are  eighty  miles  away,  and    Los  Angeles 


Elevating  American  Standards 


87 


brings  water  across  the  desert  over  two  hundred  miles.  Such 
water  systems  cost  well  up  into  the  millions  of  dollars.  Pure 
water  implies  good  drainage  and  sewerage.  Now  every 
self-respecting  community  of  any  size  has  a  sewer  system, 
and  even  rural  communities  may  require  the  construction 
of  septic  tanks  and  other  means  of  preventing  the  con- 
tamination of  drinking  water.  Local  governments  also 
pass  regulations  concern- 
ing goods  bought  and  sold 
in  a  community.  The 
maintenance  of  cooling 
systems  in  butcher-shops 
and  the  exposure  of  meat 
and  other  foods  to  flies 
and  dirt  are  subjects  cov- 
ered by  such  ordinances. 


42.  Controlling  Dis- 
ease.—  When  the  cause 
of  a  disease  is  known  it 
is  not  hard  to  prevent 
it,  if  people  can  only  be 
induced  to  comply  with 
the  necessary  conditions. 
Malaria  and  yellow  fever 


Copyright,  Boston  Photo  News  Co. 
Guarding  the  Public  Health. 


This  man  is  testing  milk  taken  from  milk 
are    carried     by    mosqui-    wagons  in  Boston  for  signs  of  tuberculosis 

toes.     The  plague  is  car-   ^^'°''- 

ried  by  rats.  So  when  these  carriers  are  removed,  the 
disease  to  a  great  degree  ceases.  We  have  not  yet  learned 
with  certainty  the  cause  of  every  disease.  Cancer,  for  ex- 
ample, cannot  always  be  traced  to  any  particular  cause, 
and  the  disease  is  more  common  now  than  ever.  Investi- 
gations such  as  the  Rockefeller  Foundation  is  undertaking 
offer  much  promise  of  wider  knowledge. 

We  have  pointed  out  that  clean  streets,  clean  houses,  a 
good  sewerage  system,  proper  filtration  of  water,  the  timely 


88  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

removal  of  refuse  —  all  are  factors  in  the  prevention  of  dis- 
ease, and  pure  food  and  pure  air  lessen  the  chances  of  illness. 
Proper  medical  care  is,  of  course,  indispensable  in  overcoming 
sickness.  Few  sick  persons  should  have  to  do  without  a  phy- 
sician. Quarantine  regulations  are,  perhaps,  the  greatest 
restraint  we  know  of  for  controlling  contagious  diseases. 
Perhaps  the  schools  have  neglected  an  opportunity  here, 
for  much  medical  knowledge  could  be  imparted  to  every 


A  Model  Little  Huckster's  Cart. 

An  effort  at  neatness  and  cleanliness  is  evident  here  which  unfortunately 
is  not  always  found  under  such  conditions. 

one  instead  of  being  considered  a  dark  secret  which  only  a 
physician  can  discover. 

Hospitals  do  much  to  aid  in  controlling  disease.  Most 
of  these  institutions  are  endowed,  but  some  are  maintained 
at  public  expense.  Practically  every  hospital,  whether 
public  or  private,  maintains  a  free  ward  for  people  who  can- 
not afford  to  pay  for  a  room  or  professional  services.  Some 
hospitals,   though   maintained  as   private  institutions,   re- 


Elevating  American  Standards  89 

ceive  help  from  the  state.  The  hospital,  from  the  very 
nature  of  its  mission,  should  never  turn  away  any  one  who 
needs  its  help. 

A  vital  factor  in  the  control  of  disease  is  the  attitude  of 
the  people  of  a  community.  We  must  not  depend  upon 
others  —  even  upon  our  officials  —  to  make  us  healthy. 
Some  people  seem  to  be  utterly  indifferent  to  duty  in  re- 
spect to  the  health  of  their  fellow-citizens.  Parents  per- 
mit children  to  go  to  school  or  play  in  the  streets  with  other 
children  when  they  are  sick  themselves  or  have  been  ex- 
posed to  a  contagious  disease.  Others  are  willfully  care- 
less about  their  own  health.  Recent  years  have  shown  a 
great  change  in  public  thought  about  certain  kinds  of  dis- 
eases, especially  those  arising  out  of  conditions  connected 
with  particular  industries.  It  has  been  relatively  easy  to 
secure  the  passage  of  laws  requiring  such  changes  in  pro- 
cesses or  materials  used  as  to  foster  the  health  of  workers. 

The  prevention  of  disease  is  a  big  job.  The  individual, 
the  community,  the  state,  and  the  nation  cannot  do  too  much 
to  help  struggling  humanity  avoid  the  evils  of  bad  health 
in  the  short  time  allotted  them  to  gain  something  out  of 
living.  A's  health  should  be  just  as  important  to  B  as  it 
is  to  A  himself.  As  a  nation  we  are  healthier  than  ever 
before,  but  perhaps  that  is  not  saying  much  after  all. 

What  would  you  say  to  a  mother  who  declared,  "  Johnny  will 
have  the  measles  some  time.  I  am  not  going  to  worry  about  keep- 
ing him  away  from  them  now  "  ? 

What  do  you  think  of  the  idea  that  a  physician  should  be  paid 
for  keeping  you  from  getting  sick  rather  than  for  curing  you  ?  Why 
not  hire  a  physician  as  some  people  hire  lawyers,  to  keep  them  out 
of  trouble? 

Is  a  person  ever  justified  in  breaking  quarantine  ? 

43.  Preventing  Accidents.  —  Accidents !  We  read  about 
them  every  day  of  our  lives.  The  newspapers  are  full  of 
them.  It  has  been  said  that  every  sixteen  minutes  one 
person  is  killed  in  factories  or  mines,  or  on  railroads.     And 


90  Problems  of  American  Democracy 


fires !    We  burn  over  $300,000,000  every  year  in  the  form  of 
houses,  stores,  and  workshops. 

Most  of  these  accidents  could  be  prevented.  For  in- 
stance, 85  per  cent  of  the  fires  are  avoidable.     They  occur 

only  through  carelessness 
—  a  still-glowing  match 
dropped ;  a  cigarette  butt, 
neglected  rubbish  —  and 
pouf!  a  great  fire,  with 
irreparable  losses  of  prop- 
erty and  money  and  per- 
haps life.  Irreparable,  we 
say,  for  even  if  the  in- 
surance companies  make 
good  much  of  the  loss, 
the  premiums  which  prop- 
erty-owners have  paid 
count  up  to  a  still  greater 
figure. 

Many  of  the  accidents 
in  factories  should  be 
prevented,  also.  Danger- 
ous, exposed  machinery 
is  a  constant  life-risking 
proposition .  In  the  mines 
the  pillarage  support  is 
often  insufficient.  Rail- 
ways and  subways  are 
not  protected  in  some  cases  to  insure  public  safety. 

"  Safety  first  "  campaigns  are  doing  much  to  abolish  these 
conditions.  Motorized  fire  engines  replace  the  old-fash- 
ioned "carts.''  People  are  realizing  that  the  best  way  to 
fight  fires  is  to  prevent  them.  In  the  factory,  the  machinery 
is  covered  or  roped  off,  and  the  men  are  taught  to  be  careful. 
The  old  idea,  that  accidents  are  inevitable,  a  part  of  the 
necessary  risk  of  industry,  we  no  longer  accept.    The  miners 


Foolish  Fire  Risks. 

Leaving  rubbish  in  such  places  as  this  is 
a  most  inexcusable  and  unfortunately  too 
common  piece  of  carelessness.  People 
who  do  this  kind  of  thing  deserve  severe 
treatment. 


Elevating  American  Standards  91 

use  safety  lamps  and  insist  on  the  proper  mining  conditions. 
The  national  Bureau  of  Mines  is  constantly  experimenting 
to  find  the  surest  way  to  safeguard  life.  The  railways  use 
steel  and  concrete  cars,  suppUed  with  safety  brakes.  Work- 
ers in  some  places  must  wear  goggles. 

Industrial  diseases,  so-called  because  they  are  the  result 
of  working  conditions,  are  being  extensively  investigated. 
A  tax  high  enough  to  discourage  production  was  put  upon 
poisonous  matches,  since  their  manufacture  caused  the 
horrible  bone  disease  ''phossy  jaw."  Diseases  caused  by  lead, 
mercury,  brass,  or  arsenic  poisoning  are  being  stopped. 

Outside  the  industries,  too,  we  are  really  doing  better 
about  saving  people.  Traffic  laws  are  reducing  the  toll  of 
lives.  Ordinances  require  the  removal  of  ice  from  pave- 
ments. Railroads  are  abolishing  the  grade  crossing,  and 
have  installed  automatic  couplers  and  block  signals.  Pubhc 
buildings  must  be  equipped  with  fire  extinguishers,  and 
many  of  these,  as  well  as  tenements  and  apartments,  must 
have  fire  escapes  also.  In  the  homes  we  are  urged  to  screen 
fire  grates,  be  careful  with  gasoline,  and  have  metal  gas 
connections. 

Four  measures  are  therefore  necessary  to  make  accident 
prevention  effective:  educate  the  ignorant,  discipline  the 
careless,  enforce  our  laws,  and  be  careful  ourselves.  All 
our  measures  would  be  in  vain  if  the  individual  did  not  use 
his  own  head,  ''Watch  his  step,"  and  ''Stop,  Look,  and 
Listen."   For  after  all,  these  are  the  things  that  count  most. 

What  would  you  think  of  an  ordinance  under  which  any  one 
who  got  into  an  accident  in  a  factory  or  on  the  street  should  be 
punished,  whether  he  was  the  most  guilty  party  or  not?  By 
what  agencies  do  you  think  lessons  in  "  safety  first  "  campaigns 
can  be  most  forcibly  impressed? 

44.  Removing  the  Slum  Evil.  —  Most  of  us  have  heard 
of  the  slum,  and  some  of  us  have  seen  it.  It  is  a  district 
characterized  by  congested  population  and  poor  living  con- 
ditions.   Its  tenements  may  be  five  or  six  stories  high,  hous- 


92  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

ing  many  families,  and  be  little  better  than  fire  traps.  Its 
small  houses  may  be  even  worse  in  some  respects.  The 
slum  is  always  an  old  part  of  the  city,  and  its  buildings  are 
decorated  with  the  filth  of  years.  When  people  live  under 
such  conditions,  they  cannot  help  acquiring  their  neigh- 
bors' ills  and  vices,  and  disease  and  immorality  spread  rap- 
idly.    Flies,   rats,   and   other  vermin  carry  ill-health  and 


'  \    I HH  East  Side  of  New  York. 

This  is  Hester  Street,  New  York  City.  Such  scenes  can  be  observed  in 
many  streets  in  that  neighborhood.  What  do  you  think  of  such  conditions 
as  seed-ground  for  good  citizenship  ?  On  Manhattan  Island  there  are  over 
100,000  people  for  every  square  mile  of  land. 

discomfort  from  the  slum  to  other  parts  of  the  city.  So 
it  is  not  alone  for  the  sake  of  the  slum-dwellers,  but  also 
for  all  other  parts  of  the  city  that  the  slum  should  be 
abolished. 

But  why  do  all  these  conditions  exist  when  we  know  they 
are  so  dangerous  to  a  community's  well-being?  It  is  be- 
cause of  the  greed  of  some  people  and  the  ignorance  of  others. 


Elevating  American  Standards  93 

The  landlord  covets  money,  and  the  people  submit  to 
his  stinginess,  perhaps  because  it  is  the  cheapest  way  to  ex- 
ist, perhaps  because  they  know  nothing  better,  perhaps 
because  they  do  not  know  how  to  get  away.  And  so  some 
means  must  be  found  to  force  people  who  want  to  live  in 
slums  for  economy's  sake  to  realize  how  foolish  they  are, 
to  point  out  better  things  to  the  ignorant,  and  to  help  those 
who  cannot  help  themselves. 

Legislation  is  perhaps  the  first  way  to  undertake  this  ab- 
olition of  the  slums.  Some  cities  have  building  regulations, 
which  require  that  a  building  shall  not  exceed  a  certain 
height,  that  all  of  a  lot  shall  not  be  built  on,  that  tenements 
shall  have  fire  escapes,  and  a  certain  number  of  cubic  feet 
of  air  be  assured  each  person. 

With  legislation  must  go  education.  We  must  show  these 
people  the  right  way  to  live,  or  improving  their  houses  will 
be  of  little  value.  This  the  public  schools  are  trying  to  do. 
They  are  giving  the  child  of  the  foreigner  and  the  child  of 
the  poor  American  higher  standards  of  life,  and  the  children 
of  a  household  may  have  some  influence  on  the  whole 
family's  mode  of  life.  But  the  abolition  of  the  slum  can- 
not be  accomplished  in  a  week  or  a  month.  Besides,  per- 
sonal social  service  is  rendered  in  a  most  hopeful  fashion, 
through  the  settlement  houses  located  in  the  worst  parts 
of  cities  and  towns.  Settlement  workers  live  on  the  prem- 
ises or  come  daily.  Children  and  older  people  are  taught 
useful  arts,  and  given  a  chance  at  healthful  amusement  and 
sound  advice.  Personal  cleanliness  and  home  sanitation 
are  taught  both  by  example  and  by  precept. 

How  to  get  more  houses  and  better  ones  is  a  difficult  prob- 
lem. It  may  be  impossible  to  get  many  of  the  present 
occupants  of  congested  districts  to  move  away,  because 
they  might  have  to  leave  their  acquaintances  and  put  them- 
selves to  the  expense  of  carfare  to  reach  their  places  of  busi- 
ness or  employment,  when  their  wages  are  already  low.  We 
must  therefore  do  what  we  can  for  them  where  they  are. 


94  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Playgrounds  and  small  parks,  when  they  can  be  opened 
in  such  neighborhoods,  are  a  godsend. 

Does  your  community  have  a  slum  district?  What  is  being  done 
for  it?  Is  there  a  rural  housing  problem?  Does  your  community 
have  or  enforce  any  building  codes? 

45.  ^'  Prohibition."  —  Why  do  we  put  this  word  in  quo- 
tation marks,  and  why  put  it  here  at  all?  Because  we  can 
prohibit  many  things,  but  have  acquired  the  habit  of  using 
the  word  to  refer  to  the  sale  of  intoxicating  liquor  as  a  bev- 
erage; and  because  the  use  of  this  particular  commodity 
bears  directly  upon  the  moral  and  physical  health  of  a 
community.  Intemperance  in  the  use  of  liquor  leads  to 
poverty,  to  crime,  and  to  mental  and  physical  deficiency. 
It  affects  the  one  who  drinks,  his  family,  and  all  society.  It 
is  needless  to  dwell  upon  the  unhappiness,  the  despair,  the 
curse  which  Uquor  has  brought  to  thousands  of  lives.  Yet  as 
late  as  1914  the  consumption  of  liquor  amounted  to  twenty- 
two  and  one-half  gallons  for  every  man,  woman,  and  child 
in  the  United  States.  When  we  consider  how  many  people 
did  not  drink,  what  tanks  some  must  have  been ! 

Prohibition  has  come  about  gradually.  When  people 
realized  the  desirability  of  restricting  the  liquor  traiSic,  they 
often  undertook  to  do  so  by  imposing  a  high  license  fee  on 
Uquor  dealers.  This  practice  reduced  the  number  in  the 
business  and  made  it  a  little  easier  to  watch  them,  but 
did  not  seriously  inconvenience  the  thirsty.  Maine,  under 
the  lead  of  Neal  Dow,  adopted  state-wide  prohibition  in 
1846  and  never  abandoned  her  policy.  Several  other  states 
followed,  but  did  not  equal  her  in  persistency.  Many  states 
preferred  a  *'  local  option "  policy,  allowing  each  county 
or  town  to  vote  on  the  matter. 

But  after  the  beginning  of  the  twentieth  century  a  solid 
"  prohibition  "  sentiment  set  in.  State  after  state  adopted 
state  prohibition,  and  finally,  by  January  16,  1919,  the  nec- 
essary number  of  states  ratified  the  Eighteenth  Amend- 


Elevating  American  Standards  95 

ment  to  the  national  Constitution,  which  was  to  go  into 
effect  one  year  later.  This  provides  that  no  intoxicating 
liquors  shall  be  manufactured  or  sold  in  the  United  States 
for  beverage  purposes.  Just  what  shall  be  considered  in- 
toxicating liquor,  and  under  what  conditions  it  may  be  used 
for  medicinal  and  mechanical  purposes,  had  to  be  regulated 
by  act  of  Congress.  The  famous  Volstead  Act  declared 
that  hquor  containing  one-half  of  one  per  cent  of  alcohol  was 
to  be  considered  intoxicating. 

The  enforcement  of  the  prohibition  amendment  and  the 
Volstead  Act  is  a  very  great  problem.  Some  people  are 
unwilling  to  abandon  their  drinking  habits  and  insist  that 
the  whole  prohibition  movement  is  a  denial  of  **  personal 
liberty."  Others  find  "boot-legging"  a  profitable,  even 
though  a  risky,  business.  Even  public  officials  are  not  above 
winking  at  the  disregard  of  the  law.  But  it  is  to  be  hoped 
that  the  young  folk  of  today,  who  have  less  facility  in  pro- 
curing liquor  than  their  fathers,  and  who  do  not  know  the 
old-time  saloon,  will  finally  succeed  in  making  the  United 
States  truly ''dry." 

Before  the  Eighteenth  Amendment  was  passed  people 
realized  that  some  prohibition  measure  was  necessary  con- 
cerning the  sale  of  habit-forming  drugs.  In  1914,  the  Har- 
rison Narcotic  Act  was  passed,  prohibiting  the  sale  of  all 
drugs  except  by  doctor's  prescription.  Physicians  them- 
selves are  required  to  render  a  strict  account  of  all  drugs 
obtained  or  prescribed  for  patients.  This  is  to  prevent 
unscrupulous  doctors  from  becoming  rich  from  the  weak- 
ness of  ''dope  fiends."  In  the  slums  of  our  large  cities  the 
drug  fiend  is  not  uncommon.  On  the  whole,  though,  the 
drug  act  has  been  very  well  enforced. 

Was  the  saloon  of  any  value  whatever?  Is  any  substitute 
needed  for  it  as  a  meeting-place  for  **  good  fellows  "?  For  what 
reasons  was  it  inevitable  that  to  make  prohibition  effective  at  once 
was  impossible?  Do  you  think  the  War  brought  prohibition  pre- 
maturely ?    Is  there  any  inconsistency  between  the  Fourth  Amend- 


96  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

ment  and  the  enforcement  of  the  Eighteenth?     How  can  local, 
state,  and  national  officers  cooperate  to  make  prohibition  a  reality  ? 

46.  Restraining  Vice.  —  Restraining  vice  is  a  problem 
of  both  health  and  morals,  of  both  city  and  country.  Pro- 
fanity and  vulgarity  in  speech  are  said  to  be  typical  rural 
vices,  but  surely  they  are  not  unknown  to  city  people.  Im- 
morality is  found  in  all  kinds  of  communities  —  the  remote 
rural  hamlet,  the  slum,  and  the  quarters  of  the  ''  upper  " 
classes  of  society.  Evidently  conditions  exactly  opposite  may- 
produce  it  —  the  lack  of  opportunity  for  right  social  com- 
panionship in  isolated  districts  and  the  nervous  excitement 
of  certain  phases  of  city  life  seem  to  be  equally  responsible. 

At  one  time  a  favorite  custom  of  city  authorities  was  to 
set  apart  a  certain  district  where  almost  anything  would 
be  allowed,  short  of  murder.  It  was  common  knowledge 
that  this  was  the  *'  red  light  "  district,  and  people  who  went 
there  took  their  own  chances  of  coming  back  with  their 
money,  their  health,  or  their  reputation.  Officials  argued 
that  vice  would  be  indulged  in  anyway,  and  that  it  was 
best  to  keep  it  in  one  district  where  it  would  not  contami- 
nate the  rest  of  the  city.  Besides,  some  of  them  were  hand- 
somely compensated  by  the  proprietors  of  houses  in  the 
district.  But  as  a  means  of  effective  restraint,  this  plan 
was  a  flat  failure.  The  only  way  to  deal  with  vice  is  to  hit 
it  hard  wherever  it  appears. 

Yet  the  remedy  is  not  wholly  one  of  law.  Education 
has  a  big  opportunity  here.  It  seems  as  if  few  people 
would  take  a  chance  if  they  knew  the  horrible  consequences 
that  immorality  so  often  causes  to  those  who  practice  it 
and  to  their  unfortunate  children.  The  church  and  the 
school,  as  well  as  parents,  have  neglected  their  duty.  The 
knowledge  of  one  set  of  physiological  facts  should  not  be 
any  more  undesirable  than  another,  and  would  not  be  if 
taught  in  the  right  way.  We  do  not  need  to  talk  with  the 
freedom  of  Shakespeare  in  order  to  possess  the  information 


Elevating  American  Standards  97 

that  saves  from  physical  degeneracy  and  moral  disaster. 
^'  I  didn't  know  "  is  sometimes  as  sad  a  phrase  as  "  it  might 
have  been."  Get  the  facts,  but  get  them  from  the  right 
people  —  your  parents,  your  physical  instructor,  your  phy- 
sician. 

Some  vicious  habits  associate  themselves  with  recreation. 
The  pubhc  dance  hall,  where  all  sorts  and  conditions  of 
people  mingle,  takes  many  young  men  and  women  into  bad 
<;ompany,  and  sometimes  leads  to  disastrous  looseness  of 
conduct.  Such  places  should  be  abolished  or  strictly  super- 
vised by  local  authorities  and  carried  on  properly.  The 
-environment  of  the  ordinary  pool-room  is  far  from  uplifting. 
Cheap  vaudeville  and  burlesque  are  frequently  degrading. 
Even  the  highest  priced  theaters  are  often  justly  criticized 
for  failing  to  maintain  the  standards  of  which  they  are  ca- 
pable. Cafes,  restaurants,  and  cabarets  combine  amuse- 
ment with  refreshment,  and  very  often  the  degree  of  hilarity 
reached  in  such  places  is  abominable. 

One  of  the  greatest  of  harmful  amusements  is  gambling. 
The  idea  of  getting  something  for  nothing  appeals  to  some 
people,  while  others  like  the  excitement  that  comes  from 
taking  a  chance.  Open  gambling  and  betting  were  more 
prevalent  formerly  than  they  are  now.  Lotteries  used  to 
be  very  conspicuous  forms  of  gambling  in  this  country,  and 
are  still  in  some  parts  of  Europe.  The  Louisiana  Lottery 
did  an  enormous  business  in  every  state  until  stopped  by 
an  act  of  Congress  forbidding  the  mails  to  be  used  for  such 
purposes.  But  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  they  are  forbidden, 
lotteries  and  gambling  houses  are  still  carried  on.  It  is 
hard  to  determine  whether  this  is  due  to  neglect  of  duty  on 
the  part  of  officials,  or  a  low  standard  of  public  sentiment. 
Some  of  us  may  be  inclined  to  say,  "  if  fools  want  to  gamble, 
let  them  go  ahead."  But  there  are  a  great  many  people 
in  the  world  who  need  to  be  protected  against  themselves. 
A  community  cannot  afford  to  have  its  members  throwing 
away  time,  money,  and  character. 


98  Problems  of  American  Democracy 


47.  Relieving  Defectives.  —  In  every  community  there 
are  certain  people  who  cannot,  and  others  who  will  not, 
take  proper  care  of  themselves.  These  may  be  divided 
into  three  classes :  dependents  cannot  provide  themselves  prop- 
erly with  the  necessities  of  life,  and  include  the  poor,   the 

crippled,  the  sick,  old  people,, 
and  young  children ;  defectives 
comprise  those  who  lack 
some  physical  sense  or  men- 
tal power  possessed  by  the 
normal  person,  such  as  the 
deaf  and  dumb,  the  blind,, 
the  insane,  and  the  feeble- 
minded ;  delinquents  are  those 
whose  actions  are  either  im- 
moral or  illegal. 

Each  of  these  classes,  and 
each  type  in  each  class,  needs 
special  care.  The  community 
must  usually  attend  to  the 
delinquent,  as  we  shall  see 
later.  The  relatives  and 
friends  of  the  other  two 
classes  cannot  always  pro- 
vide for  them,  and  frequently 
there    are    no    relatives    or 


Work  for  the  Blind. 
The  blind  seem  to  be  particularly 
gifted  with  a  sense  for  music.     Such 
a  trade  as  piano  tuning  they  follow 
with  much  success. 


friends.     Besides,  better  care  can  often  be  given  in  institu- 
tions than  in  private  homes. 

Much  of  this  work  also  must  be  done  by  public  agencies. 
Blind  people,  of  whom  there  are  60,000  or  more  in  this  coim- 
try,  may,  because  of  their  extraordinary  sense  of  touch,  be- 
come very  adept  at  sewing,  weaving,  crocheting,  carving, 
making  brooms,  baskets,  and  articles  of  cane  furniture. 
They  also  make  good  piano  tuners  and  musical  artists,  owing 
to  their  sharpened  hearing.  Unless  they  are  physically 
defective  in  other  ways,  as  is  not  uncommon,  they  can  be 


Elevating  American  Standards  99 

independent  to  a  certain  degree,  and  be  useful  to  them- 
selves and  others.  The  use  of  raised  letters  and  perforations 
enables  them  to  learn  almost  any  subject  that  can  be  taught 
from  books. 

Name  people  who  became  notable  in  spite  of  blindness  —  per- 
haps because  of  it . 

There  are  about  90,000  deaf  people  in  the  United  States. 
Of  these  a  little  more  than  half  are  totally  deaf.  It  is  nat- 
ural for  us  to  say,  ''deaf  and  dumb,"  but  only  one-fourth  of 
the  deaf  are  devoid  of  speech.  They  do  not  talk  because 
they  cannot  hear  others  to  learn  how.  Of  all  the  deaf  people 
about  one-fifth  were  born  deaf.  Besides  using  sign  language, 
deaf  mutes  often  become  very  proficient  in  lip  reading,  even 
learning  to  shape  letters  themselves  without  articulation. 
Great  advances  have  been  made  in  teaching  the  deaf  and 
dumb,  so  that  it  is  possible  for  them  to  get  along  very  well 
by  themselves. 

There  are  two  types  of  mental  defectives,  the  insane  and 
the  feeble-minded.  An  insane  person  is  one  who  has  pos- 
sessed normal  faculties,  but  through  some  misfortune  has 
lost  them.  The  feeble-minded  never  had  average  mental 
powers.  Some  one  has  called  them  "  God's  unfinished  people.'* 
In  the  United  States  there  are  about  200,000  insane,  and 
over  300,000  feeble-minded.  Statistics  seem  to  show  more 
insane  people  than  formerly,  but  the  apparent,  increase  is 
probably  due  to  improved  means  of  obtaining  statistics,  the 
greater  number  placed  in  institutions,  and  the  advancement 
made  in  detecting  insanity  in  its  early  stages. 

In  very  early  times,  the  insane  were  neglected  if  they  were 
peaceful  and  burned  or  drowned  if  they  were  dangerous  or 
boisterous.  They  were  called  witches,  or  it  was  said  they 
were  possessed  with  a  devil.  Later,  institutions  were  pro- 
vided for  the  insane,  but  they  were  shamefully  treated  and 
lived  imder  terrible  conditions.  With  the  nineteenth  cen- 
tury the  humanitarian  period  began.    People  began  to  real- 


100         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

ize  that  the  insane  suffered  and  knew  they  were  suffering. 
Today  in  an  insane  asylum  surroundings  are  made  as  sani- 
tary and  pleasant  as  possible,  medical  care  is  provided,  the 
inmates  enjoy  recreation,  are  given  some  useful  employ- 
ment and  are  watched  carefully  for  signs  of  sanity.  This 
has  made  possible  the  cure  of  about  one-fourth  of  the  patients 
thus  treated. 

There  are  public,  semi-public,  and  private  institutions 
for  the  insane.  Some  hospitals,  too,  have  an  insane  depart- 
ment, as  do  poor  farms  and  almshouses  in  many  places. 
Some  insane  may  be  found  in  prisons,  but  it  is  probable  that 
more  criminals  are  found  in  insane  asylums.  States  usually 
maintain  an  institution  for  the  insane,  and  counties,  cities^ 
and  towns  have  their  own  provisions  for  these  people.  All 
insane  people  should  be  kept  in  institutions  in  order  that 
they  may  receive  the  best  possible  care. 

What  do  you  think  of  the  proposal  that  physicians  should  pain- 
lessly put  to  death  the  hopelessly  insane  and  infants  that  will  never 
be  anything  but  a  burden  to  their  families  ? 

The  feeble-minded  may  be  divided  into  three  classes: 
the  idiot,  whose  mentality  never  exceeds  that  of  a  two-year- 
old  child ;  the  imbecile,  who  may  have  the  mental  powers 
of  a  child  of  eight;  and  the  moron,  whose  mental  develop- 
ment is  that  of  a  child  from  eight  to  twelve.  The  idiot  can- 
not talk  nor  understand  when  spoken  to.  He  cares  for  noth- 
ing but  the  satisfaction  of  his  physical  wants,  and  never 
reaches  maturity.  The  imbecile  can  speak,  but  he  cannot 
read  or  write.  He  can,  under  the  proper  conditions,  do  cer- 
tain kinds  of  work.  The  moron  is  in  some  respects  the 
most  dangerous  of  the  feeble-minded.  He  can  do  some 
work,  and  he  knows  enough  so  that  he  is  often  considered 
only  slow  or  ignorant.  In  many  cases  he  is  thought  to 
be  normal,  and  he  mingles  freely  with  other  people.  He  is 
permitted  to  marry  and  produce  feeble-minded  descendants, 
who  are  a  burden  to  society. 


Elevating  American  Standards  101 

By  the  use  of  some  of  the  numerous  varieties  of  mental 
test,  the  "  mental  age  "  of  all  kinds  of  people  can  very 
accurately  be  determined.  Indeed,  tests"  with  a  similar 
purpose  are  often  given  in  schools,  in  order  that  the  teacher 
may  know  which  pupils  are  above  or  below  the  normal 
mentaUty,  and  may  give  special  help  t(»  pupils  who  need  it. 
The  feeble-minded  ought  to  be  cared  for  in  special  insti- 
tutions of  their  own,  but  many ',ajre\st'iU  J  ?6idid, Jin;  alms- 
houses, hospitals,  reformatories,  and  prisons.'  It  is  aVrohg 
kind  of  sympathy  that  laments  when  one  of  these  unfortu- 
nates is  taken  from  his  family  and  placed  where  he  will 
get  just  the  treatment  that  his  misfortune  needs. 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 

City  Systems  of  Water  Supply. 

Climate  as  a  Factor  in  Health. 

Our  Town  as  a  Health  Resort. 

The  Chemistry  of  the  Air. 

Quarantine  Regulations. 

Pubhc  Health  Officers  of  Our  State  and  Community. 

The  National  Government's  Relation  to  the  Health  Problem. 

The  History  of  Prohibition. 

The  Cost  of  the  Liquor  Traffic  vs.  the  Cost  of  Prohibition. 

The  Drug  Habit  and  Its  Restraint. 

Alcohol  and  Its  Relation  to  Health. 

Patent  Medicines. 

The  Struggle  against  Infant  Mortality. 

The  Maintenance  of  Hospitals. 

Institutions  for  the  Blind. 

The  Care  of  the  Deaf  and  Dumb. 

Insane  Asylums. 

Institutions  for  the  Feeble-Minded. 

Tests  for  Mental  Ability. 

The  Elimination  or  Control  of  Common  Diseases. 

Health  Conditions  in  Other  Countries. 

The  Theory  of  Malthus  and  the  Attitude  of   Students   toward 

It  Today. 
The  Story  of  Helen  Keller. 
What  Our  State  Does  for  Defectives. 
The  Jukes  and  the  Kallikak  Family, 


102         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Systems  of  Reading  for  the  Blind. 

Problems  of  Rural  Health. 

Methods  of  Medical  Inspection. 

Vital  Statistics  in  Our  Community,  State,  and  Nation. 

The  Influenza  Epidemic. 

The  Extermination  of  Dangerous  Insects. 

Personal  Habits  as  Factors  in  Health. 

Animal  Diseases  aiid  Their  Relation  to  Human  Beings. 

The  Problem  of  Sewage  Disposal. 

Programs,  for  Municipal  Housing. 

REFERENCE   READINGS 

Beard  —  American  Citj'^  Government,  Chapters  10,  11. 

Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  B-4,  B-14,  C-3,  C-8,  C-19. 

Bulletins  of  the  United  States  PubUc  Health  Service,  Department 

of  Agriculture,   Bureau   of   Education,    and   similar   state   and 

local  agencies. 
Henderson  —  Dependents,  Defectives,  and  Delinquents.     Part  III. 
Towne  —  Social  Problems,  Chapters  9,  10,  13,  17. 
Goddard  —  Feeble-mindedness,  Its  Causes  and  Its  Consequences. 
Burch  and  Patterson  —  American  Social  Problems,  Chapters  20, 

21. 
Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapter  32. 
Hayes  —  Introduction  to  Sociology,  Chapters  14,  16. 
Beard  —  American  City  Government,  Chapters  10,  11. 
Haskin  —  American  Government,  Chapter  15. 
Rowe  —  Society,  Chapters  11,  29,  31,  35. 

Cleveland  and  Schafer  —  Democracy  in  Reconstruction,  Chapter  8. 
Gillette  —  Constructive  Rural  Sociology,  Chapter  13. 

B.  Affording  Pleasure 

48.  What  Is  Recreation?  —  If  we  did  nothing  but  work 
and  eat  and  sleep  day  after  day,  we  should  be  very  dull  and 
uninteresting  to  ourselves  and  to  others.  Most  of  us  would 
get  little  happiness  in  living.  When  people  worked  twelve 
hours  a  day,  they  were  too  exhausted  at  night  to  bother  with 
recreation.  But  with  the  shortening  of  the  working  day 
has  come  more  time  for  pleasure.  People  realize  that  a 
change  enables  them  to  do  their  work  better  and  to  get  more . 
out  of  life.     It  is  absolutely  necessary  to  renew  strength 


Elevating  American  Standards  103 

for  the  day's  work  by  rebuilding  torn  down  tissues,  by  rest- 
ing the  mind  and  body,  and  by  exercising  the  powers  not 
specially  employed  in  one's  daily  tasks.  Surely,  to  provide 
such  variety  in  life  for  everybody  is  one  of  the  most  certain 
ways  to  encourage  right  living. 

What  is  recreation  for  one  may  not  be  for  another.     A 
man  who  does  physical  labor  all  day  may  find  relaxation 


Copyright,  t)etToU  PtiblisMno  Co. 
Far  from  the  Madding  Crowd. 

A  fishing  scene  in  the  Adirondacks.     Does  this  kind  of  recreation  appeal 
to  you?     Compare  it  with  the  kind  illustrated  on  page  106. 

and  pleasure  in  the  pages  of  a  magazine  or  book,  while  an 
office  worker  may  prefer  golf,  tennis,  or  baseball.  Recrea- 
tion in  general  may  be  defined,  then,  as  a  change  of  occu- 
pation or  activity  that  makes  possible  the  acquisition  or 
renewal  of  physical  or  mental  powers. 

What  form  of  recreation  do  you  like  best?     Does  it  do  all  that 
recreation  should  do  for  you? 


104         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

49.  Community  Agencies  for  Recreation.  —  The  com- 
munity has  two  phases  of  recreation  to  consider,  recreation 
for  the  child  and  for  the  grown-up.  Play  is  the  natural 
mode  of  expression  for  a  child,  the  natural  outlet  for  his  en- 
ergy. Play  has  an  individual  value  in  that  it  develops  a 
child,  physically  and  mentally.  Playing  with  other  children 
cultivates  human  understanding,  accuracy  of  judgment,  and 
a  tolerant  disposition.  The  child  cries,  "  Play  fair,"  not 
realizing  that  he  is  sounding  the  greatest  social  doctrine  in 
the  world.  Justice,  reason,  cooperation  and  team-work, 
responsibility  and  self-control  —  wholesome  play  promotes 
all  these  in  the  child. 

So  many  communities,  in  recognition  of  the  part  play 
has  in  a  child's  development,  maintain  playgrounds  for  the 
children,  with  supervisors  to  watch  over  them,  to  teach  them 
games  and  direct  their  play.  These  playgrounds  keep  the 
children,  particularly  those  in  the  poorer,  crowded  sections, 
off  the  streets.  However,  these  agencies  of  recreation  have 
not  been  perfected  yet,  and  there  is  still  much  to  be  desired. 
Supervision  and  general  conditions  in  playgrounds  are  not 
all  they  should  be,  and  many  parents  forbid  their  chil- 
dren to  go  near  them,  because  of  the  roughness  of  the  boys 
and  the  incompetency  of  the  supervisor  to  prevent  fighting 
or  control  the  actions  and  words  of  children  who  lack  proper 
home  training. 

The  public  park,  especially  if  it  boasts  a  zoo,  offers  recre- 
ation to  the  children.  The  children's  room  of  the  library 
and  even  the  museum  help  pass  the  time  for  the  youngsters. 
Some  communities  set  aside  lots  for  public  gardening,  and 
when  such  is  the  case  the  boys  and  girls  delight  in  truck 
farming  on  a  large  scale,  thereby  gaining  useful  knowledge 
and  physical  good,  besides  the  products  of  the  soil. 

But  grown-ups  as  well  as  children  need  recreation.  Chi- 
cago, though  not  the  originator  of  playgrounds,  was  the 
first  place  to  start  recreation  on  a  municipal  plan.  Its  parks 
offer  plenty  of  green  grass  and  shady  trees,  imder  which 


Elevating  American  Standards  105 

the  children  may  play  in  the  hot  summer,  and  contain  field 
houses  with  club  rooms,  baths,  gymnasiums,  and  outside 
smmming  pools,  football  fields,  baseball  diamonds,  and 
tennis  courts.  In  the  park  the  adult  finds  many  different 
diversions,  and  a  family  picnic  is  a  delightful  event.  This 
type  of  public  park  is  greatly  to  be  desired  and  it  is  hoped 
will  be  more  common  in  the  future. 

Not  every  community  can  do  "what  Chicago  has  done. 
They  do  not  all  have  the  open  space  or  the  level  ground. 
Yet  few  of  them  have  any  right  to  assume  that  their  case 
is  hopeless.  Children's  playgrounds,  at  least,  are  possible 
almost  everywhere,  though  not  many  more  than  one-third 
of  our  large  or  medium  sized  communities  have  them.  If  a 
town  can  do  nothing  else,  it  can  set  aside  for  the  children 
a  few  streets  not  needed  for  traffic,  and  let  them  play  there. 
A  lack  of  interest  in  this  need  of  recreation  is  notable  in  some 
of  our  cities,  and  even  today  they  do  not  try  to  meet  the 
need  as  well  as  they  could.  A  community  that  does  pro- 
vide for  its  people's  recreation  is  doing  much  to  prevent 
crime  and  promote  good  citizenship.  And  a  citizen  who 
wastes  his  time  on  "  recreation  "  which  harms  him  rather 
than  helps  him  is  failing  in  a  civic  duty. 

Point  out  the  different  ways  in  which  play  benefits  the  follow- 
ing :  a  kindergarten  child,  a  high  school  student,  a  farmer's  son, 
a  business  man,  a  mill  worker,  a  housewife,  an  office  girl.  Why 
will  a  boy  put  forth  several  times  as  much  energy  in  tennis  or  danc- 
ing —  and  call  it  fun  —  as  he  would  expend  on  gardening  or  mowing 
the  lawn?  Do  grown-ups  ever  do  this  kind  of  thing?  Why  is 
baseball  the  great  American  game?  What  institutions  mentioned 
in  connection  with  education  afford  recreation  also?  Are  play- 
grounds needed  in  rural  districts  ?  Should  rural  residents  spend  their 
vacations  in  the  city?  How  should  vacations  be  used  ?  Does  every- 
body need  an  occasional  vacation  ? 

50.  Private  Agencies  for  Recreation.  —  Many  people  are 
so  anxious  to  have  recreation  that  they  will  pay  money  for 
it  if  it  is  not  free.  Furnishing  "  recreation  "  has  therefore 
become  a  regular  business,  whose  managers  are  simply  after 


106         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

the  shekels.     Whatever  good  they  do  is  wholly  incidental 
and  accidental. 

The  theater  is  an  outgrowth  of  hundreds  of  years  of  trial  — 
but  there  are  ''theaters  and  theaters."  The  dance  hall 
promotes  sociability,  but  its  influence,  too,  is  frequently 
far  from  good.  The  amusement  park  is  a  source  of  fun, 
but  its  good  points  extend  no  further.     Many  such  parks 


CopyHoht,  Detroit  Publishing  Co. 

A  Scene  at  Coney  Island. 

This  is  an  example  of  the  kind  of  recreation  which  makes  you  wonder  after 
it  is  over  whether  you  have  been  working  or  playing.  Several  million 
people  visit  this  place  in  the  course  of  a  year. 


are  owned  by  street  railway  companies  and  everything  costs 
there.  At  Coney  Island  or  Revere  Beach  nothing  is  free 
except  the  air  and  perhaps  the  water.  Professional  base- 
ball has  done  as  much  good  to  the  public  as  any  commer- 
cialized form  of  amusement,  but  gamblers  and  other  cheap 
"  sports  "  have  harmed  even  this  enterprise. 

Concerts  and  lectures  conducted  under  private  auspices 


Elevating  American  Standards  107 

may  be  helpful  as  well  as  entertaining.  Religious  organiza- 
tions of  various  kinds,  social  clubs,  and  athletic  associations, 
though  interested  mainly  in  serving  the  varied  needs  of  their 
particular  members  or  interested  persons,  may  be  a  strong 
factor  in  uphfting  the  general  standard  of  recreation. 

What  kind  of  plays  appear  in  the  theaters  of  your  own  town? 
Did  you  ever  know  a  private  amusement  manager  who  deliberately 
sacrificed  money  for  the  sake  of  art  or  culture  or  morals?  Does 
Barney  Dreyfuss,  owner  of  the  Pittsburgh  Base  Ball  Club,  deserve 
any  credit  for  not  selling  advertising  space  on  the  fences  of  his  park  ? 

Most  generally  patronized  today  of  all  forms  of  amuse- 
ment are  the  moving  picture  theaters.  Thousands  of  people 
flock  there  both  afternoon  and  evening,  and  enormous  profits 
are  secured  by  successful  actors,  actresses,  and  managers. 

Now  what  do  the  ^'  movies  "  do  for  us?  It  is  said  that 
they  offer  relaxation;  they  give  the  poor  man  recreation 
at  a  low  price ;  they  attract  young  people  from  more  harm- 
ful diversions ;  they  bring  the  world  before  the  eyes  of  the 
public,  aid  in  understanding  human  nature  and  the  events 
of  the  day,  and  are  therefore  distinctly  educational.  On 
the  other  hand,  they  keep  people  indoors,  often  under 
crowded  or  unsanitary  conditions;  they  do  one's  thinking 
for  him —  **a  person  checks  his  brains  with  his  hat" ;  they 
too  often  give  a  wrong  aspect  to  life ;  they  have  been  known 
to  induce  people,  especially  children,  to  commit  crimes, 
''  as  they  do  in  the  movies  "  ;  they  put  romantic  notions 
into  the  heads  of  school  girls,  and  give  base  suggestions  to 
young  and  old  alike. 

A  few  states  have  boards  of  censors,  and  the  moving- 
picture  interests  have  themselves  established  a  national 
board  of  censorship.  The  effect  of  the  movies  lies  in  some 
measure  in  the  hands  of  these  people.  But  it  is  the  public 
who  can,  if  it  will,  bring  about  better  things.  If  the  public 
shows  its  disapproval  of  a  picture  the  film  will  soon  be  with- 
drawn. The  movie  man  is  very  sensitive  in  the  region  of 
the  pocket-book. 


108  Problems  of  American  Democracy- 
Facilities  for  community  gatherings  for  recreation  and 
amusement  are  as  necessary  in  the  country  as  in  the  city. 
Sometimes  when  the  church  and  the  school  have  not  risen 
to  their  opportunities,  the  Grange  does  a  valuable  service  in 
this  line.  Too  often  only  movies  and  other  "  shows ''  of  a 
poor  quahty  reach  the  small  town  and  the  rural  districts. 
But  by  proper  cooperation  of  all  concerned  this  fault  could 
be  removed.  Perhaps  good  shows  could  not  be  "put  on" 
every  night,  but  they  could  appear  often  enough  to  meet 
every  reasonable  demand. 

What  kind  of  plays  appear  in  your  own  town?  Should  films 
of  prize  fights  be  shown?  What  did  you  learn  at  the  last  movie 
you  attended  ? 

Has  the  commercializing  of  recreation  tended  to  deprive  people 
of  the  ability  to  amuse  themselves  ?  Compare  the  types  of  amuse- 
ment common  fifty  years  ago  and  today,  in  country  and  in  city. 

C.  Enhancing  Beauty 

51.  Community  Planning.  —  "  Beauty,  when  unadorned, 
adorned  the  most,"  says  the  proverb.  When  Nature  has 
done  her  best,  man  cannot  hope  to  surpass  her.  But  sup- 
pose we  are  in  a  region  where  Nature  made  no  attempt  to 
display  her  powers,  or  are  trying  to  build  a  town  for  which 
Nature  made  no  special  provision.  Then  we  must  help 
Nature  to  add  touches  of  beauty  and  make  over  her  natural 
forms  to  suit  our  comfort.  Such  planning  must  come  in 
advance  if  we  are  to  serve  best  the  three  great  objects  of 
beauty,  health,  and  convenience. 

A  community  planned  to  meet  these  objects  has  many 
advantages  over  a  city  which  was  not  planned.  Its  citizens 
take  more  pride  in  their  homes.  They  not  only  keep  their 
own  property  clean,  but  see  that  public  property  is  kept 
in  good  condition.  An  attractive  community  impresses 
strangers  and  induces  people  to  come  to  live  in  it.  The 
well-planned  city  is  easy  to  get  around  in  and  thus  business 
is  encouraged.     A   definite   system   of   planning   promotes 


Elevating  American  Standards 


109 


health  and  general  well-being.  A  well-planned  community 
is  more  desirable  in  every  way  than  one  which,  like  Topsy, 
''just  growed  "  —  sometimes  along  cowpaths  or  Indian 
trails. 


Our  National  Capital. 


Courtesy  Air  Service. 


Near  the  center  of  this  picture  stands  the  Capitol  with  the  Senate  and 
House  office  buildings  on  either  side.  Beyond  this  is  the  Union  Station. 
The  general  plan  of  the  city  can  be  clearly  distinguished. 


Most  of  our  older  American  cities  are  of  this  latter  type. 
Boston  is  most  bewildering  to  a  stranger,  so  interlaced  and 
winding  are  many  of  its  streets.  The  older  parts  of  New 
York  seem  utterly  hopeless  to  one  who  is  not  familiar  with 
them.  As  a  representative  of  the  well-planned  city,  Wash- 
ington holds  a  leading  place.  Its  streets  intersect  at  right 
angles,  but  beginning  at  the  Capitol  there  are  broad  avenues 
which  extend,  like  the  spokes  of  a  wheel,  to  the  outskirts 
of  the  city.  William  Penn  laid  out  Philadelphia  carefully, 
on  the  checkerboard  plan ;   but  Penn  unfortunately  did  not 


110         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

foresee  how  the  city  was  to  grow,  and  most  of  the  streets  in 
the  older  sections  of  the  present  city  are  far  too  narrow. 

Topographical  conditions  must  play  a  great  part  in  the 
planning  of  a  city.  At  Pittsburgh,  for  instance,  the  hills 
rising  close  to  the  rivers  make  a  definite  system  of  planning 
very  difficult.  Many  bridges  have  had  to  be  built  as  the 
city  expanded,  to  cross  the  rivers  at  different  points  and 
to  extend  over  deep  ravines  in  the  city  proper.  Chicago 
has  none  of  these  problems  to  face,  except  for  those  offered 
by  its  winding  river,  but  had  to  take  the  lake  front  into 
consideration  when  its  streets  were  planned.  Cities  often 
have  to  be  laid  out  in  accordance  with  natural  lines,  with 
little  semblance  of  definite  arrangement.  But  even  in  such 
cases  it  is  possible  to  beautify  the  streets,  take  good  care 
of  buildings,  keep  attractive  parks,  and  prevent  ugly  and 
unsightly  places. 

Does  your  town  show  signs  of  having  been  planned?  If  so, 
point  them  out.  Do  you  think  community  planning  is  more  con- 
spicuous in  large  or  small  towns  ?  Draw  a  sketch  of  the  general  plan 
of  some  community  not  mentioned  above.  Is  community  planning 
a  rural  as  well  as  an  urban  problem? 

52.  Community  Attractiveness.  —  But  the  direction  in 
which  the  streets  are  to  run  is  not  the  only  thing  that  must 
be  planned.  To  serve  the  three  objects  we  have  mentioned, 
a  street  must  be  paved,  and  should  be  wide  enough  to  accom- 
modate the  traffic.  The  cleaning  of  streets  is  important 
to  both  health  and  beauty.  Street  lighting  is  necessary 
for  protection  and  safety,  and  can  add  much  to  a  street's 
appearance.  Trees  and  grass  make  streets  attractive.  Sev- 
eral large  cities  plan  their  boulevards  so  as  to  leave  rounded 
or  triangular  islands  of  grass  and  shrubs  between  in-going 
and  out-going  traffic.  Chicago  demands  that  every  boule- 
vard and  residential  street  in  the  newer  parts  of  the  city 
have  from  two  to  three  feet  of  grass  between  the  sidewalk 
and  the  curbstone.  Well-kept  lawns  and  porches  with  flower- 
ing plants  or  vines  tell  of  a  neighborhood's  sense  of  beauty. 


Elevating  American  Standards 


111 


Is  there  likely  to  be  any  connection  between  a  "  city  beautiful  '* 
and  a  city  of  good  morals?  How  much  responsibility  rests  upon 
the  individual  citizen  for  having  an  attractive  city?  Under  what 
circumstances  and  to  what  extent  should  beauty  be  secondary  to 
other  considerations? 

The  city  which  has  beautiful  parks,  or  even  one  fine  park, 
is  much  better  off  than  one  which  lacks  such  beauty  spots. 


■v^^^"         ^  '^^^^^Hfc"        '"'  tS^^^^^V '  k 

p-.^^ 

m^  ^  ^^wp'^-^m    |P 

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Eisg 

^n 

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Copyright,  Detroit  Publishing  Co. 
A  Model  City  Boulevard. 

This  is  Delaware  Avenue  in  Buffalo.  There  are  few  more  attractive 
streets  in  the  country.  Notice  the  width  of  the  street,  the  parkways,  and 
the  wide,  open  lawns. 

To  live  among  sordid,  ugly  surroundings  cramps  the  soul 
as  well  as  destroys  health.  Parks  give  a  breathing  space 
in  the  fresh  air  and  a  glimpse  of  Nature  to  people  who  other- 
wise would  never  see  such  things,  and  they  should  be  con- 
veniently situated  for  those  who  need  them  most. 

Should  a  park  be  left  as  far  as  possible  in  its  natural  condition  ? 
What  merits  or  demerits  does  a  natural  park  have  as  compared 
with  an  artificial  park? 


112         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

No  matter  how  beautiful  the  buildings  we  erect  nor  how 
wide  and  smooth  the  streets,  a  community  lacks  in  attrac- 
tiveness if  it  is  marred  by  unsightly  places.  Rubbish-strewn 
vacant  lots,  dump-heaps,  and  the  like  are  eyesores  which 
need  not  and  should  not  exist.  Every  city  has  certain 
sections  where  the  houses  look  as  though  they  had  never 
seen  paint ;  some  public  parking  lots  are  ugly ;  and  of  course, 
the  slums  of  any  city  are  unsightly.  Glaring  signboards 
may  amuse  the  children  but  move  people  with  an  artistic 
soul  to  tears  or  curses. 

Did  you  ever  see  a  really  artistic  signboard?  If  there  is  such 
a  thing,  is  it  right  to  put  it  anjivhere  and  everywhere?  Are  there 
any  ugly  spots  which  are  unavoidable  ? 

Zoning  aids  much  in  community  attractiveness.  Many 
a  beautiful  residential  section  has  been  spoiled  by  the  erec- 
tion of  a  garage  or  business  house.  Property  depreciates 
rapidly  in  such  a  case.  Zoning  laws  divide  a  town  or  city 
into  several  sections  —  one  for  factories,  one  for  business 
houses,  perhaps  a  separate  one  for  wholesale  and  for  retail 
firms,  others  for  residences,  and  the  like.  Of  course,  suffi- 
cient room  must  be  allowed  for  further  development.  In  a 
large  city  more  than  one  business  section  is  necessary  for  the 
convenience  of  the  people.  Or  perhaps  one  avenue  or  street, 
extending  through  the  whole  city,  may  be  devoted  to  business 
pursuits  alone. 

Some  cities  have  laws  requiring  that  only  a  certain  type 
of  buildings  be  erected  in  some  particular  section.  Frame 
houses  are  prohibited  in  some  places.  A  business  house 
can  be  attractive  just  as  well  as  not,  and  is  more  so  than 
otherwise  if  its  general  outline  and  style  of  architecture  is 
in  keeping  with  the  buildings  surrounding  it. 

Who  are  likely  to  favor  and  who  are  likely  to  oppose  zoning  laws 
in  a  city?  Has  a  person  the  right  to  do  what  he  pleases  with  his 
property?  What  zoning  laws  or  customs  does  your  community 
have? 


Elevating  American  Standards  113 

/.  The  ideal  community,  be  it  large  or  small,  urban  or  rural,  cares  for 
every  phase  of  its  people's  health  by  law,  by  education,  and  by  the  cor- 
rect attitude  of  its  individual  members.  The  ideal  community  is  a  City 
Beautiful.  It  is  planned  with  reference  to  health,  convenience,  and 
beauty.  It  has  no  slums,  no  unsightly  spots,  no  menaces  to  morals.  It 
keeps  its  citizens  out  of  mischief  by  affording  plenty  of  opportunity  for 
healthful  work  and  joyful  recreation. 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 

The  Slums  of  New  York  (or  some  other  city,  if  more  convenient 

to  study,  or  your  own  community). 
Public  Playgrounds. 

Reasons  for  increased  demand  for  them. 

Individual  values. 

Community  values. 

Location. 

Cost. 

Agencies  to  aid  and  support  these  establishments. 
Recreation  Facilities  in  Our  Community. 
Private  Amusement  Agencies  in  Our  Community. 
Recreation  in  Rural  Life. 
Recreation  in  the  Small  Town. 
Our  Moving-Picture  Theaters. 

Number  and  location. 

Size,  construction,  and  equipment. 

Character  of  exhibitions. 

Attendance  and  popular  interest. 

Effect  on  other  theaters,  churches,  etc. 

Value  or  harm  to  the  community. 
The  National  Game. 
The  Plan  of  Our  Community. 
The  Arrangement  and  Naming  of  City  Streets. 
Our  Community  as  a  City  Beautiful. 
The  Park  System  of  Chicago  (or  some  other  city). 
Sights  and  Scenes  in  Our  Community  That  Should  Be  Removed. 
The  Zoning  Laws  of  New  York. 

Railroads  as  Factors  in  the  Appearance  of  a  Community. 
An  Ideal  Community  Plan. 

Resolved,  that  the  general  effect  of  the  moving-picture  theater  is  det- 
rimental to  community  life. 
Resolved,  that  commercial  billboards  should  be  prohibited. 


114         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

REFERENCE   READINGS 

Curtis  —  Education  through  Play. 

Foght  —  The  Rural  Teacher,  Chapter  6. 

The  American  City  (frequent  articles), 

Howe  —  The  Modern  City  and  Its  Problems. 

Zueblin  —  American  Municipal  Progress. 

Pollock  and  Morgan  —  Modern  Cities. 

Robinson  —  Improvements  of  Towns  and  Cities. 

Robinson  —  Modern  Civic  Art. 

Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapter  29. 

Beard  —  American  City  Government,  Chapters  9,  13,  14. 

Burch  and  Patterson  —  American  Social  Problems,  Chapter  5. 

Rowe  —  Society,  Chapters  7,  16,  21. 

Gillette  —  Constructive  Rural  Sociology,  Chapters  14-16. 


V.   PROMOTING  RIGHT  RELATIONS  AMONG  MEN 


Health  of  the  mind,  health  of  the  body,  health  of  the  spirit,  are 
all  essential  to  a  sound  life.  Why  do  people  seek  anything  less  than 
the  best  in  matters  of  conduct  ?  What  shall  we  do  with  those  who 
disregard  their  neighbors'  rights  and  welfare?  How  can  we 
establish  conditions  in  the  relations  of  men  in  government  and 
business  that  will  cause  them  to  do  the  right? 


A.   Restraining  Wrong-Doers 

53.  Why  People  Do  Wrong.  —  It  is  unfortunate  that 
the  world  is  not  a  Utopia,  a  land  where  every  one  does  right ; 
but  men  are  not  angels  —  many  do  wrong  and  these  evil- 
doers cause  most  of  our  social  problems.  Just  as  the 
attractiveness  of  the  things  about  us  and  our  health  and 
well-being  play  their  part  in  raising  the  standard  of  our 
American  life,  so  the  conduct  of  people  has  its  place  in  this 
great  problem.  But  why  do  people  do  wrong?  What  mo- 
tives prompt  their  actions?  We  need  to  understand  the 
causes  of  wrong-doing  in  order  to  act  most  effectively  in  abol- 
ishing or  decreasing  it. 

Perhaps  the  two  great  underlying  causes  for  crime  are 
heredity  and  environment.  A  criminal  streak  can  often  be 
traced  back  for  generations.  Environment  may  be  either 
physical  or  personal.  Contact  with  criminal  or  low-minded 
friends  and  companions  cannot  fail  to  influence  a  man  in 
the  wrong  direction  unless  his  backbone  is  exceptionally 
strong. 

One  specific  cause  is  poverty.  If  a  man  is  hungry  and 
has  no  money,  he  is  often  tempted  to  take  food  or  money 
from  another.  Then  too,  a  person  may  do  wrong  because 
he  does  not  know  any  better.    Ignorance  often  leads  to  crime. 

115 


116         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Bad  habits  such  as  drinking  and  taking  drugs  also  lead 
people  to  do  wrong.  Mental  deficiency  is  another  cause. 
When  a  man  commits  a  crime  for  revenge,  he  shows  that 
he  does  not  know  there  is  a  better  way  to  do  justice  or  if 
he  knows  he  does  not  care.  People  may  do  wrong  because 
of  a  lack  of  will  power  to  resist  temptation.  Others  have 
a  desire  for  excitement,  and  crime  is  a  means  of  attaining  it. 
Still  others  are  afflicted  with  such  laziness  that  they  will 
not  work  in  order  to  earn  a  living  and  follow  the  supposedly 
easier  path  of  crime  instead.  Unemployment  brings  on 
both  idleness  and  poverty,  and  both  are  causes  of  crime. 
Failure  to  enforce  law,  too,  encourages  people  to  disregard 
not  only  the  unenforced  laws,  but  others  as  well. 
i  And  so  we  may  trace  a  criminal's  wrong-doing  to  one  or 
more  of  many  causes.  Indeed,  the  causes  overlap,  one  con- 
dition aiding  to  produce  another.  We  may  not  be  able  to 
specify  in  a  particular  case  just  "  the  moving  why  they 
do  it."  But  we  know  that  these  influences  do  suggest  crime, 
and  that  in  removing  evil  conditions  we  can  make  right 
conduct  easier 

Which  of  the  causes  of  crime  may  be  called  fundamental  and 
which  derived  f  Show  how  one  cause  may  lead  to  another.  Are 
some  causes  more  active  in  rural  districts  than  in  cities,  and  vice 
versa  ?  Do  you  think  many  people  deliberately  choose  to  do  wrong 
rather  than  right  ?  Does  the  fact  that  a  man  may  be  led  into  crime 
by  others  excuse  him?  , 

54.  Forms  of  Crime.  —  First  let  us  be  sure  we  understand 
what  the  word  means.  Crime  is  any  violation  of  the  law. 
Crime  may  be  a  failure  to  perform  a  certain  act  as  well  as 
the  doing  of  an  act  contrary  to  law.  It  may  therefore  be 
omission  or  commission.  However  wrong  an  act  may  be 
morally,  it  is  not  a  crime  unless  it  is  a  violation  of  law.  Often 
certain  acts  are  permitted  to  go  on  for  a  long  time  before 
•society  makes  them  crimes.  Crimes  have  been  classified 
in  various  ways,  but  the  different  forms  of  crime  are  in  gen- 
(eral  as  follows : 


Elevating  American  Standards  117 

(1)  Offenses    against    the    state  —  treason,    rebellion,    counter- 

feiting, rioting. 

(2)  Offenses  against  morals  and  decency  —  blasphemy,  keeping 

disorderly  houses,  conducting  vulgar  shows. 

(3)  Offenses     against     the     person  —  murder,      manslaughter, 

assault. 

(4)  Offenses    against    property  —  burglary,    larceny,    embezzle- 

ment,   obtaining    money    under   false    pretenses,    willful 
destruction. 

(5)  Abuses  of  public  authority  —  false  arrest,  accepting  bribes, 

blackmail,  and  the  like,  if  committed  by  a  public  officer. 
If  any  of  these  terms  are  not  understood,  look  them  up  in  the 
dictionary. 

55.  Dealing  with  Criminals.  —  In  early  days  the  chief 
idea  in  dealing  with  criminals  was  vengeance.  ''  An  eye 
for  an  eye  and  a  tooth  for  a  tooth  "  was  the  principle.  The 
milder  teachings  of  Christianity  failed  to  make  much  of 
an  impression  on  churchmen  or  public  officials  for  many 
centuries.  All  offenses  were  severely  punished.  There 
were  at  one  time  about  one  hundred  offenses  for  which 
death  was  the  penalty.  Some  people  were  hanged  for  steal- 
ing a  loaf  of  bread.  But  toward  the  end  of  the  eighteenth 
century  a  new  attitude  began  to  appear.  Punishment  for 
crime  was  made  more  reasonable  and  became  fitted  to  the 
crime.  The  penalty  for  murder  should  be  heavier,  for  in- 
stance, than  that  for  burglary,  because  taking  life  is  the 
greater  offense. 

Our  aim  today  is  not  to  get  revenge  on  the  criminal  nor 
merely  to  punish  him  for  his  offense,  but  to  deter  others 
from  doing  as  he  did,  and  to  reform  him  so  that  he  will  not 
commit  further  crime.  To  get  to  the  very  root  of  the 
matter,  we  believe  that  the  causes  for  crime  should  be  re- 
moved. But  because  this  cannot  be  done  all  at  once,  it 
is  necessary  to  protect  society  by  keeping  the  criminal  away 
from  the  public,  and  to  aid  in  preventing  further  crime  by 
making  the  result  unpleasant  to  the  criminal. 

Almost  all  counties,  cities,  and  towns  have  their  jails  or 


118         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

prisons  where  people  may  be  kept  until  they  are  tried  and 
in  which  some  may  serve  their  terms  if  they  are  sentenced. 
Unfortunately,  some  jails  still  cause  more  crime  than  they 
cure.  They  are  dirty  and  poorly  lighted  and  ventilated,  and 
the  prisoners  are  not  separated  according  to  the  seriousness 


Blackwell's  Island. 

On  this  island  are  situated  the  buildings  to  which  convicted  criminals 
of  New  York  City  are  sent.     It  is  now  called  Welfare  Island. 

of  their  crimes.     People  who  must  serve  long  sentences  are 
usually  sent  to  a  state  prison  or  penitentiary. 

One  improved  feature  of  modern  prison  management  is 
the  classification  of  criminals.  Formerly  the  hardened  crimi- 
nal and  the  boy  who  was  innocent  or  had  committed  his  first 
petty  offense  were  permitted  to  mingle  with  the  worst  possible 
results.  Now,  iastead  of  herding  all  kinds  of  criminals  to- 
gether —  the  hardened  and  the  first  offender,  the  young 
and  the  old,  the  tramp  and  the  insane,  the  different  tjqjes 
are  separated.     Many  states  have  established  reformatories 


Elevating  American  Standards  119 

for  young  wrong-doers,  industrial  reformatories  for  first 
offenders,  work-houses  for  vagrants,  inebriate  asylums  for 
drug  and  liquor  addicts,  special  institutions  for  the  insane 
and  feeble-minded,  and  penitentiaries  for  worse  criminals. 

Another  means  of  encouraging  criminals  to  do  better  is 
the  graded  system  of  conduct.  The  convict  is  advanced 
or  demerited  by  his  behavior.  Those  receiving  high  grades 
have  special  privileges  which  those  in  lower  grades  cannot 
enjoy.  Sometimes  after  having  served  part  of  his  sentence 
and  behaving  well,  a  person  is  released  from  prison  on  parole, 
and  is  required  to  report  to  a  parole  officer  from  time  to 
time.  If  he  does  not  report  or  commits  any  further  crime 
he  is  brought  back  to  the  prison.  This  system  enables  him 
to  work  and  to  earn  honest  money,  while  he  is  imder  the 
authority  of  people  who  help  him  to  avoid  doing  T\Tong. 
In  many  cases  this  plan  has  been  very  successful. 

The  indeterminate  sentence  has  been  very  popular  in  re- 
cent years.  A  man  may  be  sentenced,  for  example,  to  not 
more  than  ten  years'  or  less  than  two  years'  imprisonment. 
The  officials  of  the  institution  in  which  a  criminal  is  kept 
judge  by  his  behavior  and  attitude  when  he  deserves  to  be 
released.  This  encourages  good  behavior  and  a  right  atti- 
tude toward  the  authorities  on  the  part  of  the  prisoner.  Of 
the  opposite  type  is  the  cumulative  sentence,  which  adds  to 
the  term  of  the  criminal  if  he  shows  no  signs  of  reforming. 
For  each  successive  offense  he  must  serve  a  longer  term  than 
the  one  before.  He  may  have  to  be  kept  in  an  institution 
permanently. 

Other  prison-keepers  have  adopted  changes  to  help  the 
criminal  remember  that  he  is  still  a  human  being.  In  many 
institutions  prisoners  no  longer  wear  striped  suits  nor  have 
their  hair  clipped  nor  walk  in  the  lockstep.  The  prisons 
and  other  penal  institutions  are  healthful.  Educational 
facilities  are  provided.  Sometimes  the  inmates  have  bands 
and  orchestras,  athletic  contests,  and  the  like,  and  even 
publish  a  newspaper. 


120         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Is  capital  punishment  consistent  with  modern  ideas  of  refor- 
mation? Can  we  do  too  much  for  our  criminals?  How  can  we 
decide  when  we  have  done  enough  ? 

56.  Pr*eventing  Criminals.  —  It  is  not  sufficient  merely 
to  reform  those  who  have  committed  crimes.  "  A  stitch 
in  time  saves  nine,"  is  a  sound  proverb.  To  prevent  people 
from  becoming  criminals  is  far  better  and  in  the  long  run 
far  cheaper  than  to  punish  them  after  they  have  done  wrong. 
We  must  wipe  out  the  slums  and  improve  living  and  work- 
ing conditions  and  provide  better  facilities  for  uplifting 
recreation.  By  eliminating  vice  and  intemperance,  and 
doing  away  as  far  as  possible  with  poverty  and  unemploy- 
ment we  can  greatly  decrease  the  number  of  criminals.  We 
also  need  better  educational  facilities,  more  rigid  enforce- 
ment of  laws  concerning  school  attendance,  and  practical 
training  for  trades. 

Workshops  in  the  prisons  keep  the  prisoners  busy  while 
they  are  serving  their  terms  and  give  them  something  to 
do  besides  brooding  over  the  ^'  raw  deal "  they  claim  to 
have  received  and  planning  to  commit  further  crime  when 
they  are  released.  Furthermore  they  are  enabled  to  earn 
a  little  money  which  can  be  used  to  help  their  families.  Such 
occupation  makes  the  prisoners  feel  that  they  are  accom- 
plishing something  in  which  they  may  take  an  honest  pride ; 
and  when  they  are  released,  they  have  had  training  in 
some  profitable  trade.  The  products  made  in  prisons  are 
usually  brooms,  carpets,  wicker  furniture,  and  the  like. 

The  ''  graduates  "  of  Sing  Sing  and  similar  institutions 
have  often  found  it  hard  to  get  a  real  job.  People  are  likely 
to  give  them  the  "  cold  shoulder  "  after  they  are  released. 
Yet  if  anything  would  turn  them  back  to  crime,  such  treat- 
ment would  do  so.  But  we  are  now  more  inclined  to  give 
them  a  helping  hand  in  gaining  a  new  start.  There  are 
private  societies  which  give  the  released  convict  food  and 
shelter  until  he  finds  work,  help  him  to  get  employment, 
and  give  him  advice  that  he  knows  is  friendly  and  sincere. 


Elevating  American  Standards  121 

The  prisoner  on  leaving  the  prison  usually  gets  a  suit  of 
clothes  and  a  small  sum  of  money,  but  unless  he  has  a  home 
to  go  to,  these  will  not  serve  his  needs  very  long.  Some 
employers  have  made  a  special  point  of  hiring  ex-convicts 
who  seem  likely  to  make  good.  To  save  a  man  or  woman 
from  moral  ruin  is  a  social  service  very  much  worth  while. 

Name  some  institutions  in  your  neighborhood  which  help  re- 
leased prisoners.  By  what  means  do  they  bring  about  whatever 
good  they  accomplish? 

Perhaps  still  more  important  is  to  save  young  offenders 
from  becoming  hardened  criminals.  Every  populous  com- 
munity now  has  a  Juvenile  Court.  The  judge  or  probation 
officers  of  this  court  investigate  the  surroundings  of  the 
young  criminal  and  try  to  find  out  what  has  caused  him  to 
do  wrong.  They  discover  the  kind  of  people  his  parents 
are,  the  environment  in  which  he  lives,  and  the  companions 
with  whom  he  associates.  Then  they  can  often  remove 
the  causes  of  his  going  astray.  If  necessary  they  take  him 
away  from  his  parents  and  place  him  in  a  private  home  or 
in  an  institution.  Sometimes  a  "  big  brother ''  or  a  "  big 
sister  "  is  found  for  such  a  child  —  a  man  or  woman  of  sound 
principles  and  sympathetic  interest  who  will  always  be  ready 
with  good  counsel  and  companionship  to  help  the  younger 
person  to  keep  in  the  right  path. 

A  juvenile  court  judge  is  at  Hberty  to  fit  the  pumshment 
to  the  offender.  For  the  first  offense  a  child  is  often  put  on 
probation.  A  second  or  more  serious  offense  will  send  the 
boy  or  girl  to  a  training  school  or  reformatory  maintained  by 
the  state  or  the  county.  The  institutions  teach  trades  which 
will  help  their  inmates  to  earn  an  honest  living  later. 

Is  there  a  juvenile  court  near  your  home.?  How  is  it  conducted? 
How  much  does  it  accomplish  ? 

57.  Purifying  Politics.  —  Not  all  the  wrong-doing  is  com- 
mitted by  those  who  are  labeled  criminals.  Some  of  it  is 
entirely  within  the   law.     Some  wrong-doers   are   socially 


122         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

"  respectable  "  and  hold  high  places  in  business.  Yet  they 
will  do  things  in  politics  which  they  would  not  do  elsewhere, 
and  make  clean  conduct  in  public  life  very  difficult. 

A  certain  large  city  had  experienced  a  spasm  of  reform. 
An  election  was  on  to  determine  whether  a  district  attorney 
representing  the  '^  machine  "  or  the  reform  element  should 
have  the  next  term.  As  the  returns  were  bulletined  in  the 
evening  at  one  of  the  newspaper  offices,  and  the  reports  in- 
dicated the  success  of  the  "  organization  "  candidate,  the 
big  crowd  broke  out  spontaneously  into  "  song  " : 

''Hail,  hail,  the  gang  's  all  here"! 

There  are  political  mobs  as  well  as  other  kinds.  It  is  the  mob 
spirit  in  politics  that  causes  that  menace  to  our  democracy 
—  the  party  machine. 

Why  do  people  put  up  with  shady  politics?  There  are 
several  reasons.  They  would  not  tolerate  corruption,  fraud, 
and  the  spoils  system  if  they  were  plainly  labeled  as 
such.  But  the  people  do  not  know  what  is  going  on.  They 
see  little  and  believe  less.  Partisan  newspapers  of  course 
present  many  scandalous  tales  about  the  *'  other  "  party, 
but  we  usually  discount  them  as  *'  newspaper  talk,"  and 
sometimes  we  are  right  in  doing  so. 

A  certain  senator  said  some  years  ago,  '*  The  purifica- 
tion of  politics  is  an  iridescent  dream."  People  are  so  accus- 
tomed to  rotten  politics  that  they  do  not  realize  that  politics 
can  be  good.  Others  take  no  interest  or  do  not  care.  They 
excuse  everything  by  saying  that  anything  goes  in  politics. 
Suppose  we  had  such  a  state  of  public  sentiment  that  a  can- 
didate in  whose  interest  large  sums  of  money  were  spent 
immediately  fell  under  suspicion.  What  a  world  of  differ- 
ence we  should  see  in  the  use  of  money ! 

Some  attempts  have  been  made  by  both  the  national  and 
state  legislation,  to  do  away  with  the  excessive  use  of  money 
in  politics.  In  some  cases  the  law  limits  the  amount  of 
money  any  individual  may  contribute  to  a  campaign  fund. 


Elevating  American  Standards  123 

This  is  to  prevent  giving  large  amounts  with  the  expec- 
tation of  getting  special  favors  later.  These  laws  apply  es- 
pecially to  corporations.  Parties  and  candidates  are  also 
required  to  publish  reports  of  the  money  they  spend  and  the 
purposes  for  which  it  is  spent.  Sometimes  a  candidate  for 
&  particular  office  is  forbidden  to  spend  more  than  a  certain 
-amount. 

The  people  can  do  what  they  will  in  this  matter.  If  they 
demand  good  government  they  will  get  it.  Public  officers 
are  supposed  to  act  for  the  people  and  the  people  can  force 
them  to  do  so.  The  people  must  keep  awake  and  know  what 
goes  on.  A  city  or  state  with  a  large  independent  vote  can 
easily  secure  good  government,  for  even  a  "  machine  "  will 
do  well  if  that  is  the  only  way  it  can  stay  in  power.  But 
if  the  public  blindly  supports  candidates  named  by  self- 
appointed  bosses,  it  will  get  the  kind  of  government  it  de- 
serves. 

What  means  that  are  not  actual  bribery  do  party  agents  use  to 
get  votes  in  your  district  ?  What  do  you  consider  justifiable  ways  to 
spend  money  in  campaigns? 

How  can  you  better  the  politics  in  your  town?  Would  a  change 
in  the  form  of  local  government  help?  Why  are  reformers  often 
ridiculed? 

Elections  are  undoubtedly  more  honest  than  they  were 
once.  The  man  who  thinks  cannot  easily  be  bribed.  The 
wider  we  spread  education  and  the  more  stress  we  lay  upon 
common  honesty  in  public  life,  by  so  much  are  we  going  to 
make  clean  politics  not  a  dream  but  more  nearly  a  reality. 
One  way  to  help  is  for  you  to  go  into  politics  and  stay  honest. 
The  citizen  who  is  qualified  to  render  public  service  and  re- 
fuses to  do  so  deserves  as  truly  to  be  called  selfish  and  un- 
worthy as  the  person  who  is  unfit  but  who  seeks  office  for 
individual  gain. 

58.  The  Golden  Rule  in  Business.  —  Does  business  need 
house-cleaning  too?     At  one  time  a  business  man  could  do 


124         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

almost  anything  within  his  legal  rights  and  excuse  himself 
by  the  plea  that  "  business  is  business  "  —  ''  every  man  for 
himself  and  the  devil  take  the  hindmost."  But  now  we  have 
in  every  large  town  a  club  devoted  to  the  principle  of  the 
Golden  Rule  in  Business,  and  financial  experts  talk  about 
the  value  of  religion  in  business. 

Looking  at  the  matter  of  honesty  from  a  purely  financial 
and  selfish  standpoint,  "  honesty  is  the  best  policy  "  in  busi- 
ness. In  the  first  place  every  man  wants  to  be  known  as 
an  honest  man.  No  person  wants  to  have  dealings  with  a 
dishonest  person.  A  person  who  cheats  in  his  business  is 
certain  to  be  the  loser  in  the  end.  A  man  who  keeps 
straight  books  and  pays  his  debts  readily  obtains  credit, 
and  credit  is  essential  in  business. 

But  can  a  business  man  do  more  than  merely  keep  within 
the  law ?  Can  he  carry  out  the  Golden  Rule  in  business?  It 
means  nothing  more  than  to  be  absolutely  fair  and  honest, 
for  that  is  all  we  ask  that  other  business  people  should  do  for 
us.  Hundreds  of  business  firms  all  over  the  country  have 
proved  that  the  Golden  Rule  can  be  practiced  with  profit 
to  both  the  firm  and  the  public.  When  a  business  house  does 
the  right  thing  by  its  patrons,  its  policy  is  soon  recognized 
and  its  patronage  increases. 

The  Golden  Rule  in  business  does  not  mean  that  you 
must  give  an  extra  half  pound  of  sugar  or  a  half  yard  more 
silk  than  the  customer  asks  for.  It  is  not  necessary  to  cheat 
one's  self.  But  by  the  Golden  Rule  we  mean  giving  honest 
measure,  selling  goods  at  their  real  value,  and  in  all  ways 
"pla3dng  square."  If  all  our  business  men  would  set  such 
an  example,  what  a  tremendous  inspiration  to  clean  con- 
duct it  would  be ! 

Can  you  think  of  any  circumstance  in  business  where  the  Golden 
Rule  might  not  prove  advantageous?  Why  is  it  not  followed  to 
a  greater  extent?  Does  successful  business  consist  in  "  beating 
the  other  fellow  to  it"?  What  principles  underlie  fair  competi- 
tion? 


Elevating  American  Standards  125 

59.  Keeping  Contracts.  —  Keeping  agreements  is  fun- 
damental in  business  as  in  private  life.  The  whole  foun- 
dation of  business  life  rests  upon  promises,  and  prosperity- 
depends  upon  the  keeping  of  these  promises.  The  extensive 
canceling  of  orders  after  the  Great  War  caused  serious  in- 
convenience and  sometimes  bankruptcy.  A  contract  is  a 
written  agreement  entered  into  by  two  or  more  parties  to 
perform  a  specified  act.  So  a  contract  covers  a  wide  range 
of  agreements.  It  may  be  made  between  an  employer  and 
an  employee  regarding  work  to  be  done,  or  it  may  be  a  fran- 
chise for  a  street  car  company.  Whatever  it  is,  the  parties 
concerned  should  live  up  to  it. 

So  important  did  this  principle  appear  to  the  makers  of 
the  Constitution  that  they  inserted  a  clause  which  says  that 
^no  state  shall  pass  any  law  impairing  the  obligation  of 
contracts  "  — implying,  in  other  words,  that  contracts  should 
be  held  sacred.'  A  contract  once  legally  made  is  binding  un- 
less all  persons  concerned  agree  not  to  carry  it  out.  In  the 
famous  Dartmouth  College  case,  Chief  Justice  Marshall 
ruled  that  the  charter  of  a  college  was  a  contract  which  could 
not  be  altered  by  a  state  legislature.  The  broad  interpreta- 
tion of  the  word  is  firmly  established  in  law. 

In  one  sense  bankruptcy  laws,  which  may  be  passed  by 
Congress  or  the  state  legislature,  may*  interfere  with  the 
full  performance  of  contracts.  Yet  a  case  in  bankruptcy 
simply  recognizes  a  fact.  A  bankrupt  cannot  pay  all  his 
debts  anyway,  and  it  is  doubtless  best  for  all  concerned  that 
his  business  should  be  cleaned  up.  Then  a  new  start  can 
be  made  with  hope  of  success.  An  honest  man  will 
never  take  advantage  of  bankruptcy  laws  to  escape  paying 
his  just  debts.  If  he  is  ever  able  to  do  so,  he  will  pay  off 
all  his  obligations  one  hundred  cents  to  the  dollar.  An  hon 
est  man  will  keep  his  word  even  if  the  law  does  not  force 
him  to  do  so. 

Is  it  ever  advisable  to  break  a  contract?     Study  forms  of  con- 
tracts used  in  business,  so  as  to  become  familiar  with  their  language. 


126         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  "  square  deal,"  a  phrase  which  Roosevelt  made 
popular,  in  a  sense  sums  up  all  we  have  said  about  ethics 
in  business  —  the  square  deal  toward  one's  business  associ- 
ates, toward  competitors,  and  toward  the  public. 

If  a  business  man  practices  the  square  deal  towards  his 
employee,  he  will  pay  him  fairly  for  his  work,  reward  special 
effort  or  service,  and  provide  the  very  best  conditions  under 
which  to  labor.  The  employee,  in  turn,  who  believes 
in  the  square  deal,  will  give  ''  a  fair  day's  work  for  a  fair 
day's  wage."  He  will  not  loaf  on  the  job  but  will  look  out 
for  his  employer's  interests  as  well  as  his  own.  He  will  feel 
in  a  sense  a  kind  of  partnership  in  the  business. 

The  square  deal  toward  competitors  and  associates  calls 
simply  for  honesty  and  the  keeping  of  one's  word.  To  prac- 
tice the  square  deal  toward  the  public  the  business  man  must 
sell  honest  goods  for  a  reasonable  price,  and  treat  the  public 
courteously.  The  public  official  must  not  look  upon  his  posi- 
tion as  "  easy  "  money  or  as  an  opportunity  for  graft.  The 
ordinary  citizen  must  realize  that  whatever  he  fails  to  do  in 
community  service  will  probably  not  be  done  at  all.  If 
everybody  would  only  practice  the  square  deal,  we  should 
have  the  problem  of  establishing  right  relations  among  men 
solved  at  once  and  forever. 

Apply  the  principle  of  the  square  deal  in  school  life;  in  home 
relationships. 

To  what  extent  do  the  items  mentioned  in  the  question  at  the  end 
of  section  11  indicate  the  standard  of  social  and  moral  life  in  a  com- 
munity? 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 

Old-Time  and  Modern  Criminals. 
Medieval  Methods  of  Trial. 
The  Old  English  Criminal  Code. 
Criminal  Codes  in  the  American  Colonies. 
Crime  in  City  and  Country. 
Sources  from  Which  Criminals  Come. 
Prisons  of  the  Old  Days. 
John  Howard. 


Elevating  American  Standards  127 

Dorothea  Dix. 

An  Up-to-date  Prison. 

Prison  and  Jails  in  Our  State. 

Reform  Schools  of  Our  State. 

The  Story  of  the  Juvenile  Court. 

The  Abuse  of  Clean  Sport. 

Political  Organizations  in  Our  State. 

Present  Laws  Regarding  the  Use  of  Money  in  Campaigns. 

The  Right  and  Wrong  Use  of  Money  in  Politics. 

The  Making  and  Enforcing  of  Contracts. 

Resolved,  that  the  sale  of  convict-made  goods  in  the  open  market 

is  undesirable. 
The  George  Junior  Republic. 
Resolved,  that    the   practice   of   the   Golden   Rule  in  business   is 

profitable. 

REFERENCE  READINGS 

Henderson  —  Dependents,    Defectives,  and  Delinquents,  Part  IV. 

Burch  and  Patterson  —  American  Social  Problems,  Chapters  18,  19. 

Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapter  28. 

Beard  —  American  City  Government,  Chapter  6. 

Rowe  —  Society,  Chapters  33,  34. 

Blackmar  and  Gillin  —  Outlines  of  Sociology,  Part  V,  Chapters  4,  5. 

Gillette  —  Constructive  Rural  Sociology,  Chapter  19. 

EUwood  —  Sociology  and  Modern  Social  Problems,  Chapter  14. 

Tufts  —  The  Real  Business  of  Living,  Chapters  19-22,  27,  28. 

Bryce  —  Modern  Democracies,  Chapter  69. 

Hayes  —  Introduction  to  Sociology,  pp.  541-550,  Chapters  32,  33. 

Towne  —  Social  Problems,  Chapter  11. 

B.  The  Treatment  of  the  Foreigner 

One  difficulty  we  meet  in  uplifting  American  standards  is  that 
many  who  live  among  us  do  not  realize  what  American  standards 
are.  Why  are  these  people  here  ?  Who  are  they  ?  What  should 
we  do  for  them  and  with  them  ? 

60.  Why  the  Foreigner  Comes.  —  For  years  America 
has  been  the  Promised  Land,  the  land  of  opportunity,  toward 
which  millions  of  people  from  all  parts  of  the  world  have 
turned.  To  many  of  them  it  seemed  the  land  of  easy  money, 
where  everybody  was  well  off.     To  others,  more  desirable. 


128         Problems  of  American  Democracy- 
it  offered  the  opportunity  to  earn  a  decent  living  by  hard 
work.     To  all  it  was  the  land  of  "  beginning  again/'      All 
sought  in  some  form  better  social  and  economic  conditions. 

From  the  Revolution  to  1820  immigrants  were  so  few  that 
no  records  were  kept  of  them.  The  first  great  migration 
was  the  result  of  the  potato  famine  in  Ireland.  From  1847 
to  1854,  over  a  million  Irish  people  came  to  this  country. 
The  failure  of  the  political  revolution  in  Germany  in  1848, 
and  economic  trouble  in  that  country,  sent  a  large  number 
of  immigrants  here.  The  occupation  of  the  West  also  aided 
immigration.  Not  so  many  immigrants  took  up  farming 
as  we  might  expect,  considering  how  many  of  them  had  lived 
by  that  means  in  Europe,  though  many  Germans,  Swedes, 
and  Norwegians  did  so.  But  when  Americans  moved  West 
they  left  an  opportunity  for  labor  in  the  East  which  the 
foreigner  was  ready  to  accept. 

Pohtical  and  religious  persecution  has  always  driven 
Europeans  to  our  shores.  Many  of  the  first  colonists  came 
here  for  religious  reasons.  All  kinds  of  Protestants,  Cath- 
olics, and  Jews  have  at  some  time  found  this  country  much 
more  comfortable  for  their  faith  than  the  place  where  they 
were  living.  The  requirement  of  military  service  in  foreign 
countries  has  caused  many  young  men  to  come  here. 

In  later  years  the  faciUty  of  transportation  has  greatly 
encouraged  immigration.  No  more  is  the  trip  long  and  dan- 
gerous, though  still  rather  uncomfortable  in  the  steerage. 
Steamship  companies,  anxious  for  passengers,  have  had 
their  agents  out  working  to  induce  people  to  come  to  the 
New  World.  It  was  once  a  common  practice  for  American 
employers  to  hire  laborers  in  large  numbers  in  the  '*  old 
country  ''  and  pay  their  passage  here.  This  is  now  forbidden 
by  law. 

Foreigners  living  in  this  country  often  send  glowing  re- 
ports back  home  about  America.  They  often  pay  or  help 
to  pay  the  passage  of  less  fortunate  friends  here.  Fre- 
quently a  man  who  has  been  to  America  and  made  money 


Elevating  American  Standards 


1^9 


returns  for  a  visit  and  immediately  his  friends  want  to  come 
and  do  likewise. 

During  much  of  our  history  America  has  encouraged 
immigration,  has  invited  foreigners  to  come  to  our  shores, 
has  taken  pride  in  her  mixed  population,  has  boasted 
of  being  a  "  melting-pot  "  of  the  races.  But  now  we  hear 
more  often  the  question.  How  can  we  stop  them? 

How  far  back  do  you  have  to  trace  your  family  tree  to  find  immi- 
grants ?     Why  did  they  come  ? 

61.  Types  of  Immigrants.  —  Just  as  the  motives  for  immi- 
gration have  varied  from  time  to  time,  so  has  the  type  of 


Courtesy  Bureau  of  Census. 
The  Foreign  Born  in  the  States  of  the  Union. 


immigrant  changed.  The  people  who  came  to  America  prior 
to  1883  are  known  as  the  ''old  immigration."  The  ones 
who  came  after  that  time  are  called  the  ''new  immigration." 
The  former  was  almost  entirely  from  the  northwestern  part 
of  Europe,  from  Great  Britain,  Ireland,  Belgium,  Switzer- 
land, France,  Germany,  Norway,  Sweden,  and  Denmark. 
The  new  immigration  is  from  southern  and  eastern  Europe, 


130         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

from  such  nations  as  Italy,  Austria,  Hungary,  Greece,  Po- 
land, Russia,  Serbia,  and  Turkey.  Before  1883,  95  per 
cent  of  all  the  immigrants  came  from  northwestern  Europe. 
In  1914,  only  15  per  cent  came  from  that  section,  while  75 
per  cent  came  from  southern  Europe. 

The  new  immigrant  differs  greatly  from  the  old.  The 
latter  had  in  general  similar  habits  and  customs,  the  same 
mode  of  thought,  similar  religious  and  governmental  theories, 
and  some  of  them  the  same  language  as  Americans.  They 
were  comparatively  easy  to  assimilate,  because  their  ideas 
were  not  un-American.  The  new  immigrants,  on  the  other 
hand,  differ  in  all  these  respects.  Many  have  no  idea  of 
the  principles  of  self-government  because  they  come  from 
countries  where  it  has  been  little  practiced.  Industrially, 
too,  the  old  immigrant  was  more  desirable  than  the  new. 
The  old  immigrant  has  given  us  professional  and  skilled 
workers,  while  the  new  furnishes  for  the  most  part  only 
CQmmon  laborers.  The  standard  of  living  among  the  old 
immigrants  was.  much  higher  than  among  the  new  and  they 
showed  a  greater  tendency  to  remain  here.  A  large  part 
of  them  settled  in  the  Middle  West,  adopted  farming,  and 
thus  helped  to  develop  our  country ;  the  latest  comers  crowd 
into  the  eastern  cities. 

The  new  immigration  shows  a  much  greater  proportion 
of  illiteracy  than  the  old.  There  are  a  great  many  more 
men  than  women  in  the  new  immigration,  while  in  the  old 
the  men  only  slightly  exceeded  the  women  in  number.  A 
great  many  more  of  the  old  immigrants  became  naturalized 
than  of  the  new.  The  percentage  of  course  varies  with 
different  sources. 

After  all  we  are  to  some  extent  all  immigrants.  Our  an- 
cestors were  immigrants.  The  Indians  were  the  original 
Americans,  as  far  as  we  know.  The  "  American  "  of  today 
originally  came  from  all  parts  of  the  world.  Let  us  remember 
this  in  taking  up  this  problem,  lest  it  seem  more  serious  than 
perhaps  it  really  is. 


Elevating  American  Standards  131 

What  is  the  percentage  of  children  born  of  foreign  parentage 
in  your  class?  Write  out  your  family  tree  back  to  your  great- 
grandparents,  and  have  the  teacher  tabulate  the  totals  of  the  dif- 
ferent nationalities  represented. 

62.  A  Square  Deal  for  the  Foreigner.  —  The  immigration 
problem  is  notably  one  to  be  considered  from  the  stand- 
point of  the  square  deal.  The  foreigner  has  no  right  to 
blame  us  if  America  is  not  the  land  of  milk  and  honey  which 
he  was  looldng  for.  But  since  we  let  him  in,  and  sometimes 
urged  him  to  come,  he  has  a  right  to  be  treated  fairly. 

A  foreigner  who  is  not  a  citizen  must  not  expect  to  have 
all  the  rights  and  privileges  of  a  citizen  of  the  United  States. 
In  most  states  he  cannot  vote.  There  are  often  little  privi- 
leges denied  to  aliens  in  some  states  —  such,  for  example, 
as  keeping  a  dog  or  carrying  firearms.  But  the  foreigner 
has  a  right  to  expect  an  opportunity  to  earn  a  living,  and 
to  be  recognized  for  whatever  he  is  really  worth. 

Many  of  us  look  down  upon  the  immigrant.  We  want 
nothing  to  do  with  him  socially.  We  do  not  want  him  to 
live  next  door  to  us.  He  is  a  "  mick,"  a  "hunky,"  a 
"  dago,"  a  "  Polack  "  — the  "  scum  of  the  earth."  And 
then  we  find  fault  with  him  if  he  "  flocks  by  himself  " ! 
Others  take  advantage  of  his  ignorance  of  American  ways 
and  cheat  him.  Even  the  policeman  sometimes  practices 
petty  graft  at  his  expense. 

The  foreigner  has  a  right  to  expect  to  have  his  property 
protected  by  our  government  and  to  send  his  children  to  the 
public  schools.  It  is  only  by  treating  the  foreigner  fairly 
and  justly  that  we  can  expect  him  in  return  to  do  right. 
We  are  his  teachers.  Do  we  feel  a  sincere  personal  interest 
in  him  as  a  human  being,  or  is  he  simply  a  '*  problem  "? 

Have  you  seen  any  examples  of  unfair  treatment  of  foreigners? 
If  so,  do  you  think  they  were  i^tentional  or  thoughtless?  How  are 
foreigners  looked  upon  in  your  community? 

Immigrants  have  supplied  work  that  is  essential  to  all 
our  industries.     It  has  been  said  that  the  foreigner  mines 


132         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

seven-eighths  of  the  coal  in  this  country,  makes  four-fifths 
of  the  shoes,  prepares  nineteen-twentieths  of  the  sugar,  does 
four-fifths  of  the  work  in  the  meat  industry,  manufactures 
seven-eighths  of  the  woolen  goods  and  nine-tenths  of  the 
cotton,  makes  half  the  collars  and  cuffs  and  gloves,  and  tans 
four-fifths  of  the  leather.  It  is  a  real  question  whether  this 
work  would  have  been  done  without  the  foreigner. 

In  many  other  ways  the  foreigner  adds  to  our  country.  We 
are  a  composite  nation.  We  have  traits  and  character- 
istics of  all  the  peoples  of  the  world,  blended  and  changed 
a  little,  but  all  composing  the  American.  May  we  say  with- 
out conceit  that  Americans  are  a  very  unusual  people  ?  The 
heritage  of  ideals,  thoughts,  and  talents  from  so  many 
nations  has  made  us  wonderfully  versatile.  Perhaps  there 
is  no  person  so  adaptable  to  any  sort  of  conditions  as  the 
typical  American. 

The  foreigner  has  also  brought  us  a  taste  and  a  talent 
for  music  and  art.  America  has  been  so  busy  getting  rich 
and  developing  a  new  country  that  she  has  hardly  taken 
time  for  these  things.  The  musical,  poetical,  sentimental, 
sometimes  excitable,  foreigners  may  even  be  needed  to  make 
us  an  all-round  people. 

Our  worst  as  well  as  our  best  records  in  literacy  are  found 
in  districts  almost  wholly  American.  The  children  of  the 
alien  are  often  more  eager  to  learn  and  speak  the  English 
language  better  than  the  children  of  the  American.  They 
get  more  than  their  numerical  share  of  prizes  and  honors. 
If  you  did  not  know  their  names,  you  could  not  pick  out 
with  any  assurance  the  members  of  a  class  whose  parents 
came  from  abroad.  And  often  you  could  not  do  so 
then,  for  many  families  adopt  names  that  will  conceal  their 
foreign  origin.  The  *'  old  folks  "  will  probably  carry  to 
their  death  the  marks  of  their  origin  in  Italy,  Russia,  or 
Greece.  We  must  not  expect  to  do  too  much  with  them. 
•But  the  young  folks  may  become  as  far  as  looks  and  manners 
are  concerned  truly  American.     If  they  acquire  American 


Elevating  American  Standards  133 

ideals  along  with  their  American  manners,  this  particular 
problem  is  solved. 

Do  you  think  the  immigrant  has  spurred  Americans  to  make 
any  more  of  themselves  than  they  otherwise  would  have  made? 

63.  A  Square  Deal  for  the  American.  —  While  it  is  very 
important  that  the  American  should  deal  squarely  with  the 
foreigner,  he  also  has  a  right  to  expect  certain  things  of  the 
immigrant.  The  foreigner  should  obey  American  laws  and 
respect  the  authority  of  our  government,  if  we  give  him  pro- 
tection, education,  and  opportunity.  When  the  foreigner 
comes  here  expecting  to  be  employed  in  our  industries,  to 
earn  our  money  and  have  his.  place  in  our  life,  he  should 
be  willing  to  give  his  allegiance  to  the  country  —  to  become 
an  American.  It  seemed  strangely  wrong  during  the  Great 
War  that  American  citizens  could  be  forced  to  give  up  good 
positions  and  risk  their  lives  in  front  of  German  guns,  when 
aliens  were  getting  high  wages,  safe  in  our  own  country. 

We  also  expect  the  foreigner  to  adopt  our  manners,  cus- 
toms, and  speech,  if  he  is  to  be  a  good  American.  The  for- 
eign sections  of  cities,  the  *'  Little  Italics  "  and  the  ''  China- 
towns," result  in  part  from  the  foreigner's  unwillingness  to 
try  to  improve  his  ways  of  living  and  to  adopt  our  customs. 
These  communities  often  become  slum  districts  and  carry 
all  the  menace  that  goes  with  the  slum. 

Should  we  expect  the  immigrant  to  give  as  much  to  America 
as  America  gives  him  ? 

We  have  the  right  to  ask  foreigners  to  avoid  unnecessary 
overcrowding,  to  keep  clean,  to  shun  disease  and  crime. 
When  they  become  voters,  they  have  no  business  to  allow 
their  politics  to  be  influenced  by  their  prejudices  and  to 
vote  from  an  alien's  viewpoint.  They  must  be  Americans, 
not  Germans  or  Bolsheviks,  or  else  their  oath  of  allegiance 
to  the  United  States  has  been  a  mere  form. 

Would  you  advise  sending  back  to  Europe  all  aliens  who  were 
still  unnaturalized  after  being  in  this  country  ten  years? 


134         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

64.  Putting  Up  the  Bars.  —  If  America  is  a  free  country, 
has  it  any  right  to  keep  some  people  out  or  should  it  open 
its  doors  to  all  who  wish  to  come?  Surely  no  consideration 
should  oblige  us  to  admit  the  anarchists,  the  immoral,  and 
the  diseased,  who  will  play  havoc  with  our  people  and  our 
institutions.  Besides,  if  we  admit  by  the  hundred  thousand 
people   whom   we   cannot   assimilate  and  Americanize,  we 


Immigrants  Nearing  Port. 

This  group,  composed  mostly  of  Italians,  are  ready  to  meet  the  inspec- 
tion officers  at  the  immigrant  station  at  Boston. 

endanger  our  whole  civilization.  Every  country  has  the 
right  under  international  law  to  exclude  those  whom  it  does 
not  care  to  receive. 

In  1819,  the  first  law  relating  to  immigration  was  passed, 
which  required  the  keeping  of  statistics  concerning  the  num- 
ber of  immigrants.  About  1850  the  American  or  "  Know- 
Nothing  "  party,  which  disliked  Roman  Catholics  in  partic- 
ular and  foreigners  in  general,  bitterly  opposed  immigration, 
but  nothing  more  was  done  until  1882.  Then  an  act  was 
passed  which  laid  a  tax  of  fifty  cents  on  each  immigrant  and 


Elevating  American  Standards  135 

excluded  all  convicts,  lunatics,  idiots,  and  other  persons 
likely  to  become  a  public  charge. 

In  1907,  a  thoroughgoing  measure  was  enacted.  This 
made  the  tax  on  each  immigrant  four  dollars  and  excluded 
the  insane,  feeble-minded,  and  epileptic,  the  contagiously 
diseased,  and  anarchists,  polygamists,  and  convicts,  except 
political  offenders.  In  1916,  a  literacy  test  was  also  imposed, 
so  that  no  foreigner  might  be  admitted  unless  he  could  read 
in  some  language  or  dialect.  Immigrants  who  desire  to 
enter  this  country  are  examined  at  the  various  immigrant 
stations  and  any  who  do  not  meet  the  requirements  must 
be  taken  back  by  the  same  steamship  company  that  brought 
them  over. 

The  Great  War  almost  wholly  stopped  European  immi- 
gration for  a  few  years.  With  the  close  of  the  war,  when 
most  of  Europe  was  in  such  distress  financially  and  other- 
wise, Congressmen  became  greatly  alarmed,  fearing  that 
there  would  be  a  general  exodus  from  Europe  to  America 
of  everybody  who  could  get  away.  As  they  were  not  pre- 
pared to  adopt  a  permanent  policy,  they  enacted  a  hasty 
substitute  which  was  signed  by  President  Harding  in  1921. 
Under  this  act  only  three  per  cent  of  the  number  of  immi- 
grants from  any  particular  nation  who  were  here  in  1910 
could  be  admitted  in  a  year.  The  law  of  1924  changed  the 
quota  to  two  per  cent  on  the  basis  of  the  1890  census,  and 
made  a  number  of  improvements  in  the  details  of  administra- 
tion. 

What  would  you  suppose  a  European  statesman  would  think 
about  immigration?  Are  immigration  laws  likely  to  form  a  party 
issue  here?     Should  they? 

Very  few  Americans  would  say  that  we  should  throw  open 
our  doors  to  all  who  wish  to  come.  We  are  pretty  well 
agreed  that  we  can  assimilate  a  certain  number  without 
much  trouble,  and  that  if  we  do  not  take  in  any  more  than 
we  can  Americanize  the  seriousness  of  the  immigration  prob- 
lem will  disappear.     If  we  can  only  find  some  way  of  re- 


136         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

stricting  immigration  so  that  we  shall  get  the  best  people! 
One  great  difficulty  is  that  none  of  the  tests  so  far  proposed 
determine  character,  which  is  after  all  the  most  important 
concern.  One  thing  is  sure :  as  far  as  possible,  our  tests 
and  exclusion  laws  should  be  applied  at  the  foreign  ports 
before  the  emigrants  are  allowed  to  go  on  board  a  vessel. 
Foreign  countries,  however,  have  sometimes  objected  to  even 
this  helpful  reform.  Perhaps  you  will  have  to  work  out  the 
final  solution  of  this  big  problem  rather  than  the  Congressmen 
of  today. 

65.  Making  Aliens  into  Americans.  —  After  the  immi- 
grants have  passed  the  examinations  at  Ellis  Island  or  some- 
where else,  where  do  they  go?  The  census  figures  of  1910 
showed  that  about  three-fourths  of  the  foreigners  of  this 
country  were  living  in  urban  communities.  A  number  of 
associations  have  been  formed  to  help  the  immigrant  to 
find  a  suitable  place  to  live  or  to  acquaint  him  with  con- 
ditions in  various  parts  of  the  country,  so  that  he  may  know 
where  to  go.  In  the  Bureau  of  Immigration  there  is  a 
Division  of  Information  which  does  the  same  kind  of  work. 
But  these  agencies  have  been  unable  to  influence  the  new- 
comers greatly.  If  we  could  find  some  way  of  distributing 
the  immigrants  all  over  the  country,  assimilation  would 
not  be  such  a  difficult  problem  as  it  is. 

If  an  American  went  to  live  in  Paris,  would  he  act  differently 
from  the  way  many  foreigners  act  here,  in  regard  to  association 
with  others  ? 

Now  what  is  it  to  ''  assimilate  "  the  foreigner?  It  is  to 
teach  him  our  language,  customs,  and  ideals  —  to  make 
him  one  of  us  in  customs,  in  spirit,  and  in  law.  Too  often 
the  last  feature  has  come  first,  and  too  often  some  of  the 
others  have  not  come  at  all. 

To  become  a  citizen  of  the  United  States,  an  alien  must 
appear  before  a  state  or  federal  court  and  declare  his  inten- 
tion of  doing  so.    He  can  take  this  step  when  he  is  eighteen. 


Elevating  American  Standard's  137 

Not  less  than  two  nor  more  than  seven  years  later,  he  may 
complete  the  process  by  again  appearing  before  a  court  and 
taking  out  final  papers,  but  he  must  be  at  least  twenty-one 
and  have  hved  here  five  years  or  more  before  this  step  can 
be  taken.  After  a  married  man  is  naturalized  his  wife  may 
apply  and  receive  citizenship  upon  proving  that  she  has 


Courtesy  Newark  Y.  M.C.  A. 


Becoming  Citizens. 


A  class  of  foreigners  had  been  pursuing  studies  to  qualify  them  for  Amer- 
ican citizenship.  They  are  shown  here  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
United  States. 


lived  in  the  country  a  year.  A  father's  citizenship  deter- 
mines that  of  any  foreign-born  children  under  twenty-one. 
Formerly  if  an  American  woman  married  a  foreigner,  she 
lost  her  American  citizenship.  This  is  no  longer  true,  pro- 
vided she  continues  to  live  here.  Foreign  married  women, 
too,  must  now  apply  for  citizenship  on  their  own  account, 
and  may  do  so  even  if  their  husbands  do  not. 


138         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

In  how  many  ways  can  a  person  become  an  American  citizen? 
Is  the  process  of  acquiring  citizenship  too  complicated?  Should 
every  alien  be  required  to  be  able  to  read  and  write  English  before 
becoming  naturalized? 

Which  is  more  likely  to  promote  respect  for  the  United  States : 
easy  naturalization  or  difficult? 

Something  must  be  done  to  make  these  foreigners  real 
Americans  before  they  are  naturalized,  if  possible.  It  is  es- 
timated that  three-fourths  of  those  who  have  been  natur- 
alized in  recent  years  had  no  real  understanding  of  the 
meaning  of  American  citizenship  or  the  principles  of  our 
government.  The  public  schools  are  now  making  heroic 
efforts  to  help  in  this  work.  Besides  the  regular  schools 
in  which  the  children  of  the  foreigner  are  taught  side  by 
side  with  the  American  children,  there  are  special  schools, 
where  English,  citizenship,  and  such  subjects  are  taught. 
Many  hold  their  sessions  at  night,  and  give  graduation  cer- 
tificates upon  completion  of  the  course.  Settlement  houses 
and  social  workers  can  render  great  service  in  teaching  our 
customs  and  our  ideas  about  sanitation  and  living  conditions. 

One  other  point  we  must  not  overlook.  If  immigrants 
live  in  distinct  sections  of  the  community,  retaining  both 
their  foreign  language  and  their  foreign  customs,  America 
becomes,  to  use  Roosevelt's  words,  "  a  polyglot  boarding 
house."  We  discovered  during  the  Great  War  that  in  sev- 
eral parts  of  the  country  even  the  schools  were  being  carried 
on  in  foreign  languages.  Several  states  have  since  passed 
laws  forbidding  the  use  of  any  language  except  English  in 
the  schools  for  purposes  of  instruction.  Perhaps  we  ought 
to  do  away  with  foreign  language  newspapers.  Surely  it 
is  much  less  unreasonable  to  require  in-comers  to  learn  our 
established  language  than  to  expect  our  newspapers  to  print 
foreign  language  pages  in  order  to  give  immigrants  infor- 
mation about  the  events  of  the  world. 

With  the  difference  in  speech  removed,  how  much  easier 
it  wiU  be  to  develop  the  common  patriotism  and  devotion 


Elevating  American  Standards  139 

to  one  country  and  one  flag  which  loyal  Americans  are  so 
anxious  to  maintain !  The  use  of  one  common  language  is 
a  prime  essential  to  make  America  intelUgent,  and  to  make 
possible  common  customs  and  ideals  —  the  English  language, 
in  which  our  Constitution  and  laws  are  written. 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 

The  Foreign  Population  of  Our  Community. 

Our  Present  Immigration  Laws. 

Ellis  Island. 

The  Process  of  Naturalization. 

Crime  and  the  Foreigner. 

Measures  for  Anaericanizing  the  Alien. 

Famous  Americans  of  Foreign  Birth. 

Personal  Qualities  Contributed  to  America  by  Foreigners. 

Foreign  Ideas  and  Customs  That  Need  to  Be  Set  Aside. 

The  Immigrant  of  Today. 

Resolved,  that  a  literacy  test  for  immigrants  is  desirable. 

Plans  for  Limiting  Immigration. 

The  Immigrants  of  1840  to  1860. 

REFERENCE  READINGS 

Towne  —  Social  Problems,  Chapter  3. 

Burch  and  Patterson  —  American  Social  Problems,  Chapters  8-10. 

Ross  —  The  Old  World  and  the  New,  Chapters  5-12. 

Commons  —  Races  and  Immigrants  in  America,  Chapter  4. 

Steiner  —  On  the  Trail  of  the  Immigrant. 

Antin  —  The  Promised  Land. 

Riis  —  The  Making  of  an  American. 

Warne  —  The  Immigrant  Invasion. 

Jenks  and  Lauck  —  The  Immigrant  Problem. 

Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapter  38. 

Hayes  —  Introduction  to  Sociology,  Chapter  15. 

Daniels  —  America  via  the  Neighborhood. 

Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  Chapter  31. 

Coolidge  —  United  States  as  a  World  Power,  Chapter  2. 

Haworth  —  America  in  Ferment,  Chapter  4. 

Wolfe  —  Readings  in  Social  Problems,  Book  II. 

Ellwood  —  Sociology  and  Modern  Social  Problems,  Chapter  10. 

Adams  and  Sumner  —  Labor  Problems,  Chapter  3. 


140         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

C.   The  Color  Line 

The  people  of  whom  we  have  just  been  speaking  are  all  of  the 
white  race,  whatever  the  hue  of  their  minds  and  souls.  If  there 
exist  among  these  such  important  problems,  how  great  they  must 
be  among  people  of  different  colors!  What  is  the  part  these  people 
play  in  our  country's  life?  What  is  and  what  should  be  our 
attitude  toward  them  ? 

66.  Why  Is  There  a  Negro  Problem?  —  Unlike  the  for- 
eigner from  Europe  and  Asia,  the  negro  did  not  come  to 
America  for  refuge  or  in  order  to  improve  his  economic  con- 
dition. He  did  not  come  of  his  own  accord  at  all.  He  was 
captured  by  fellow  Africans  in  his  native  country,  sold  to 
white  men  for  mere  trifles,  packed  into  a  ship,  and  brought 
to  America  to  be  marketed  among  strangers.  Most  Amer- 
ican negroes  for  almost  two  and  a  half  centuries  were  slaves. 

This  state  of  bondage  has  left  marks  upon  them  which  are 
still  visible.  In  the  first  place,  the  practice  of  selling  the 
members  of  families  into  different  parts  of  the  country  broke 
up  homes  and  gave  the  negro  a  very  poor  conception  of  family 
life.  Standards  of  morality  necessarily  suffered  under  the 
circumstances.  Their  work  on  the  plantation  called  for 
nothing  but  patient  plodding.  This  tended  to  dull  their 
minds,  and  make  their  lives  simply  a  matter  of  habit.  They 
received  no  education.  They  often  lived  in  very  poor  con- 
ditions. Most  had  no  responsibility.  They  were  simply 
told  what  to  do  and  punished  if  they  failed  to  do  it.  Their 
clothes,  food,  and  shelter  were  provided  for  them.  They 
received  no  money  and  consequently  knew  nothing  about 
handling  it.  Petty  thieving  was  an  inevitable  result  of  the 
absence  of  personal  property. 

The  life  of  the  slave  was  usually,  therefore,  a  life  of  sub- 
jection and  ignorance.  He  was  religious,  emotional,  super- 
stitious, and  very  simple  in  his  thoughts  and  his  ways.  And 
after  being  subjected  to  all  these  conditions  for  such  a  long 
time,  can  we  wonder  at  those  characteristics  today  which 
sometimes   unjustly   cast   reflections   on   all   negroes  —  for 


Elevating  American  Standards 


141 


many  negro  men  and  women  live  as  worthily  as  any  white 
people !  It  will  take  longer  than  fifty  years  to  change  what 
two  hundred  and  fifty  years  have  done. 

What  would  be  the  negro's  condition  today  if  he  had  never  been 
enslaved?  Has  not  the  negro  gained  a  great  deal  through  having 
been  brought  to  America,  even  if  he  came  only  to  be  enslaved? 

After  two  and  a  half  centuries  of  the  life  we  have  just  de- 
scribed, liberty  was  suddenly  thrust  upon  the  negroes.  The 
Proclamation  of  Emancipation  came  as  a  war  measure  in 


I  to  5  per  cent, 
StoHJpe 
I  12!  toZSpor 

D9  37itol>0pcrcent. 

ID]  M  per  cent  and  over. 

The  heavy  lines  (^)  show  geographic  divinoiu. 


Courtesy  Bureau  of  Census. 
Negro  Population  in  the  States. 

1863.  Then  the  Constitution  was  amended.  The  Thir- 
teenth Amendment  (1865)  abolished  slavery  as  an  insti- 
tution, the  Fourteenth  (1868)  granted  the  negro  citizenship, 
and  the  Fifteenth  (1870)  was  intended  to  guarantee  him  the 
right  to  vote.  These  measures  resulted  in  giving  liberty 
and  citizenship  to  four  million  negroes  who  had  neither  edu- 
cation nor  training.  Unprincipled  men  from  the  North 
gained  influence  over  the  negroes,  and  former  slaves  were 
given  offices  in  the  government  of  the  southern  states. 
These  people  plunged  the  South  into  all  sorts  of  extrava- 
gance and  mismanagement.     The  result  was  a  violent  re- 


142         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

action  on  the  part  of  the  whites,  who,  when  they  once  got 
into  power  again,  determined  to  stay  there. 

So,  then,  we  have  our  negro  problem  because  white  men 
bought  negroes  to  do  work  which  the  white  men  could  not 
or  did  not  want  to  do  ;  because  slave  life  gave  the  negro  small 
responsibility  and  little  appreciation  of  morals ;  because 
too  much  responsibility  was  thrust  upon  him  suddenly  after 
the  Civil  War,  and  his  misuse  of  power  enraged  his  former 
masters ;  and  because  the  white  man  feels  he  is  by  nature 
Superior  to  people  of  any  other  color. 

Would  gradual  emancipation  have  been  better  for  the  negro  ? 

67.  The  Black  Man's  Progress.  —  The  negro  population 
has  more  than  doubled  since  the  time  of  the  Civil  War.  The 
1920  census  showed  over  10,000,000  negroes  in  the  United 
States.  But  the  black  man  is  not  increasing  so  rapidly  as 
the  white.  The  birth  rate  is  high  but  decreasing  and  the 
death  rate  is  correspondingly  high  —  twice  as  high  as  among 
the  whites.  This  is  due  largely  to  the  crowded,  filthy  con- 
ditions under  which  many  negroes  live,  especially  in  cities. 
Infant  mortality  and  the  number  of  deaths  from  tubercu- 
losis are  very  high  among  them. 

Some  negroes  are  lazy  and  shiftless  and  do  not  try  to  im- 
prove themselves,  yet  the  race  as  a  whole  has  made  real 
and  notable  progress.  When  set  free,  the  slaves  owned 
hardly  any  property  worth  mentioning.  Now  half  a  billion 
dollars'  worth  is  in  the  name  of  negroes.  Nearly  a  milhon 
farms  are  operated  by  them,  a  quarter  or  more  of  which  are 
owned.  They  are  in  all  professions.  Hundreds  are  law- 
yers and  doctors,  and  thousands  are  ministers  or  teachers. 
We  also  find  them  as  drivers,  chauffeurs,  and  servants,  jani- 
tors in  all  kinds  of  public  buildings,  and  porters  in  trains. 
Large  numbers  of  them  moved  North  during  the  Great  War 
to  get  the  high  wages  then  prevailing,  but  many  of  these 
were  unsettled,  unskilled  laborers,  whose  migration  was 
of  little  real  benefit  to  themselves  or  to  the  country. 


Elevating  American  Standards  143 

At  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  nine-tenths  of  the  negroes 
were  illiterate ;  now  the  proportion  is  less  than  three-tenths. 
This  figure  is  bad  enough,  in  all  conscience,  but  it  represents 
marked  improvement.  Negro  schools  have  often  been  neg- 
lected by  the  white  directors.  They  have  not  been  properly 
supervised  and  are  often  in  very  bad  condition.  Many  of 
the  teachers  in  these  schools  have  completed  only  the  eighth 
grade  themselves. 

There  are  a  number  of  industrial  schools  for  the  negroes, 
where  they  are  taught  manual  training  or  domestic  science, 
and  are  instructed  in  various  trades.  They  need  such 
schools  particularly.  One  of  the  best  of  the  schools  for 
negroes  is  Tuskegee  Institute,  which  was  established  by 
Booker  T.  Washington,  perhaps  the  greatest  man  of  his  race 
in  the  United  States.  This  school  is  carried  on  entirely  by 
negroes.  A  considerable  number  of  schools  for  negroes  have 
also  been  established  by  church  organizations  as  missionary 
enterprises,  and  negro  churches  have  contributed  generously 
to  support  schools.  But  education  is  doubtless  the  negro's 
greatest  need  today. 

68.  The  White  Man's  Policy.  —  The  southern  white 
people,  having  known  the  negroes  as  slaves,  aim  still  to  *'  keep 
them  in  their  place."  The  southerner  expects,  and  receives, 
from  the  negro  the  most  marked  respect.  Separate  cars 
or  separate  sections  in  them,  commonly  known  as  "  Jim 
Crow  cars,"  and  separate  hotels,  as  well  as  separate  schools, 
are  often  required  by  law.  The  idea  works  the  other  way 
too.  A  white  person  may  not  attend  a  colored  school,  nor 
ride  in  the  street  car  or  coach  reserved  for  the  negro.  The 
whole  attitude  of  the  southern  white  people  towards  the 
negro  is  that  of  a  superior  race  toward  an  inferior  one.  They 
will  yield  nothing  that  could  at  all  be  interpreted  as  a  step 
toward  social  equality.  An  attack  of  a  negro  on  a  white 
person  therefore  seems  a  worse  sin  than  if  two  persons  of 
the  same  race  are  concerned. 


144         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  horrible  "  mess  "  of  Reconstruction  days  produced 
the  Ku  Klux  Klan  and  other  forcible  means  of  establishing 
white  supremacy  in  politics  which  embittered  many  north- 
erners. But  peaceful  means  have  proved  just  as  effective. 
Though  the  Fifteenth  Amendment  to  the  national  Consti- 
tution forbade  the  states  to  deny  the  vote  on  account  of  race 
or  color,  southern  states  found  ways  to  evade  this,  as  by 


Inside  Work  in  a  Large  Post  Office. 

The  clerks  are  gathering  up  letters  and  facing  them  for  the  canceling 
machine.  Is  there  anything  in  this  picture  which  suggests  the  part  of  the 
country  where  it  was  taken  ? 

the  so-called  "  grandfather  clause."  This  was  usually 
drawn  up  so  as  to  require  that  voters  must  meet  certain 
property  or  educational  requirements  in  order  to  vote,  un- 
less their  ancestors  were  voters  in  1866  or  thereabouts.  This 
of  course  prevents  all  negroes  from  voting  who  cannot  meet 
the  requirements,  while  the  whites  who  are  poor  and  ig- 
norant are  not  excluded.  In  many  southern  communities 
negroes  no  longer  try  to  vote. 


Elevating  American  Standards  145 

Matters  are  somewhat  different  in  the  North.  There 
are  fewer  negroes,  and  many  of  them  are  enterprising.  They 
are  indined  to  show  more  initiative  and  to  desire  to  be 
treated  in  the  same  way  as  white  people.  The  attitude  of 
the  northern  whites  has  changed  considerably  since  the 
Civil  War  and  Reconstruction  days.  Then  they  felt  sorry 
for  the  negroes  and  wanted  to  help  them.  They  assisted 
them  to  get  to  the  North,  and  really  welcomed  them  when 
they  came.  Now  they  are  tolerant  of  the  negro  but  they 
do  not  feel  particularly  kindly  toward  him.  In  most  places 
the  northern  negro  attends  the  same  schools  as  the  whites, 
and  rides  in  the  same  street  car.  But  when  negroes  are 
numerous  in  a  community,  they  have  separate  churches 
and  social  organizations  and  often  separate  schools. 

We  will  all,  northerners  and  southerners  aUke,  admit  that 
the  negro  problem  can  never  be  solved  by  amalgamation, 
nor  by  sending  the  negro  to  Liberia.  The  negro  is  here  to 
stay.  The  only  solution  is  for  each  race  to  develop  itself, 
helping  and  sympathizing  with  the  other,  but  not  mingling 
more  than  is  necessary.  The  salvation  of  the  black  race 
Hes  in  the  hands  of  the  negroes  themselves,  as  Booker  Wash- 
ington tried  to  tell  them.  They  will  win  respect  by  de- 
serving it.  But  at  the  same  time,  as  it  has  been  aptly  re- 
marked, the  white  man  will  never  solve  the  negro  problem 
by  calling  it  "  the  nigger  problem." 

Give  the  negro  time,  help,  and  a  chance.  In  native  abil- 
ity he  may  not  average  as  high  as  the  white  man,  but  there 
is  much  he  will  do  well.  The  time  may  come  when  we  will 
not  look  upon  the  negro  as  a  problem  but  as  an  example 
of  the  possibilities  latent  in  a  downtrodden  race  to  make 
itself  a  real  asset  to  a  nation. 

Northern  people  are  moving  into  some  parts  of  the  South  in  con- 
siderable numbers.  Will  this  movement  have  any  effect  upon  the 
race  situation  or  politics  in  the  South? 

69.  The  Red  Man  in  America.  —  The  strange  red  men 
whom  Columbus  found  in  America  he  called  Indians,  be- 


146         Problems  of  American  Democracy 


cause  he  had  India  on  his  mind.  They  were  a  simple,  stoUd, 
brave  people,  living  much  in  the  open  air  and  feeling  a  keen 
intimacy  with  Nature.  Civilization  was  not  highly  de- 
veloped among  them,  though  the  Aztecs  of  Mexico  and  the 
Incas'  of  Peru  had  made  much  progress  along  some  lines. 

The  Iroquois  of  New  York 
displayed  many  worth- 
while qualities,  and  if  the 
white  man  had  let  them 
alone  they  might  have 
developed  a  federal  gov- 
ernment all  their  own. 

The  numbers  of  the  red 
men  were  never  large, 
though  there  were  enough 
of  them  to  make  the  early 
white  man  worry.  To- 
day, if  we  can  trust  the 
census  figures,  the  Indian 
population  of  the  United 
States  is  stationary.  The 
reckoning  for  1920 counted 
only  336,000,  but  the  un- 
expected smallness  of  the 
numbers  is  explained  in 
part  by  the  fact  that 
many  who  have  both 
white  and  Indian  ances- 
tors now  are  recorded  as  white  when  previously  they  would 
have  been  counted  as  Indians. 

Some  of  these  Indians  live  about  the  same  kind  of  life 
that  they  did  when  Columbus  came.  Others,  especially 
such  tribes  as  the  Creeks,  Cherokees,  Chickasaws,  and  Choc- 
taws,  have  made  rapid  advancement.  Some  Indians  are 
well-to-do.  They  contributed  on  an  average  $75  apiece 
to  the  Liberty  Loans  —  a  better  showing  than  our  white  cit- 


CouTtesy  Bureau  of  Indian  Affairs. 
The  Passing  of  the  Old  Life. 

These  Indian  women  represent  a  type 
of  life  which  is  fast  disappearing,  but 
which  was  once  characteristic  of  a  great 
part  of  the  red  men. 


Elevating  American  Standards 


147 


izens.  And  the  oil  which  has  been  found  on  the  lands  of  the 
Osage  tribe  has  brought  them  wealth  in  such  abundance 
that  they  have  a  hard  time  spending  it.  As  a  race  they 
did  not  develop  the  possibilities  of  the  land  in  which  they 
lived,  and  the  harsh  law  of  Progress  has  turned  it  over  to 
those  who  would  do  more  with  it. 

Are  there  any  traces  of  the  old  Indian  civilization  in  your  com- 
munity? What  valuable  remains  has  the  Indian  left  us?  What 
theories  of  his  origin  do  you  know? 

70.  Red  Man  and  White  Man.  —  The  Indians  regarded 
the  first  white  men  with  mild  curiosity,  but  they  felt  kindly 


Some  Indians  of  Today. 

How  much  different  are  these  young  fellows  from  white  people  of  the 
same  age  and  circumstances  of  life  ?  These  Indians  live  in  southeastern 
California. 


toward  them.  If  the  white  man  had  treated  the  Indian 
fairly  the  two  races  could  have  become  friends,  but  the  white 
man  took  advantage  of  the  red  man.  He  exchanged  a  few 
trinkets  for  miles  of  land.  Sometimes  he  did  not  even  go 
through  the  formaUty  of  a  purchase,  but  simply  took  what 
he  wanted.     By  means  of  the  *'  fire-water  "  unknown  to 


148         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

the  Indian  before  the  white  man  came,  he  corrupted  the 
Indian.  Is  it  any  wonder  that  the  Indian  came  to  hate 
the  white  man  and  to  want  to  kill  him?  Then  the  white 
people  blamed  the  Indian  and  hated  him  for  doing  what 
they  had  forced  him  to  do. 

The  Indians  stood  between  the  white  people  and  the 
settlement  of  the  country.  The  white  man  needed  land, 
and  the  Indians  roamed  over  much  land  but  actually  occu- 
pied little.  A  thousand  white  people  could  prosper 
where  fifty  Indians  would  barely  make  a  living.  And  so 
the  whites  pushed  the  Indians  westward.  They  broke  agree- 
ment after  agreement  made  with  the  Indians.  ''  A  cen- 
tury of  dishonor  "  is  perhaps  not  too  harsh  a  term  to  use 
in  connection  with  our  dealings  with  them.  Petty  Indian 
wars  were  going  on  somewhere  in  the  borders  of  the  United 
States  almost  all  the  time  for  three-fourths  of  the  19th  cen- 
tury. The  passage  of  the  Dawes  Act  in  1887  marks  the 
real  beginning  of  our  present  Indian  policy.  We  can  hon- 
estly say  now  that  our  government  is  trying  to  act  justly 
toward  the  Indians.  The  Bureau  of  Indian  Affairs  in  the 
Department  of  the  Interior  has  the  oversight  of  our  relations 
with  them. 

A  great  many  of  the  Indians  now  live  on  reservations. 
These  are  tracts  of  land  set  aside  by  the  government  for 
the  use  of  the  red  man.  Some  are  found  in  every  part  of 
the  United  States,  but  most  of  them  are  west  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi River.  There  are  177  reservations  in  twenty- three 
states.  The  Indians  live  in  their  own  communities  there, 
have  their  little  farms  if  they  want  them,  and  live  a  peaceful 
life.  Trade  between  white  men  and  the  Indians  is  super- 
vised and  government  agents  are  supposed  to  look  out  for 
the  Indians'  welfare. 

The  government  maintains  schools  on  the  reservations 
for  the  Indians ;  but  there  are  not  nearly  enough,  and  some 
are  poorly  equipped.  The  Indian  is  taught  English  and 
is  given  courses  similar  to  those  of  the  usual  elementary  and 


Elevating  American  Standards  149 

high  schools.  Many  Indians  are  very  well  educated.  A 
number  of  them  go  to  colleges  and  universities.  Not  all 
the  Indians  in  the  country,  however,  are  living  on  the  reser- 
vations. A  great  many  Indians  own  their  own  farms  and 
some  of  them  are  prosperous  and  up-to-date.  Indians  are 
also  engaged  in  trades  and  professions.     All  Indians  born 


Courtesy  Bureau  of  Indian  Affairs. 
Indian  Boys  Gardening. 

These  boys  are  cultivating  irrrigated  land  at  the  Sherman  School  in 
southern  California. 

within  the  limits  of  the  United  States  are  now  considered 
citizens,  whether  they  fully  look  out  for  themselves  or  still 
continue  to  be  wards  of  the  government,  receiving  financial 
support  from  the  treasury. 

The  white  man  does  not  seem  to  feel  the  objection  to  the 
Indian  that  he  does  to  the  negro  or  the  yellow  man.  In- 
dians associate  on  terms  of  equality  with  white  men  in  col- 
lege and  in  other  phases  of  life,  and  Indians  and  whites  fre- 


150         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

quently  intermarry.  We  have  had  a  number  of  very  capable 
Indians  in  government  positions,  as  well  as  several  of  mixed 
white  and  Indian  parentage.  In  the  last  group  is  Robert 
L.  Owen,  one  of  our  ablest  senators,  and  one  of  the  authors 
of  the  Glass-Owen  Act,  which  established  the  Federal  Re- 
serve System. 

The  problem  of  the  red  man  is  more  of  the  past  than  of 
the  present.  The  ultimate  result  may  be  amalgamation  with 
the  white,  but  if  that  does  occur  it  will  not  be  in  the  imme- 
diate future.  As  for  the  Indians  who  show  no  interest  in 
the  white  man's  clothes  or  his  social  habits,  and  prefer  to 
live  about  as  they  always  have  lived,  it  is  best  to  let  them 
take  their  own  course.  Forcible  civilization  has  many  un- 
desirable features. 

Name  a  few  prominent  Indians.  For  what  have  they  been 
noted? 

71.  The  "  Yellow  Peril."  —  Some  of  our  newspapers, 
and  some  of  our  self-styled  "  statesmen  "  keep  insisting 
that  the  yellow  race  has  some  horrible  design  on  the  rest 
of  the  world.  Their  land  is  now  thickly  settled  and  their 
population  rapidly  increasing,  we  are  told.  They  are  going 
to  move  out  into  territory  now  under  other  flags  and  occupy 
it  peaceably  if  they  can,  forcibly  if  they  must.  Their  abil- 
ity to  live  on  a  very  little  and  their  willingness  to  work  for 
low  wages  make  it  impossible  to  compete  with  them  in- 
dustrially. If  we  are  not  careful,  they  will  swamp  us  by 
their  very  numbers  and  industry. 

Besides,  cry  the  alarmists,  Japan  has  become  a  milita- 
ristic nation.  Her  people  are  good  fighters  and  they  know 
it.  When  they  get  the  millions  of  Chinese  aroused  and 
armed,  they  will  conquer  the  Philippines,  Hawaii,  and  any- 
thing else  they  want  in  the  Pacific.  We  shall  have  to  fight 
for  our  Pacific  possessions  and  trade,  or  else  lie  down  and 
let  them  have  their  way. 

Now  is  there  any  real  basis  for  such  imaginings?     No- 


Elevating  American  Standards 


151 


body  is  more  peaceful  than  the  Chinaman  when  you  let  him 
alone.  The  Japanese  has  always  kept  his  word  with  us 
when  he  has  definitely  pledged  it.  Besides,  from  whom 
did  the  yellow  people  learn  their  *'  ways  that  are  dark,  and 
tricks  that  are  vain"  if  not  from  the  white  nations?  Per- 
haps if  we  exhibit  a  more  Christian  spirit  in  our  diplomacy 


An  Up-to-Date  Hydroelectric  Plant. 
Was  this  picture  taken  in  the  United  States?  Far  from  it,  though  the 
machinery  was  constructed  by  an  American  firm.  This  is  in  Kyoto,  Japan. 
Many  a  cotton  mill  and  steel  mill  could  be  thus  shown,  which  we  might  sup- 
pose was  situated  in  our  own  land,  except  for  the  dress  of  the  workers.  We 
do  the  Japanese  an  injustice  if  we  think  of  them  as  barbarians. 


we  shall  find  a  better  attitude  displayed  toward  us.  Cheap 
demagogues  on  the  other  side  also  try  to  stir  up  trouble, 
but  ''  let  him  that  is  without  sin  first  cast  a  stone." 

Some  of  the  feeling  against  the  yellow  man  is  caused 
through  prejudice  against  his  yellow  skin,  and  some  is 
caused  through  jealousy.  That  may  seem  strange,  but  it  is 
not  highly  flattering  to  a  white  man  to  have  a  Japanese  pros- 
per on  a  farm  on  which  the  white  man  failed.     In  order  to 


152         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

prevent  the  Japanese  from  getting  ahead,  the  white  man 
chooses  the  course  of  retarding  him  rather  than  of  exerting 
greater  effort  himself. 

Quite  hkely  ambitions  and  interests  may  clash  in  the  Pa- 
cific, but  why  any  more  than  in  South  America  or  Africa? 
Sanity  and  fair-mindedness  ought  to  keep  competition  hon- 
orable and  aboveboard  between  nations  as  between  indi- 
viduals. Keep  our  eyes  open  —  yes !  Protect  our  own  busi- 
ness and  social  life  by  not  allowing  another  color  problem 
like  that  of  the  negro  to  develop  in  our  own  country  —  cer- 
tainly !  But  the  missionaries  who  work  in  China  and  Japan 
speak  well  of  their  people.  How  can  we  justly  suspect 
everything  they  do?  Perhaps  as  the  great  opportunities 
for  manufacturing  and  mining  are  developed  in  the  Far  East, 
employment  will  be  found  for  their  congested  population 
which  will  relieve  them  from  any  desire  for  territorial  ex- 
pansion across  the  Pacific.  At  least,  let  us  so  conduct  our- 
selves that  we  give  them  no  excuse  for  anything  like  an  in- 
ternational race  riot. 

72.  The  Chinaman  among  Us.  —  Until  nearly  the 
middle  of  the  19th  century  there  were  practically  no  Chinese 
in  this  country.  Then  the  Opium  War  in  China,  which 
caused  a  great  increase  in  Chinese  taxes,  resulted  in  the  emi- 
gration of  many  Chinese.  The  discovery  of  gold  in  Cali- 
fornia in  1848  attracted  thousands  of  these  people  to  our 
shores.  Today  there  are  over  60,000  Chinese  in  this  coun- 
try, a  large  majority  of  whom  are  in  the  Far  West,  but  the 
number  is  decreasing. 

Their  occupations  are  varied.  In  1909,  3000  were  em- 
ployed in  salmon  canneries.  Many  thousands  more  do 
various  kinds  of  unskilled  labor.  Others  keep  small  mer- 
chant houses  and  shops,  laundries,  and  the  like.  In  this 
latter  capacity  they  are  best  known  in  the  East.  In  fact 
it  is  hard  for  an  easterner  to  understand  why  there  is  so 
much  worry  about  them.     Those  whom  he  knows  are  in- 


Elevating  American  Standards  153 

dustrious,  mind  their  own  business,  and  make  no  trouble 
for  any  one  else. 

The  Chinaman  brings  his  religion  and  many  peculiar 
habits  with  him  to  this  country.  These  in  part  make  some 
Americans  distrust  him  as  they  do.  Wild  stories  of  the 
evil  of  his  vicious  practices  and  "  opium  dens  "  have  been 
extensively  circulated  for  commercial  and  other  reasons, 
regardless  of  the  fact  that  people  do  not  have  to  go  near 
those  places  if  they  do  not  want  to  do  so.  But  the  worst 
grievance  against  him  has  been  the  low  wages  he  will  accept. 
Because  his  requirements  in  the  way  of  living  conditions 
are  so  few,  a  rate  of  pay  looks  good  to  him  which  no  white 
man  could  decently  live  on.  The  Chinese  who  first  came 
to  this  country  were  welcomed.  They  did  the  ordinary 
labor  while  the  early  Calif ornians  went  out  to  look  for  gold. 
But  when  gold-hunting  turned  out  to  be  an  undependable 
vocation,  men  had  to  settle  down  to  something  more  sub- 
stantial. Then  suddenly  the  discovery  was  made  that  in 
doing  ordinary  labor  the  American  could  not  compete  with 
the  Chinese.  Labor  agitators  raised  the  cry,  *'  The  Chinese 
must  go,"  and  mobs  sometimes  made  life  unpleasant  for  the 
Chinese. 

But  our  first  treaties  with  China  required  us  to  give  the 
Chinese  the  same  treatment  that  we  gave  to  other  nations. 
At  length  another  treaty  was  made,  which  authorized  us 
to  "  regulate  "  the  immigration  of  Chinese  laborers.  We 
proceeded  then  to  pass  in  1882  the  first  Chinese  Exclusion 
Act,  which  regulated  such  immigration  by  keeping  it  out 
altogether.  This  act  has  since  been  renewed  and  the  policy 
of  exclusion  is  definitely  established.  A  few  Chinese  may 
be  smuggled  in  from  Mexico,  but  the  number  is  not  great 
enough  to  be  alarming. 

Are  we  entirely  justified  in  our  attitude  toward  the  Chinese? 
Should  we  distrust  a  man  because  his  actions  seem  queer  ? 

73.  The  Japanese  among  Us.  —  Now  it  is  the  Japanese 
who  perplex  us  here  most.     Until  after  the  Chinese  Ex- 


154         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

elusion  Act  there  were  practically  no  Japanese  in  the  United 
States.  In  fact,  until  1898,  there  were  not  more  than  2000 
here.  The  census  of  1920  recorded  111,025  Japanese,  but 
California  declared  that  the  census-takers  did  not  find  them 
all.  Most  of  the  early  Japanese  worked  in  the  railroads 
and  other  places  as  unskilled  laborers.  They  were  used  to 
break  strikes,  and  for  this  reason  the  labor  unions  do  not 
like  them.  They  now  do  a  great  deal  of  the  meat-  and  fish- 
packing.  Some  serve  as  domestics  and  others  keep  res- 
taurants and  shops.  They  work  for  low  wages,  and  are 
easy  to  engage.  They  are  dependable,  have  a  remarkable 
ability  for  learning  American  customs,  and  are  great  imi- 
tators. About  3000  Japanese  come  here  every  year  to 
study.  They  are  very  enterprising  and  ambitious,  and  are 
respected  in  our  colleges  and  universities  by  the  Americans 
with  whom  they  come  in  contact. 

The  problem  of  the  yellow  man  is  peculiarly  a  western 
one  —  we  could  almost  say  California's,  for  the  great  ma- 
jority of  the  Chinese  and  Japanese  are  in  California.  The 
three  coast  states,  California,  Washington,  and  Oregon, 
contain  more  than  four-fifths  of  all  in  the  country. 

It  is  said  that  Japanese  laborers  take  jobs  away  from  white 
laborers  and  that  their  lodgings  are  filthy;  but  the  chief 
objection  now  is  to  the  buying  of  land  by  the  Japanese. 
They  are  naturally  energetic  and  ambitious,  and  set  up  flour- 
ishing farms.  The  people  of  California,  afraid  lest  all  the 
good  gardening  land  become  occupied  entirely  by  yellow 
people,  have  passed  state  laws  forbidding  any  alien  to  hold 
land  who  could  not  acquire  citizenship.  Since  neither  Chi- 
nese nor  Japanese  may  become  naturalized  they  can  never 
hold  land.  Their  children  born  in  this  country  are  United 
States  citizens,  however,  and  the  Japanese  have  evaded 
these  laws  by  buying  land  in  their  children's  names  or  rent- 
ing it  for  long  periods.  Sometimes  they  formed  corpora- 
tions, for  there  was  no  law  forbidding  a  corporation  to  hold 
lands.     California's  latest  effort  is  to  prevent  the  renting 


Elevating  American  Standards  155 

of  land  by  Japanese  for  any  longer  period  than  three  years. 
Californians  sincerely  feel  disturbed  about  the  situation. 
Some  of  them,  however,  seem  to  forget  that  they  are  in  the 
United  States,  for  they  have  urged  the  passage  of  state  laws 
which  would  be  wholly  contrary  to  our  agreements  with  Japan. 
Presidents  Roosevelt  and  Wilson  preferred  to  enter  into 
"  gentlemen's  agreements  "  between  the  two  governments 
rather  than  to  make  treaties,  because  of  the  trouble  they 
w^ould  have  had  in  getting  the  Senate  to  ratify  treaties. 
Each  country  agreed  to  respect  the  territorial  possessions  of 
the  other  and  to  refrain  from  granting  passports  to  laborers 
to  go  to  the  territory  of  the  other.  The  "  four-power  " 
treaty  made  at  the  Washington  Conference  of  1921-1922 
aimed  at  a  further  assurance  of  the  safety  of  each  country's 
possessions.  Serious  ill  feeling  was  aroused  in  Japan,  mani- 
fested by  meetings  of  protest  and  sharp  criticisms,  when  in 
1924,  Congress  abandoned  the  "  gentlemen's  agreement  " 
policy,  and  excluded  by  law  all  Japanese  laborers. 

74.  The  White  Man's  Burden.  —  Somehow  it  seems  as 
if  the  responsibility  for  world  advancement  rests  mainly  on 
the  white  man.  No  other  people  seem  to  have  equal  capacity 
to  rule  or  ability  to  advance.  The  Japanese  have  made 
wonderful  progress  in  much  less  than  a  century,  but  it  is 
a  little  too  early  to  determine  whether  this  is  due  to  any- 
thing more  than  a  remarkable  ability  to  imitate  the  accom- 
plishments of  the  white  race.  Kipling's  poem,  "  The  White 
Man's  Burden,"  presents  a  profound  truth.  Often  the 
weaker  race  fails  to  appreciate  what  the  stronger  does  for 
it;  but,  after  all,  the  world  is  not  likely  to  be  any  better 
than  the  white  races  make  it,  and  therefore  in  a  peculiar 
degree  the  white  man  should  be  careful  to  set  an  example 
which  will  neither  be  misunderstood  nor  lead  others  astray. 
Too  many  times  the  white  man  has  cared  only  to  exploit 
weaker  peoples  —  to  get  rich  out  of  their  labor  or  the  re- 
sources of  their  country,  regardless  of  the  effect  upon  them. 


156         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Race  riots  and  lynchings  are  a  disgrace  to  everybody  who 
takes  part  in  them.  The  latter  are  usually  inflicted  upon 
scoundrels  whose  crime  would  be  punished  by  the  regular 
process  of  law.  What  gain  has  there  been,  therefore,  when 
a  man  is  lynched  who  would  have  been  punished  anyway, 
even  if  the  mob  is  sure  it  has  the  right  man?     And  if  white 


c  uutrLLuud  tt  Underwood. 

Keeping  the  Peace  during  Race  Trouble. 
These  troopers  have  their  machine  guns  placed  so  as  to  command  the 
streets  where  trouble  may  occur.     This  picture  was  taken  in  Knoxville, 
Tennessee. 

men  who  make  and  enforce  the  law  so  readily  ignore  it,  what 
lesson  can  the  negro  learn  in  the  way  of  respect  for  it? 

The  red  man  too  is  distinctly  a  weaker  brother  considered 
as  a  race.  Plain  common  honesty  is  one  of  the  things  a 
white  man  must  display  toward  him,  as  well  as  watchful  in- 
terest and  aid  that  will  raise  him  to  the  white  man's  civil- 
ization as  fast  as  he  is  ready  for  it.  It  is  little  enough  to 
give  the  Indian  a  fair  deal  on  what  he  has  left  of  the  great 
country  that  was  once  his. 


Elevating  American  Standards  157 

In  fairness  to  our  own  people  we  must  recognize  that  other 
white  nations  such  as  AustraUa  and  Canada  feel  toward  the 
Japanese  and  Chinese  the  same  as  many  of  us  do.  And  they 
have  an  even  more  profound  dislike  of  the  Hindoo,  who 
comes  to  them  somewhat  more  readily  because  the  British 
flag  floats  over  them  all.  A  white  man's  country  and  a 
yellow  man's  country  can  be  separate  and  distinct  and  each 
race  can  stay  in  its  own  field  without  its  being  necessary  for 
either  to  hold  suspicion  or  ill-will  toward  the  other.  Friendli- 
ness and  a  desire  to  understand  are  surely  a  part  of  the  white 
man's  burden  toward  the  yellow  race.  One  fact  that  we  often 
do  not  realize  is  that  Japan  and  to  some  extent  the  other 
leading  Asiatic  peoples  are  no  longer  uncivilized.  Their  in- 
dustries are  as  varied  and  in  some  cases  as  advanced  as  our 
own.     They  deeply  resent  being  looked  upon  as  inferiors. 

We  have  another  little  burden  of  color  that  is  pecuUarly 
our  own  —  the  burden  of  the  brown  man,  the  Filipino. 
After  all,  it  is  not  so  much  of  a  burden  because  the  Filipino 
no  longer  gives  us  a  great  deal  of  trouble.  He  is  able  to 
look  out  for  himself  in  most  respects.  Perhaps  we  feel  that 
he  is  not  so  grateful  as  he  should  be  for  what  we  have  done 
for  him.  That  has  been  the  experience  of  Great  Britain 
over  and  over  again  with  her  colonies.  But  at  least  we  can 
approach  the  whole  question  with  the  thought  of  doing  what 
is  best  for  the  Filipino  and  making  our  own  interests  a  sec- 
ondary consideration. 

Perhaps  the  "  square  deal  "  sums  up  all  the  elements  in 
the  problems  of  races  and  color.  If  the  white  man  can  make 
the  weaker  races  feel  that  he  does  not  wish  to  plunder  them 
but  to  help  them,  and  will  take  his  reward  in  part  in  the  con- 
sciousness of  having  served  civilization,  he  will  give  the 
people  of  other  colors  no  just  cause  for  discontent. 

**  By  all  ye  cry  or  whisper, 
By  all  ye  leave  or  do, 
The  silent,  sullen  peoples 
Shall  weigh  your  Gods  and  you." 


158         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Who  generally  start  race  riots,  white  people  or  negroes?  Is 
lynching  ever  excusable?  What  kinds  of  people  might  be  glad 
to  have  a  war  between  a  nation  of  the  white  race  and  a  nation  of 
the  yellow  race?  Have  nations  of  the  other  races  than  the  white 
any  just  reason  today  to  suspect  the  white  man's  intentions  toward 
them?  Compare  England  and  America  in  respect  to  their  atti- 
tude toward  other  races. 

.*.  To  establish  right  relations  among  men,  we  must  find  means  both 
to  restrain  wrong-doers  and  to  encourage  the  erring  to  do  better.  We 
must  maintain  high  ideals  in  government  and  business.  We  must  give 
the  foreigner  a  fair  chance,  while  insisting  that  he  become  an  American 
if  he  is  to  Hve  in  America.  White  people  must  manifest  a  desire  to  help 
and  to  understand  people  of  other  colors,  instead  of  assiuning  a  dis- 
agreeable attitude  of  superiority. 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 
The  Negroes'  Life  in  Slavery  Days. 
The  States  in  Reconstruction  Times. 
The  Indian  Reservation  of  Today. 
Indians  Who  Have  Become  Famous. 
The  Process  of  Making  an  Indian  a  Citizen. 
Our  Treaty  Relations  with  China. 
Our  Treaty  Relations  with  Japan. 
The  Rise  of  Japan. 
The  Land  Problem  in  California. 
England's  Dealings  with  Other  Races. 
The  Life  of  Booker  T.  Washington. 
The  Negro  in  Industry. 
The  Negro  and  the  Ballot. 

REFERENCE   READINGS 

Burch  and  Patterson  —  American  Social  Problems,  Chapter  11. 

Washington  —  Up  from  Slavery. . 

Washington  —  The  Story  of  the  Negro. 

Washington  —  The  Future  of  the  American  Negro. 

Bryce  —  Modern  Democracies,  Chapter  71. 

Ellwood  —  Sociology  and  Modern  Social  Problems,  Chapter  11. 

Mecklin  —  Democracy  and  Race  Friction. 

Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  94,  98. 

Coolidge  —  United  States  as  a  World  Power,  Chapter  3. 

Haworth  —  America  in  Ferment,  Chapter  5. 

Wolfe  —  Readings  in  Social  Problems,  Book  V. 

Stelzle  —  American  Social  and  Religious  Conditions,  Chapters  6-8. 


VI.     MAKING   RELIGION   EFFECTIVE 


So  far  we  have  spoken  of  elevating  our  standards  mainly  by  neg- 
ative means,  which  promote  right  by  preventing  wrong.  A  good 
way,  indeed,  many  times,  since  most  acts  are  either  right  or  wrong, 
and  by  preventing  one  we  achieve  the  other!  There  are,  however, 
positive  forces  for  good  —  those  that  work  by  teaching  us  specifi- 
cally to  do  right,  such  as  religion,  the  home,  and  the  school. 
Mere  absence  from  badness  is  a  poor  type  of  existence,  after  all. 
First  let  us  study  religion  as  a  factor  in  our  nation's  life,  and  its 
relation  to  the  community  and  the  government. 


75.  What  Is  Religion  For?  —  ''Man/'  it  has  been  said, 
"  is  incurably  religious."  We  find  individuals,  of  course, 
in  whose  lives  religion  seems  to  play  no  part,  but  we 
never  find  such  people  making  up  an  entire  group.  But 
what  is  religion?  It  is  man's  idea  of  his  relation  to  a  Power 
or  Being  higher  than  himself.  It  differs  therefore  from  mo- 
rality, which  deals  primarily  with  the  way  we  act  in  our  deal- 
ings with  others,  and  with  our  compliance  with  the  accepted 
standards  of  right  and  wrong.  Religion  stimulates  moral- 
ity but  it  is  more  than  morality. 

The  religion  of  primitive  people  consisted  mostly  in 
propitiating  a  higher  being.  They  believed  that  mountains, 
trees,  animals,  and  other  natural  things  had  spirits,  either 
good  or  evil.  In  order  to  ward  off  evil  spirits,  they  prac- 
ticed various  forms  of  magic.  Some  animals  were  sacred 
because  they  were  thought  to  be  the  habitation  of  spirits. 

Such  a  religion  was  chiefly  one  of  superstition  and  fear. 
Some  believed  that  by  tearing  their  flesh,  or  holding  an  arm 
in  one  position  till  it  became  useless,  they  could  please  the 
higher  powers.  But  such  ideas  no  longer  appeal  to  us. 
Love  and  faith  have  entered  into  religion,  and  many  ancient 
customs  are  now  considered  cruel  and  barbarous.     Perhaps 

159 


160         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

religion  is  easier  now,  but  it  is  also  more  logical  and  reason- 
able. We  look  upon  God  as  a  Father,  not  simply  as  a  cruel 
Supreme  Power. 

Would  it  be  more  natural  for  primitive  people  than  for  highly 
civilized  people  to  believe  in  demons,  bloody  sacrifices,  and  a  re- 
ligion of  fear?  Does  an  easy  religion  indicate  laxity  in  morals 
or  decline  in  courage  ?     Why  do  some  people  worship  idols  ? 

Many  will  say  that  the  prime  duty  of  churches  should 
be  to  teach  or  spread  religious  doctrine,  to  try  to  explain 
God  and  His  ways  to  those  who  do  not  understand  them 
and  to  develop  the  right  attitude  toward  Him.  Many  a 
church  has  at  times  seemed  to  make  that  the  sole  object  of 
its  religious  teaching.  We  all  expect  churches  to  teach  the 
principles  of  ethics  and  morality,  to  instill  in  the  minds  of 
their  followers  a  desire  for  the  right.  Yet  should  a  man's 
thought  of  religion  be  simply  to  save  himself  from  hell? 
Jesus  did  not  so  teach  in  the  wonderful  parable  of  the  good 
Samaritan.  Neither  did  the  Hebrew  prophet  who  asked, 
"  What  doth  the  Lord  require  of  thee  but  to  do  justly, 
and  love  mercy,  and  walk  humbly  with  thy  God?  " 

And  so  churches  today  find  deep  inspiration  in  the  social 
motive.  They  seek  to  help  both  individuals  and  com- 
munities. They  teach  the  square  deal  and  plain  honesty 
in  business,  politics,  and  daily  life.  They  strive  to  care  for  the 
sick  and  the  unfortunate,  to  make  living  happy  here  as  well 
as  hereafter,  to  give  men  enlightenment  as  well  as  to  utter  the 
command  for  obedience.  No  phase  of  our  life  is  beyond  their 
refreshing  touch.  In  short,  they  teach  not  only  "  Thou 
shalt  love  the  Lord,  thy  God  "  but  also  "  Thou  shalt  love 
thy  neighbor  as  thyself."  "  Whatsoever  ye  would  that 
men  should  do  to  you,  do  ye  even  so  to  them."  For,  after 
all,  as  Ruskin  says,  "  The  .true  church  is  where  one  hand 
meets  another  helpfully." 

Can  a  person  be  "  converted  "  spiritually  and  still  have  no  in- 
terest in  the  welfare  of  his  fellow-men?  What  does  "  conversion  " 
mean  as  a  term  in  religion  ? 


Elevating  American  Standards  161 

76.  Religion  in  American  Life.  —  Perhaps  we  are  not 
the  most  rehgious  nation  in  the  world,  but  reUgion  has 
played  an  extremely  important  part  in  our  history.  In  the 
first  place  we  owe  a  large  part  of  our  settlement  to  those 
who  came  here  for  religious  freedom  in  the  17th  century. 
It  was  in  this  country  that  absolute  freedom  of  worship  was 
first  established,  and  today  there  is  no  restriction  placed 
upon  anj^  religion  as  a  religion.  This  desire  for  religious 
freedom  had  a  great  share  in  bringing  us  political  freedom. 
Most  of  our  great  men  have  been  deeply  rehgious  at  heart. 

There  are  those  today  who  bewail  the  passing  of  "  the 
good  old  days  "  and  the  present  age  of  low  thinking  and 
acting.  *'  The  good  old  days  "  when  every  gentleman  was 
a  drinker  and  the  lower  social  class  often  drunkards !  When 
it  was  not  considered  out  of  place  for  a  church  to  raise  money 
b}^  lotteries !  In  fact,  one  of  the  principal  causes  of  this 
**  immorahty  "  now  is  that  standards  of  right  have  been 
raised  and  wrong-doing  is  more  quickly  noticed.  More 
things  are  recognized  as  evils.  Would  any  one  claim  that 
prohibition  could  have  been  achieved  in  1830  or  1880?  In 
all  the  reforms  that  have  been  wrought  religion  has  had  a  part. 

77.  Faiths  and  Sects  in  America.  —  In  the  United  States, 
as  elsewhere,  there  are  more  religious  sects  than  religious 
beliefs.  We  have  not  very  many  separate  systems  of  re- 
ligion, but  within  one  faith  there  may  be  many  different 
divisions  and  sects. 

During  the  colonial  period,  most  of  those  who  came  to  the 
English  colonies  of  the  New  World  belonged  to  some  variety 
of  Protestants,  except  in  the  colony  of  Maryland,  founded 
by  the  Catholic  Lord  Baltimore.  But  the  great  wave  of 
immigration  during  the  middle  of  the  19th  century  brought 
many  Catholics,  and  they  now  constitute  a  very  important 
element  of  our  people.  The  more  recent  immigrants  have 
included  a  considerable  number  of  Greek  Catholics  and 
Jews.     New  York  City,  with  nearly  one-third  of  its  people 


162         Problems  of  American  Democracy 


Jewish,  is  now  the  greatest  center  of  Jewish  population 
in  the  world. 

The  existence  of  separate  Protestant  denominations  is  often 
due  chiefly  to  difference  of  opinion  about  church  organization 
or  details  of  form  and  ceremony.     They  are  more  friendly 

toward  one  another  than 
formerly,  and  in  many 
matters  constantly  coop- 
erate. Some  of  the  dif- 
ferences are  very  slight. 
For  instance,  the  United 
Presbyterians  sing  only 
psalms  in  their  church 
services,  while  the  Pres- 
byterians sing  hymns.  A 
difference  in  the  method 
of  serving  communion, 
or  a  matter  of  standing 
or  kneeling  at  confirma- 
tion, may  mark  the  dis- 
tinction between  other 
sects.  Baptists  and  Con- 
gregationahsts  have  a 
very  democratic  system 
of  church  government, 
while  some  other  de- 
nominations prefer  a 
representative  system, 
with  central  bodies  pos- 
sessing more  or  less 
authority  over  local 
churches,  and  a  uniform  creed  or  "  confession  of  faith." 
Baptists  believe  in  baptism  by  immersion  only,  while  many 
sects  will  baptize  in  whatever  way  the  applicant  desires. 
Many  a  member  of  a  Protestant  church,  especially  of  the 
younger  generation,  cannot  tell  the  difference  between  his 


Copyright,  Detroit  Publishing  Co. 
The  Founder  of  Religious  Liberty. 

A  statue  of  Roger  Williams  in  Providence, 
Rhode  Island,  the  city  which  he  established. 


Elevating  American  Standards  163 

own  church  and  others,  because  church  membership  or 
attendance  often  depends  simply  upon  habit  or  convenience. 

Among  the  distinguishing  features  of  the  Roman  CathoUc 
church  are  its  recognition  of  the  Pope  as  the  spiritual  head 
of  the  church  on  earth,  and  its  belief  in  confession  and  the 
''  real  presence  "  in  communion.  Their  Bible  is  not  so  dif- 
ferent from  that  used  by  the  Protestants  as  many  of  both 
sects  believe.  It  is  simply  based  on  a  different  translation 
from  the  original,  and  it  contains  some  books  which  do  not 
appear  in  the  versions  used  in  the  Protestant  churches. 

The  Jewish  faith  does  not  accept  the  divinity  of  Christ, 
and  continues  many  of  the  ancient  customs  found  in  the  Old 
Testament.  There  are  divisions  of  Jews  as  well  as  of  other 
faiths,  the  principal  ones  being  the  Orthodox  and  the  Re- 
formed. The  former  adhere  more  closely  than  the  latter 
to  ceremonies  laid  down  in  the  Old  Testament. 

So  there  is  a  wide  variety  of  religious  denominations  in 
this  country  —  and  we  have  mentioned  only  a  few  even  of 
those  most  widely  known.  But  whatever  the  faith  and 
whatever  the  sect,  the  motive  of  all  religious  institutions  is 
to  raise  the  standards  of  the  community  and  the  individual, 
and  to  get  men  right  with  their  Creator. 

What  are  the  specific,  distinguishing  forms,  doctrines,  or  prac- 
tices of  your  own  denomination  ? 

78.  "  A  Free  Church  in  a  Free  State."  —  When  we  use 
the  word  ''  state  "  in  this  connection,  we  mean  any  political 
body  —  city,  state,  or  nation.  The  ideal  relation  between 
the  church  and  such  a  body,  most  of  us  believe,  is  *'  a  free 
church  within  a  free  state."  Since  the  teachings  of  the 
church  deal  so  much  with  our  relation  to  the  Supreme  Be- 
ing, the  state  has  no  right  to  interfere  in  such  matters.  The 
state  forces  everybody  to  go  to  school  and  spends  millions 
of  dollars  on  their  education  because  it  considers  their  en- 
lightenment important  enough  to  warrant  compulsion. 
Our  spiritual  life  is  also  vitally  important,  but  compulsion 


164         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

in  matters  of  conscience  is  impossible.  About  all  we  can 
wisely  do  is  to  encourage  all  religious  organizations  by  ex- 
empting from  taxation  as  much  of  their  property  as  is  used 
for  religious  purposes. 

In  ancient  times,  the  state  and  religion  were  inseparable. 
Religion  and  the  family,  the  clan,  the  tribe,  and  finally  the 
nation,  went  hand  in  hand.  A  person  was  born  to  his  re- 
ligion just  as  he  was  to  his  nationality.  In  some  countries 
the  priests  were  the  rulers ;  in  others  they  were  the  real  power 
without  official  name.  Even  in  England  the  king  is  still  the 
oflB.cial  head  of  the  state  church.  But  after  individuals  and 
families  had  begun  to  insist  upon  the  right  to  think  for  them- 
selves in  matters  of  religion,  a  great  change  took  place  in  the 
relations  of  the  church  and  the  government. 

First  toleration  was  granted.  While  the  people  were  re- 
quired to  support  a  state  church  they  could  worship  as  they 
wished.  But  even  this  concession  some-"  dissenters  "  did  not 
receive.  The  Maryland  colony  was  notable  for  admitting 
freely  all  Christians,  and  Roger  Williams,  the  founder  of 
Providence,  preached  complete  *'  soul  liberty."  Many  coun- 
tries still  have  their  state  church,  but  among  the  most 
advanced  nations  toleration  is  accorded  to  every  one . 

Our  national  Constitution  says,  "  Congress  shall  make 
no  law  respecting  an  establishment  of  religion,  or  prohibit- 
ing the  free  exercise  thereof."  It  also  forbids  the  requiring 
of  a  religious  test  for  federal  office  holders.  Our  state  con- 
stitutions contain  similar  provisions.  Though  we  cannot 
truly  deny  that  a  candidate's  religious  opinions  are  some- 
times considered  in  politics,  we  are  committed  to  the  prin- 
ciple of  religious  freedom  —  complete  separation  of  church 
and  state. 

Would  it  be  wise  for  the  state  to  compel  every  individual  to 
attend  some  church? 

79.  Religion  in  the  Schools.  —  Instruction  in  religion 
and  morals  is  necessary  if  our  country  is  to  be  sound  and 
good ;   for  even  if  man  is  "  incurably  religious,"  he  does  not 


Elevating  American  Standards  165 

always  pick  up  his  religion  and  manners  in  the  way  and  time 
that  will  do  the  most  good.  There  are  undoubtedly  many 
children  who  do  not  attend  any  Sunday  school  nor  receive 
any  religious  instruction  at  home.  If  they  are  not  instructed 
at  school,  they  will  receive  no  instruction  at  all. 

But  how  to  give  rehgious  instruction  in  the  schools  is  a 
difficult  problem.  In  the  public  schools  are  found  persons 
of  all  faiths  and  sects,  whose  beliefs  are  such  that  no  com- 
promise concerning  some  of  them  could  be  made.  Are  the 
beliefs  of  one  sect  to  be  forced  upon  the  others  as  well  ?  Not 
in  the  United  States.  In  some  states,  the  law  requires  the 
reading  of  a  certain  number  of  verses  from  the  Bible,  usually 
eight  or  ten,  every  morning.  But  a  few  states  hold  that  the 
Bible  is  a  sectarian  book  and  should  not  be  read  in  the 
schools.  Some  people  urge  that  definite  moral  and  ethical 
instruction  could  be  given  in  the  schools  without  reference 
to  the  Bible.  Indeed,  the  school  that  pretends  to  do  any- 
thing more  than  to  teach  books  cannot  satisfy  our  ideals 
unless  it  teaches  and  insists  upon  sound  principles  of  con- 
duct. Others  think  that  religion  and  morality  are  insepa- 
rable. Some  assert,  indeed,  that  this  is  a  Christian  nation 
and  we  have  a  right  to  teach  the  fundamental  doctrines  of 
Christianity  even  though  we  cannot  force  a  pupil  to  accept 
such  teachings. 

The  Gary  plan  of  religious  instruction  has  been  adopted 
in  some  places.  This  idea  is  to  set  aside  a  certain  portion 
of  the  regular  school  course  for  ministers  and  priests  to  give 
religious  instruction  to  those  of  their  own  denominations. 
We  may  wonder,  however,  whether  this  plan  may  unnec- 
essarily call  attention  to  religious  differences,  and  thereby 
undo  some  of  the  unifying  effects  of  the  public  schools. 

To  provide,  along  with  usual  school  subjects,  the  religious 
instruction  which  they  beheve  to  be  essential,  the  Roman 
Catholic  church  and  a  few  others  have  well-organized  systems 
of  parochial  schools.  They  are  supported  entirely  by  the 
church,  and  receive  no  state  aid.     The  state  exercises  no 


166         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

control  over  such  schools,  or  indeed,  over  any  private  schools^ 
beyond  assuring  itself  that  the  instruction  given  there  is  of 
sufficiently  high  grade.  Not  many  denominations,  however,, 
are  able  to  undertake  such  a  system  of  education. 

Surely  it  ought  to  be  possible  to  agree  upon  a  code  of 
ethics  that  everybody  would  accept  and  that  could  be  taught 
in  public  schools  without  hurting  anybody's  feelings.  But 
when  it  comes  to  teaching  religious  doctrines,  it  looks  as  if 
the  Sunday  school  or  other  special  agencies  of  the  respective 
denominations  would  have  to  be  the  means  employed.  If 
these  creedal  teachings  are  as  vital  as  many  churchmen  be- 
lieve, surely  the  churches  can  find  some  way  to  impress  them 
upon  parents  and  children. 

What  would  you  think  of  a  plan  to  have  all  the  churches  main- 
tain their  own  schools  where  children  may  be  educated  and  for  the 
state  to  pay  them  the  cost  of  giving  such  education  ? 

Are  Sunday  schools  doing  more,  or  less,  effective  work  than  for- 
merly? What  elements  are  necessary  to  a  successful  Sunday 
school  ? 

80.  Religion  in  the  Laws.  —  A  much  disputed  question 
which  comes  up  in  connection  with  a  discussion  of  religion 
is  that  of  legislation  concerning  the  observance  of  Simday. 
Laws  and  practices  in  this  point  differ  widely  throughout 
this  country.  Some  communities  require  a  strict  observ- 
ance of  Sunday  and  do  not  permit  any  commercial  organi- 
zations to  do  business  on  this  day.  Others  have  "  wide- 
open  "  Sundays,  on  which  all  activities  go  on  just  as  they 
do  during  the  week  unless  individuals  on  their  own  account 
observe  the  day  differently.  Still  others  allow  amusements 
to  be  carried  on,  but  do  not  allow  stores  or  industries  to  do 
business. 

Sunday  laws,  along  with  others  affecting  personal  conduct,  have 
been  dubbed  "  blue  laws."  There  are  several  explanations  given 
for  the  name.  One  is  that  in  the  colonial  days,  when  communities 
were  very  strict  concerning  the  observance  of  Sunday,  the  code 
of  laws  was  published  in  pamphlet  form  and  bound  in  blue.  Rev- 
erend Samuel  Peters,  a  Tory  minister  driven  from  New  Haven 


Elevating  American  Standards  167 

during  the  Revolution,  took  a  kind  of  humorous  revenge  on  the 
town  by  describing  the  laws  it  enacted,  and  making  them  appear 
so  extreme  as  to  be  ridiculous.  Many  people  believed  everything 
he  wrote  about  them,  and  formed  an  unjust  opinion  as  to  their 
unreasonableness. 

Men  interested  in  commercialized  amusement  appeal  by 
various  means  to  the  prejudices,  the  selfishness,  and  the 
humor  of  the  public  in  order  to  swing  opinion  against  the 
"  blue  laws."  But  really  the  ministers  and  clergymen  are 
not  selfish  in  their  opposition  to  an  open  Sunday.  Sunday 
is  the  one  big  day  for  most  churches,  while  all  other  activ- 
ities have  six  days.  Those  who  oppose  the  Sunday  opening 
of  business  and  amusements  truly  believe  it  would  be  detri- 
mental to  the  community.  One  day  in  the  week  different 
from  the  rest  is  good  for  men  physiologically,  mentally,  and 
socially.  The  regulations  of  the  Old  Testament  were  often 
based  on  sound  principles  of  physiology  and  psychology, 
€ven  though  those  sciences  had  not  been  invented  when 
those  laws  were  laid  down.  A  nation  which  takes  no  rest 
will  wear  itself  out.  The  state  is  within  its  rights  if  it  seeks 
to  make  its  people  observe  such  a  day  for  this  reason,  and 
if  it  selects  as  this  day  the  one  which  a  large  number  of  its 
citizens  habitually  use  for  worship.  After  all,  is  it  not  a 
confession  of  mental  emptiness  to  insist  that  Sunday  is  a 
wearisome  day  unless  we  can  go  to  the  movies? 

81.  The  Church  Reaching  Out  to  Humanity.  —  The  serv- 
ices of  a  church  are  not  confined  to  the  community  in  which 
it  is  located.  They  reach  out  to  all  parts  of  the  country 
and  of  the  world.  Both  home  and  foreign  missionary  work 
play  a  large  part  in  the  interests  of  many  churches,  and  sev- 
eral denominations  spend  millions  of  dollars  a  year  in  its 
support.  Home  missionary  work  may  take  the  form  of 
schools  for  both  secular  and  religious  education  among  In- 
dians, negroes,  "  poor  whites,"  and  other  needy  people,  homes 
for  orphans,  hospitals,  and  other  institutions,  besides  the 
actual  work  of  reUgious  teaching  and  preaching. 


168         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  foreign  field  is  larger  and  needs  peculiar  types  of 
service.  A  church  often  does  not  begin  work  in  a  foreign 
district  by  formal  worship  and  preaching.  It  may  first  send 
a  medical  missionary  into  the  field.  By  looking  after  the 
physical  needs  of  the  people,  he  gains  their  confidence  and 
interest.  Then  of  course  he  loses  no  opportunity  to  bring 
in  the  religious  side  of  his  work,  although  his  chief  duty  is 


An  Old  New  England  Church. 

The  Congregational  Church,  South  Hingham,  Massachusetts.  Churches 
like  these  were  often  used  as  places  to  hold  town  meetings,  but  too  often 
they  were  not  open  except  on  Sundays  and  special  occasions. 


to  minister  to  them  as  a  physician.  Following  him  come 
teachers.  Many  churches  maintain  schools  where  mission- 
aries teach  the  usual  subjects  and  preach  the  doctrines  of 
their  faith  as  well.  Nowhere  except  in  the  so-called  Chris- 
tian countries  or  in  places  where  their  workers  have  gone, 
do  we  find  such  institutions  as  hospitals,  orphan  asylums, 
and  homes  for  the  aged.  The  wide-awake  Japanese  has 
discovered  this  fact,  and  is  now  undertaking  this  work  in 
the  name  of  Buddha.     He  has  borrowed  Christian  hymn- 


Elevating  American  Standards  169 

tunes  and  has  even  patterned  Buddhist  Sunday  schools 
after  Christian  schools. 

If  the  Chinese  are  contented  with  Buddha  or  Confucius,  why 
bother  them  with  any  other  religion?  What  do  you  think  of  the 
man  who  says  he  will  give  nothing  to  missionary  causes  until  the 
churches  clean  things  up  at  home? 

Other  agencies  besides  the  churches  are  engaged  in  social 
and  religious  uplift.  They  are  fundamentally  religious  or- 
ganizations, but  they  may  not  advertise  this  phase  of  their 
work  as  much  as  other  phases.  Their  aim  is  to  attract 
people  by  other  means,  and  without  using  compulsion,  grad- 
ually to  promote  religious  feeling  among  them.  Such  organi- 
zations are  the  Y.M.C.A.,  the  Y.W.C.A.,  the  Knights  of 
Columbus,  and  the  Y.M.H.A.  They  provide  the  means  for 
indoor  and  outdoor  recreation  and  for  educational  and 
social  improvement,  for  both  old  and  young;.  These  organiza- 
tions thus  may  be  helpful  physically,  mentally,  and  morally. 

Other  enterprises  with  somewhat  similar  motives  but 
employing  different  methods  are  the  Salvation  Army,  whose 
activities  are  distinctively  "  evangelistic  "  and  charitable, 
and  various  homes  and  institutions  which  take  care  of  ex- 
convicts  and  help  them  to  find  employment.  Settlement 
houses,  also,  may  be  conducted  by  people  who  receive  sup- 
port from  a  certain  church  or  society. 

Do  the  Y.M.C.A.  and  similar  agencies  overemphasize  the  amuse- 
ment side  of  their  work?  How  much  do  they  offer  in  the  way  of 
a  distinctly  religious  appeal  ? 

82.    What    a    Church    May    Do    for    a    Community.  —  A 

few  churches  have,  during  the  growth  of  our  large  cities, 
remained  in  sections  which  have  become  unattractive  to 
live  in.  These  churches  do  a  wonderful  work  along  lines 
that  are  called  "  institutional."  They  may  maintain  kin- 
dergartens, employment  bureaus,  lodging  houses,  vacation 
schools,  dispensaries,  boys'  and  girls'  clubs,  gymnasiums 
and  swimming  pools,  and  offer  to  every  one  all  kinds  of 
social  opportunities  that  will  help  them  in  their  daily  living. 


170         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Every  church  can  make  its  influence  felt  in  any  commu* 
nity  situations  where  right  and  wrong  are  clearly  aUgned. 
A  community  with  churches  is  always  more  desirable  than 
one  without.  We  see  this  fact  clearly  in  the  drunkenness, 
the  lawlessness,  and  the  immorality  of  frontier  communities 
before  the  building  of  churches.  It  is  usually  unwise  for  a 
church  or  its  pastor  to  be  active  in  purely  partisan  politics. 
But  when  a  plain  case  of  law-violation  has  been  brought  to 
light,  when  notoriously  evil  influences  seek  to  control  a  com- 
munity, not  only  can  a  church  lend  its  approval  to  move- 
ments for  reform,  but  even  take  the  lead  in  bringing  the 
matter  before  the  attention  of  the  public.  And  it  ought  to 
make  right  living  seem  so  attractive  and  necessary  to  its 
members  that  they  would  naturally  be  active  in  any  call  to 
serve  their  community. 

Mention  some  questions  of  public  interest  on  which  church  mem- 
bers might  sincerely  disagree.  Mention  some  in  which  there  should 
be  no  doubt  of  a  church's  attitude.  Do  any  churches  in  your 
neighborhood  do  institutional  work?     If  so,  of  what  kind? 

One  of  the  most  serious  problems  connected  with  religious 
activities  is  that  of  the  rural  church.  Some  may  say  it  has 
even  a  greater  work  to  perform  than  the  church  in  the  city, 
because  institutions  capable  of  rendering  social  service  are 
so  much  fewer  than  in  large  communities.  Some  of  this 
work,  as  we  have  said,  should  be  taken  up  by  the  schools, 
but  much  of  it  belongs  to  the  country  church.  Too  often 
it  has  confined  itself  to  matters  of  creed  and  form,  failing 
to  realize  its  opportunity  to  promote  right  living  and  pre- 
vent wrong-doing  by  satisfying  the  need  for  social  activi- 
ties, especially  among  the  young  people. 

One  of  the  principal  faults  to  be  found  with  the  churches 
in  the  rural  districts  is  that  they  are  too  numerous.  In  a 
community  which  could  properly  maintain  one  or  perhaps 
two  churches  we  find  five  or  six.  Not  one  has  a  large  con- 
gregation or  shows  much  interest  in  missionary  enterprises, 
social  work,   or  community  activities.     Each  holds  tena- 


Elevating  American  Standards  171 

ciously  to  petty  differences  which  are  really  only  details, 
and  forgets  that  fundamentally  it  is  attempting  the  same 
work  as  its  neighbors. 

In  some  districts,  however,  the  churches  have  "fed- 
erated," and  usually  the  plan  has  worked  very  well.  In 
other  cases  one  or  two  denominations  have  withdrawn  to 
other  fields.  The  people  have  found  that  they  can  worship 
without  serious  conflict  of  opinion,  and  that  one  strong 
church  means  more  to  everybody  than  three  or  four  puny 
churches.  It  can  pay  the  pastor  a  living  salary  and  pro- 
vide those  interests  which  for  its  boys  and  girls  and  its  men 
and  women  make  all  the  difference  between  contentment 
and  progress,  and  do  away  with  the  dissatisfaction  due  to 
isolation,  and  that  "  nothing  to  do  "  condition  which  leads 
to  immoraUty  and  crime. 

Describe  any  country  churches  with  which  you  are  acquainted. 
Is  great  wealth  necessary  to  prosperous  church  life? 

/.  Religion  therefore  renders  a  double  service.  It  offers  the  oppor- 
tunity for  men  to  worship  and  to  express  and  develop  their  spiritual 
life.  It  encourages  in  all  the  interests  that  help  to  raise  human  so- 
ciety to  a  higher  level.  Right-minded  citizens  should  promote  it,  even 
though  the  State,  as  such,  may  not  do  so.  No  matter  what  its  creed 
or  ceremonies,  every  church  teaches  morality  and  right  living.  *'  What 
shall  it  profit  a  man  to  gain  the  whole  world  and  lose  his  own  soul?" 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 

Religion  as  a  Factor  in  the  Settlement  of  America. 

The  Relation  of  Church  and  State. 

State  Churches. 

The  Ideal  City  Church. 

The  Ideal  Rural  Church. 

The  Work  of  a  Foreign  Missionary. 

The  Y.M.C.A. 

The  Knights  of  Columbus. 

State  Legislation  Regarding  the  Bible  in  the  SchooL 

Sunday  Laws  and  Customs  in  Our  State. 

The  Problem  of  Giving  Religious  Instruction. 

The  Origin  and  Development  of  the  Sunday  School. 


172         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  Methods  Used  by  Religious  Denominations  to  Impart  Re- 
ligious Teachings. 

The  Effect  of  the  World  War  on  Religion  and  Religious  Denom- 
inations. 

Great  Religious  Teachers  of  Asia. 

Primitive  Forms  of  Religion. 

Recent  Movements  for  Separation  of  Church  and  State. 

The  Teaching  of  Ethics  and  Morals  in  the  Schools. 

How  Churches  of  Our  Communitv  Could  Be  More  Useful. 

REFERENCE     READING  S 

Burch  and  Patterson  —  American  Social  Problems,  Chapter  24. 

Dealey  —  Sociology,  Chapter  7. 

Stelzle  —  American  Social  and  Religious  Conditions,  Chapters  11-13. 

Hayes  —  Introduction  to  Sociology,  pp.  551-571,  632-634,  685-689. 

Carney  —  Country  Life  and  the  Country  School,  Chapter  3. 

Gillette  —  Constructive  Rural  Sociology,  Chapter  17. 

Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  B-20. 

Hart  —  Actual  Government,  Chapter  29. 

Rowe  —  Society,  Chapters  22,  23,  38. 

Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  110,  111. 

Blackmar  and  Gillin  —  Outlines  of  Sociology,  Part  II,  Chapters  11-13. 

Bryce  —  Modern  Democracies,  Chapter  9. 


VII.    GIVING  THE  HOME   ITS  PROPER  PLACE 


The  church  is  an  institution  which  touches  the  lives  of  many 
millions  of  people,  but  after  all  it  is  a  voluntary  association,  at  least 
in  this  country.  Most  of  us  spend  a  large  part  of  our  lives  by 
necessity  in  the  home,  and  those  who  cannot  do  so  wish  they 
could.  What  are  the  conditions  that  make  it  either  easy  or  difficult 
for  the  home  to  do  its  part  in  uplifting  American  life  ?  What  prob- 
lems particularly  concern  home  relationship  ? 


83.  What  the  Home  Does  for  the  Nation.  —  The  home 
is  the  first  community  we  know.  In  it  we  receive  our  first 
and  usually  our  most  lasting  impressions.  Out  of  the  home 
have  grown  the  other  social  institutions  —  the  community, 
the  church,  and  the  state.  The  family  is  the  primary  social 
group  —  the  earliest  social  unit.  Here  the  individual  gains 
the  moral  ideals  which  he  may  carry  with  him  all  his  life. 
He  has  here  his  first  lessons  in  obedience,  respect,  self- 
restraint,  loyalty,  and  charity,  and  the  extent  to  which  he 
is  taught  these  things  makes  or  mars  his  character  and  to 
that  degree  affects  his  community.  The  family  is  an  eco- 
nomic unit,  too.  One  or  more  of  its  members  earn  the  means 
of  living  for  all,  and  each  member  does  or  ought  to  feel  a 
responsibility  for  the  success  or  failure  of  the  rest. 

The  home,  then,  has  an  important  place  in  the  commu- 
nity. Too  few  people,  however,  reahze  fully  its  value  and 
importance.  They  regard  it  as  a  place  to  eat  and  sleep, 
and  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  while  it  is  a  life  in  itself,  it  fur- 
nishes the  preparation  for  life  in  a  broader  field  outside. 
Good  citizenship,  like  charity,  it  has  been  said,  begins  at 
home.  Our  homes  embody  the  vfery  life,  character,  and 
progress  of  the  nation. 

Are  there  any  important  phases  of  your  life  which  were  not  sug- 
gested or  influenced  by  the  home?     Has  your  attitude  toward  any 

173 


174         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

of  the  great  interests  of  life  been  changed  by  influences  outside  the 
home? 

Family  relationships  existed  among  the  earliest  people, 
although  in  a  very  different  form  from  those  to  which  we 
are  accustomed.  Marriage  was  not  permanent,  and  both 
parties  were  free  to  discontinue  it  at  any  time!  The  chil- 
dren belonged  to  the  mother  and  bore  her  name.  But  when 
conflicts  with  other  families  or  tribes  occurred,  the  man 
showed  his  physical  superiority,  and  became  more  impor- 
tant. The  wife  and  children  now  took  the  father's  name,  he 
became  the  head  of  the  family,  and  the  patriarchal  family 
began.  The  arrangement  led  to  polygamy,  which  is  prac- 
ticed to  this  day  in  some  places,  and  it  was  fortified  by  the 
ancestor  worship  which  formerly  was  common. 

But  very  gradually  and  slowly,  the  rights  of  women  and 
children  came  to  be  recognized  and  protected  by  law.  The 
monogamic  marriage  —  one  man  and  one  woman  —  was 
instituted,  and  prevails  in  most  parts  of  the  world  today. 
The  woman  has  risen  from  a  place  of  slavery  or  of  drudgery 
in  the  family  to  a  position  of  highest  respect  and  esteem. 
Women  have  in  many  countries  acquired  full  political 
equality  with  men  and  most  of  the  legal  rights  which  men 
enjoy. 

To  what  influences  do  you  credit  the  improved  status  of  women  ? 
Are  women  or  men  more  responsible  for  the  character  of  the  home 
itself?  What  are  some  of  the  virtues  that  can  be  developed  best 
or  solely  in  the  home? 

84.  Homes  of  Yesterday  and  Today.  —  Many  homes 
of  today  differ  greatly  from  the  homes  of  a  century  ago. 
The  home  of  those  days  was  the  unit  of  social  life  and  the 
center  of  activity.  The  family  worked  and  played  together. 
On  a  farm  the  sons  were  their  father's  workmen  and  helpers, 
doing  all  kinds  of  labor,  especially  outdoors.  The  mother 
and  daughters  prepared  the  food,  perhaps  made  the  clothes 
for  the  whole  family,  and  kept  house  without  many  of  the 
conveniences  to  which  we  are  accustomed. 


Elevating  American  Standards  175 

The  home  was  also  the  center  of  recreation.  We  may 
think  that  the  simple  pleasures  of  years  ago  were  rather' 
inadequate  —  checkers  and  parcheesi  seem  rather  mild 
amusement  for  the  blase  youth  of  today  —  but  then  every 
phase  of  life  was  simple,  and  an  elaborate  entertainment 
was  not  thought  necessary  for  enjoyment.  Members  of 
a  family  enjoyed  each  other's  company,  and  spent  their 


Childish  Dreams- 

Compare  this  kind  of  home  with  that  shown  on  page  178.  Do  you  sup- 
pose the  girl  appreciates  what  she  is  getting  ? 

evenings  together  in  the  home.  In  the  best  homes,  too, 
family  worship  was  conducted  and  the  children  were  given 
religious  instruction. 

It  would  be  unfair,  of  course,  to  give  the  impression  that 
nobody  did  wrong  in  the  ''  days  of  old."  Manners,  life, 
and  language  were  often  crude  and  coarse,  especially  on  the 
frontier,  and  religion  was  an  experience  acquired  at  noisy 
revival  meetings  conducted  by  traveling  preachers,  some 
of  whom  were  men  of  power,  mighty  to  save  communities 
as  well  as  individual  sinners,  while  others  were  Uttle  better 
than  mountebanks.  But  even  as  the  country  progressed, 
and  new  inventions  were  made,  and  there  was  greater  con- 


176         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

tact  between  people,  the  home  did  not  lose  the  interest  of 
its  members. 

But  how  is  it  today?  It  often  seems  as  if  every  member 
of  the  modern  family  has  his  own  interests  which  are  en- 
tirely apart  from  those  of  the  rest  of  the  family.  The  father 
may  have  his  business  and  his  club  which  take  him  away 
from  home  all  day  and  sometimes  at  night,  and  occupy  part 
of  his  time  and  thoughts  at  home.  If  a  man  is  not  an  em- 
ployer but  holds  a  plain  ordinary  "job,"  perhaps  his  work 
tires  him  so  that  he  takes  little  interest  in  home  after  he  gets 
there. 

The  mother  in  the  household  has  her  own  particular  ac- 
tivities. Perhaps  she  is  interested  in  clubs  and  societies, 
in  social  activities  that  keep  her  away  from  home,  in  enter- 
taining and  being  entertained.  If  she  is  not  the  "  social  " 
type  of  wife,  she  may  be  engaged  in  some  employment  be- 
sides that  of  keeping  house.  While  the  wife's  industrial 
activities  undoubtedly  help  to  fill  the  family  purse,  they 
cannot  fail  to  be  harmful  to  the  home,  for  there  is  no  one 
to  take  care  of  it  or  stay  in  it  enough  to  love  it. 

Among  the  children  modern  distractions  are  perhaps 
most  noticeable.  Of  course,  the  younger  children  spend 
most  of  their  time  at  home.  But  the  older  children,  all  dur- 
ing their  'teens,  have  a  wide  range  of  outside  interests. 
High  school  classes,  clubs  and  athletics,  dances,  theaters,  and 
moving  picture  shows  keep  them  constantly  on  the  move. 

In  the  face  of  such  tendencies,  what  are  the  parents  do- 
ing? They  cannot  say  much  if  they  indulge  in  that  kind 
of  thing  themselves.  Others  seem  often  to  lose  hold  of  their 
children  completely  and  not  to  know  or  care  what  they  do 
or  where  they  go  —  or  else  cannot  restrain  them  when  they 
attempt  to  do  so.  They  are  not  in  any  sense  their  chil- 
dren's companions. 

What  are  some  of  the  chief  obligations  of  parents  to  children? 
of  children  to  parents  ? 

What  in  your  community  are  the  worst  foes  of  the  home? 


Elevating  American  Standards  17? 

Possibly  some  of  this  outside  attraction  cannot  be  helped. 
But  it  is  surely  a  lamentable  state  of  affairs  when  a  mother 
no  longer  finds  her  greatest  happiness  as  well  as  her  most 
sacred  duty  in  caring  for  her  home  and  her  children ;  when 
a  father  no  longer  comes  thankfully  home  to  a  cheerful  wife, 
a  good  dinner,  a  comfortable  chair,  and  a  happy  family 
group;  when  children  get  all  their  education,  recreation, 
and  religion  outside  the  home.  Not  all  homes,  by  any  means, 
are  so  bad  as  that,  but  there  is  a  tendency  in  that  direction. 
If  this  condition  is  to  prevail,  we  might  as  well  house  our 
people  in  huge  dormitories  and  feed  them  in  great  dining- 
rooms. 

Do  families  go  to  the  movies  as  a  group?  to  church?  Has 
the  "  family  pew  "  disappeared? 

85.  Places  to  Live  In.  —  People  often  figuratively  pat 
themselves  on  the  back  and  say  that  now  they  have  real 
homes  —  no  more  drudgery  for  mother,  no  hated  tasks  for 
the  children,  but  solid  comfort  for  them  and  for  father. 
Electric  cleaners,  washers,  ironers,  and  dishwashers  are  won- 
derful inventions  and  they  have  made  life  easier  for  thou- 
sands of  tired  women.  Yet  if  there  is  too  little  to  do  at 
home,  there  is  little  to  necessitate  one's  staying  in  it.  And 
if  pleasures  are  seldom  found  there,  it  has  no  attraction 
for  us. 

Many  dwelling-places  are  not  homes.  They  are  houses. 
We  should  not  observe  without  alarm  the  substitution  of 
the  apartment,  the  duplex,  and  the  hotel  for  the  one-family 
dwelling.  People  used  to  love  their  home.  Perhaps  they 
built  it,  planned  its  furnishing,  were  married  in  it,  planted 
the  gardens  about  it.  It  was  the  birthplace  of  their  chil- 
dren, and  the  scene  of  the  great  events  of  their  life.  To  give 
it  up  was  like  losing  a  very  dear  friend. 

But  too  often  people  do  not  care  for  their  house  as  a 
home.  As  a  place  to  live,  it  may  interest  them.  But  they 
flit  from  place  to  place  very  frequently,  and  do  not  stay  in 


178         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

a  house  long  enough  to  give  it  personaHty,  a  thing  which 
the  old  home  possessed  in  the  highest  degree.  Instead  of 
feeling  any  sorrow  at  leaving  a  home,  they  wonder  how  long 
they  will  have  to  live  in  the  next  house.  There  must  be 
something  missing  in  home  life  in  an  apartment.  Surely 
one  could  not  love  deeply  a  four-story  brick  structure  of 


Homeless  Waifs  at  an  Orphanage. 
What  would  not  these  children  give  for  a  home  like  that  on  page  175? 

almost  maddening  uniformity,  filled  with  the  activity  of 
strange  families.  And  in  hotel  life  there  can  be  no  home 
spirit  at  all. 

There  is  little  need  to  mention  tenements  in  this  connec- 
tion. We  all  know  their  evils.  In  them  real  family  life 
is  almost  impossible.  Privacy  is  unknown,  families  are 
thrown  together,  and  too  many  people  rub  shoulders  in  the 
same  building.  Work  takes  most  of  the  family  away  during 
the  day,  the  streets  attract  the  children  and  the  cheap 
amusements  the  young  people.  No  culture  is  acquired, 
for  no  need  of  it  is  felt,  and  the  virtues  and  accomplishments 


Elevating  American  Standards  179 

which  should  be  taught  are  entirely  missing.  The  1920 
census  found  3,654,000  more  families  than  dwellings.  This 
disparity  has  been  steadily  increasing,  and  were  it  not  that 
the  size  of  the  average  family  has  gone  down  from  nearly  6 
a  century  ago  to  4.3  in  1920,  it  would  signify  a  crowded  con- 
dition that  would  be  utterly  intolerable. 

The  renter  cannot  possibly  feel  the  same  interest  in  a 
house  as  the  owner.  The  steady  decrease  in  the  proportion 
of  house-owners  among  the  heads  of  families  is  a  disturbing 
fact.  More  than  90  per  cent  of  the  people  of  Manhattan  live 
in  rented  dwellings.  In  the  whole  country  only  11,000,000 
out  of  the  24,000,000  famihes  own  their  homes.  More  than 
half  the  American  people  depend  on  others  to  furnish  them 
a  place  to  live !     No  wonder  rents  are  high. 

The  high  cost  of  building  of  course  tends  to  reduce  the 
number  of  separate  homes.  To  relieve  the  situation  it  has 
been  proposed  that  the  community  should  build  houses  in 
groups  and  thus  cut  down  the  expense  as  much  as  possible. 
Then  it  could  sell  or  rent  the  houses  to  citizens  at  reasonable 
rates.  Sometimes  public-spirited  citizens  can  be  found  who 
will  finance  such  projects. 

How  did  the  Great  War  affect  housing?  Is  it  wise  or  practicable 
to  make  laws  in  regard  to  rents? 

86.  The  Ideal  Home.  —  The  ideal  dwelling  need  not  be 
large  and  elaborate,  but  must  afford  comfort  and  health 
for  its  occupants.  Its  furnishings  should  be  neat  and  ex- 
hibit good  taste.  It  should  have  at  least  a  small  amount 
of  ground  around  it  to  provide  a  place  in  the  open  air  for 
play  and  recreation.  It  should  be  situated  away  from  the 
dirt,  noise,  and  confusion  of  factories  and  railroads. 

But  far  more  important  than  the  street  address  is  the  re- 
lation among  the  members  of  the  family.  There  ought  to 
be  a  recognized  source  of  authority  —  authority,  however, 
not  despotism.  The  parents,  while  preserving  the  respect 
and  obedience  of  the  children,  ought  to  be  their  best  chums 


180         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

and  confidants.  The  children  ought  to  make  the  home 
rather  than  the  street  corner  the  place  to  meet  their  friends. 
An  ideal  home  provides  enough  social  interest  to  hold  the 
children  and  parents  there  a  large  part  of  the  time.  If  one 
good  home  is  to  lead  to  another,  the  children  in  the  first 
must  understand  the  difference  between  right  and  wrong, 
and  appreciate  the  responsibihties  they  must  at  some  time 
accept. 

To  assure  good  order  in  the  home  Hfe  there  must  be  prac- 
tical, sensible  management.  Few  homes  can  be  entirely 
happy  when  the  wife  or  children  are  the  breadwinners.  A 
budget  system  to  handle  household  finances  usually  makes 
the  home  machinery  work  more  smoothly.  Each  member 
of  the  family  should  have  his  certain  part  of  the  work  to 
do  and  feel  a  responsibility  of  his  own,  so  that  for  each  one 
it  may  seem  his  home,  and  not  a  boarding  house  or  a  char- 
itable institution. 

Does  your  ideal  of  a  home  differ  from  the  one  here  described? 
Can  a  home  lacking  any  or  all  of  these  conditions  be  happy  ? 

87.  Broken  Homes.  —  It  has  been  said  that  Americans 
are  the  "  most  married  "  people,  but  they  are  also  the  most 
divorced.  Divorces  are  increasing  enormously,  three  times  as 
fast  as  the  population.  In  1896,  only  43,000  people  in  the 
United  States  secured  divorces.  In  1916,  the  number  was 
112,000.  In  the  United  States  there  is  one  divorce  to  every 
ten  marriages,  in  France  one  to  every  thirty,  in  Germany 
one  to  every  forty-four  and  in  England  one  to  every  four 
hundred.  The  divorce  rate  is  larger  in  the  West,  due  per- 
haps to  the  greater  freedom  of  life  and  dislike  of  restraint 
for  which  the  West  has  always  been  noted. 

Almost  two-thirds  of  the  divorces  are  granted  to  women, 
probably  because  most  of  the  legal  grounds  for  divorce  — 
cruelty,  desertion,  drunkenness,  and  neglect  to  provide  — 
can  more  often  be  proved  against  the  husband.  Over  one- 
iourth  of  all  the  divorces  are  obtained  within  two  years  after 


Elevating  American  Standards  181 

marriage,  and  more  than  half  before  the  end  of  five  years. 
Very  incomplete  records  indicate  that  only  one-third  of 
those  who  obtain  divorces  ever  marry  again.  These  sta- 
tistics seem  to  disprove  the  common  idea  that  most  divorces 
are  obtained  for  the  purpose  of  marrying  again,  and  to  indi- 
cate that  hasty  marriages  are  really  to  blame  for  many  of 
them. 

New  York  recognizes  only  one  cause  for  divorce  —  adul- 
tery, and  South  Carolina  grants  no  divorces  at  all.  The 
Roman  Catholic  church  authorizes  no  divorce.  On  the 
other  hand,  some  states  will  grant  divorces  on  the  ground 
of  desertion  for  a  very  short  time  and  for  other  excuses  which 
are  so  flimsy  as  to  make  it  possible  for  people  to  get  divorces 
virtually  by  mutual  consent.  Many  of  the  real  causes  are 
not  given  in  court  for  personal  reasons,  and  the  divorces 
are  obtained  on  one  of  the  most  common  charges.  Sioux 
Falls  and  Reno  have  at  different  times  been  famous  as  di- 
vorce *'  resorts,"  but  both  the  states  concerned  have  made 
their  requirements  for  divorce  more  strict  than  formerly. 

But  why  is  this  menacing  increase  in  divorce?  One  ex- 
planation is  the  economic  and  social  change  that  has  taken 
place  in  this  country  and  in  the  world,  which  has  made  it 
easier  for  people  to  get  away  from  each  other.  We  have 
seen  that  the  whole  family  once  found  its  work  in  the  home  ; 
but  through  the  introduction  of  the  factory,  the  division 
of  labor  and  the  specialization  in  industry,  the  work  formerly 
done  in  the  home  is  done  outside.  First  the  man  and  then 
the  woman  found  work  in  the  outside  world,  and  they  be- 
came more  independent  of  each  other.  Then  the  bond  of 
common  interest  became  easier  to  break.  Women's  rise 
almost  or  quite  to  an  equality  with  men  industrially,  socially, 
and  politically  has  made  them  unwilling  to  endure  conditions 
which  they  formerly  accepted  as  inevitable.  There  has 
been  a  change  in  moral  standards  too  —  some  would  say 
a  lowering  of  them.  In  any  case,  we  are  more  frank  about 
recognizing  facts.     More  divorces  may  not  mean  many  more 


182  Problems  of  American  Democracy- 
separations  of  man  and  wife,  but  rather  more  legal  recog- 
nition of  conditions  formerly  kept  hidden  as  far  as  possible. 
Let  us  observe  some  of  the  results  of  this  looseness  of  re- 
lationship. Many  of  the  people  who  obtain  divorces  have 
children.  These  children  lose  the  influence  of  good  home 
life.  If  divorce  becomes  common,  community  morals  will 
be  irreparably  ruined,  and  moral  ruin  means  every  other 
kind  of  disaster,  as  it  did  with  the  Roman  Empire.  Again, 
easy  divorce  gives  marriage  the  effect  of  a  trial  —  an  ex- 
periment. A  nation  built  on  temporary  homes  cannot  last 
long.  Easy  divorce  encourages  people  to  leap  into  marriage 
hastily  and  without  serious  thought  because  they  know  that 
if  they  do  not  like  the  association  they  can  break  away. 
Moreover,  easy  divorce  promotes  disrespect,  intolerance, 
and  selfishness.     There  is  nothing  to  justify  it. 

What  are  the  laws  concerning  divorce  in  your  state?  Are  di- 
vorces frequently  granted? 

88.  Making  Things  Better  through  Law.  —  Perhaps  the 
first  place  to  begin  divorce  reform  is  in  our  marriage  laws. 
Only  one  woman  in  twelve  and  one  man  in  eleven  reaches 
middle  age  unmarried.  Another  fact,  surprising  to  some, 
appears  to  be  that  the  greatly  increased  numbers  of  women 
working  has  not  reduced  the  number  of  marriages.  Most 
of  these  working  women  are  below  middle  age,  one-half  of 
them  being  under  twenty-six  years. 

Laws  and  ideas  about  marriage  differ  greatly  in  different 
places.  Many  countries  take  the  attitude  that  marriage 
is  a  civil  contract  and  demand  that  it  be  done  by  some  officer 
of  the  government.  The  Catholic  church  declares  marriage 
to  be  a  sacrament  and  demands  its  performance  in  the 
church.  These  conflicting  ideas  have  caused  some  trouble. 
It  often  seems  desirable  in  some  countries  to  have  two  wed- 
ding ceremonies,  one  a  civil  marriage  before  a  magistrate 
and  another  a  religious  ceremony  before  a  clergyman.  But 
other  countries,  like  the  United  States,  permit  people  to 


Elevating  American  Standards  183 

choose  between  a  religious  and  a  civil  marriage,  and  the 
great  majority  of  marriages  in  this  country  are  performed 
by  clergymen. 

In  the  United  States,  legislation  concerning  marriage  has 
been  left  to  the  states.  The  result  is  that  there  are  almost 
as  many  different  marriage  requirements  as  there  are  states. 
Provisions  upon  which  most  of  the  states  agree  are  (1)  the 
granting  of  a  hcense  by  some  public  officer,  (2)  the  perform- 
ance of  the  ceremony  by  some  civil  or  religious  authority, 
(3)  forbidding  the  marriage  of  people  of  near  relationship 
or  of  those  having  personal  defects,  and  (4)  specifying  the 
age  at  which  people  may  marry  without  the  consent  of  their 
parents  —  often  twenty-one  for  the  man  and  eighteen  for 
the  woman.  Some  states  forbid  the  marriage  of  whites  with 
negroes,  with  Chinese,  or  with  Indians. 

This  great  diversity  of  marriage  laws  has  led  to  endless 
complication.  A  person  may  be  married  in  one  state  and 
unmarried  in  another,  a  deplorable  state  of  affairs,  resulting 
inevitably  in  confusion  and  embarrassment  in  regard  to 
titles  to  property,  the  rights  of  children,  the  transfer  of 
inheritances,  and  the  like.  Too  many  silly  young  people, 
who  do  not  know  what  they  want,  run  away  into  a  state 
which  has  easy  laws  and  are  married.  Soon  regretting 
it,  they  seek  divorce.  This  is  one  of  the  cases  in  which 
prevention  is  far  better  than  cure. 

The  registration  of  all  marriages  is  another  need.  Only 
about  half  the  states  under  the  present  laws  keep  any  rec- 
ords of  marriages,  and  many  of  these  are  not  accurate.  A 
matter  of  such  great  social  significance  demands. the  keep- 
ing of  careful  records.  Eugenic  marriage  laws  have  re- 
cently been  considered  very  seriously  and  adopted  in  a  few 
states.  These  require  a  physician's  certificate  to  be  ob- 
tained by  both  parties  before  the  marriage,  in  order  to  pre- 
vent the  marriage  of  defectives. 

Are  conditions  today  more  encouraging  to  early  marriage  than 
formerly?     What  effect  on  marriage  would  you  expect  from  the 


184         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

employment  of  women  outside  the  home?  What  are  the  laws 
concerning  marriage  in  your  state?  What  would  you  consider 
desirable  requirements  for  marriage? 

Uniform  marriage  and  divorce  laws  throughout  the  coun- 
try are  eminently  desirable.  Since  we  cannot  hope  for  such 
uniformity  by  depending  upon  the  action  of  forty-eight  sep- 
arate states,  an  amendment  to  the  national  Constitution 
authorizing  Congress  to  pass  marriage  and  divorce  laws  has 
been  urged  by  thoughtful  people  as  the  next  amendment 
to  that  document.  Such  national  laws  would  doubtless 
be  reasonably  strict.  Then  we  should  have  no  more  brief 
migrations  to  states  having  easy  divorce  laws  or  elopements 
of  foolish  children  and  young  people.  Just  one  lax  state 
in  the  Union  can  make  the  marriage  and  divorce  laws  of 
many  states  almost  valueless. 

Would  it  be  well  to  require  five  or  ten  days'  delay  between  apply- 
ing for  and  obtaining  a  marriage  license?  Would  it  be  advisable 
to  make  it  a  crime  under  federal  law  for  persons  to  travel  from  one 
state  to  another  to  be  married  if  either  party  could  not  be  married 
in  the  state  of  his  or  her  actual  residence? 

Would  it  be  reasonable  tc  provide  that  no  one  should  be  granted 
a  divorce  in  any  state  who  had  not  lived  there  at  least  two  years  ? 

A  sociological  expert  has  proposed  that,  when  a  man  and  wife 
find  that  they  cannot  live  together  comfortably,  the  law  should 
make  it  possible  for  a  "  separation  "  to  be  arranged,  which  should 
be  a  matter  of  public  knowledge  but  should  not  permit  either  party 
to  marry  again  during  the  other's  lifetime,  and  should  carry  no 
social  disgrace  with  it.     What  do  you  think  of  the  idea  ? 

To  what  extent  do  you  think  the  movies  are  responsible  for 
elopements  and  divorces  and  for  loose  ideas  about  marriage  and 
moral  conduct? 

89.  Making  Things  Better  through  Training.  —  Did  we 
say  that  new  laws  are  the  first  necessity  ?  Perhaps  in  point 
of  time,  but  does  not  the  whole  problem  get  back  to  the 
training  in  the  home  ?  Simple  virtue,  high  ideals  and  worthy 
social  accomplishments  ought  to  come  naturally  from  the 
training  afforded  by  home  life.  Cooking,  sewing,  and  the 
various  other  accomplishments  of  our  mothers  and  grand- 


Elevating  American  Standards  185 

mothers  we  sometimes  laugh  at  as  "  old-fashioned."  Boys 
and  girls  do  not  like  to  admit  that  they  cannot  do  what  their 
grandparents  did,  but  it  is  true  nevertheless.  The  movies 
and  "  society  "  are  a  poor  exchange  for  a  real  home. 

If  marriage  is  to  be  the  lasting  and  happy  association  we 
want  it  to  be,  people  must  make  preparation  before  they 
enter  it.  No  man  or  woman  would  think  of  going  into  a 
profession  or  a  business  without  spending  some  time  in  pre- 
paring himself  for  it.  Religious  training  teaches,  besides 
virtue  and  regard  for  others'  rights,  the  sanctity  of  the  home 
and  the  correct  ideals  for  marriage.  A  full  acquaintance 
with  the  laws  of  physical  health  is  indispensable.  More 
practical  training  in  home-making  is  also  necessary.  Too 
many  young  girls  or  their  mothers  seem  to  think  that  they 
will  have  servants  to  do  the  work  and  if  it  happens  that 
a  wife  has  to  cook  or  sew  or  keep  house,  the  results  are 
often  dismaying.  Experience  is  undoubtedly  the  best 
teacher,  but  there  are  good  and  bad  times  to  receive  it. 

Boys,  too,  should  give  some  thought  during  their  school 
life  to  the  vocation  they  are  going  to  follow,  and  before  they 
marry  they  should  have  some  **  visible  means  of  support.^' 
It  is  fine  for  a  girl  to  have  some  vocation  to  which  she  can 
resort  in  case  of  emergency,  but  we  expect  the  man  to  pro- 
vide most  of  the  funds  for  the  family. 

We  need  not  overemphasize  the  financial  side  of  home 
life.  **  Love  in  a  cottage  "  may  be  far  happier  than  mere 
existence  in  a  mansion.  But  love  alone  is  a  poor  substitute 
permanently  for  bread  and  butter.  Good  home  finances  make 
the  other  phases  of  the  family  work  infinitely  more  pleasant. 
Young  folks  ought  to  be  able  to  start  with  a  clean  slate,  at 
least,  and  something  in  sight  to  "  keep  the  wolf  from  the  door." 

One  other  element  is  important  by  way  of  preparation. 
Some  time,  somehow,  boys  and  girls  ought  to  think  seriously 
and  take  good  counsel  about  the  qualities  that  are  most 
needed  in  a  life-partner.  "  Beauty  is  only  skin  deep,"  says 
the  proverb  truthfully  —  and  sometimes  it  does  not  go  that 


186         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

far.  A  husband  and  wife  should  be  able  to  get  along  with 
each  other  when  neither  looks  beautiful,  and  there  are  qual- 
ities of  soul  far  more  important  than  qualities  of  feature. 
Besides,  the  qualities  one  needs  particularly  in  a  partner 
may  not  be  at  all  the  same  that  another  needs.  "  First 
love  "  may  be  the  last  love  and  the  only  love,  but  "  puppy 
love  "  is  seldom  the  real  thing.  "  Be  sure  you  are  right,  and 
then  go  ahead,"  is  sound  advice  on  this  important  matter. 

Mention  mistakes  you  have  observed  in  regard  to  preparation 
for  home-making  and  in  selecting  a  partner  for  life.  Wherein  is 
American  freedom  in  courtship  better  or  worse  than  the  selection 
of  partners  by  parents?  What  mistakes  do  we  particularly  need 
to  guard  against  ? 

.•.  The  welfare  of  the  home  should  be  a  fundamental  aim  of  society. 
Outside  attractions  that  tend  to  break  it  off  must  be  curbed.  Easy 
marriage  and  easy  divorce  are  menaces  to  civilization.  Preparation  for 
home-making  should  be  a  central  part  of  one's  education,  though  pos- 
sibly not  obtained  in  the  same  way  as  some  other  phases  of  it. 

SPECIAL    STUDIES 

The  Colonial  Home. 

Family  Interests  That  Promote  Right  Home  Life. 

An  Ideal  Dwelling  House  for  an  Average  Family. 

Home  Furnishings,  Desirable  and  Otherwise. 

Fads  and  Fashions  in  Personal  Adornment. 

Religion  in  Family  Life. 

Home-owning  in  the  United  States. 

The  Legal  Relations  of  Landlord  and  Tenant. 

REFERENCE  READINGS 

Burch  and  Patterson  —  American  Social  Problems,  Chapters  5,  22. 

Towne  —  Social  Problems,  Chapter  12. 

Rowe  —  Society,  Chapters  3-12. 

Blackmar  and  Gillin  —  Outlines  of  Sociology,  Chapters  5,  6. 

Cleveland  and  Schafer  —  Democracy  in  Reconstruction,  Chapter  5. 

Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  C-20. 

Wolfe  —  Readings  in  Social  Problems,  Book  IV. 

Ross  —  What  is  America?  Chapter  3. 

Ellwood  —  Sociology  and  Modem  Social  Problems,  Chapters  4-8. 

Carney  —  Country  Life  and  the  Country  School,  Chapter  2. 

Hayes  —  Introduction  to  Sociology,  pp.  525-550,  669-674. 


VIII.    ENERGIZING  PUBLIC   OPINION 


There  is  still  another  force  which  may  work  mightily  at  Elevating 
American  Standards.  It  is  this  force,  public  opinion,  which  en- 
larges or  lessens  the  power  of  the  laws,  the  church,  and  the  home. 
What  is  this  public  opinion?  How  is  it  made?  How  and,  by 
whom  may  it  be  used  to  make  society  better? 


90.  What  Is  Public  Opinion  ?  —  This  is  one  of  the  things 
about  which  it  is  easier  to  get  an  impression  than  to  put 
that  impression  into  words.  What  "  they  say  "  is  a  power- 
ful factor  in  conduct  everywhere,  even  though  it  is  not 
always  easy  to  tell  who  ^*  they  "  are.  Perhaps  we  can  de- 
scribe public  opinion  as  the  collective  attitude  of  a  commu- 
nity toward  some  measure  of  general  interest.  Usually  we 
think  of  it  with  reference  to  some  particular  proposition, 
as  Sunday  observance,  buying  Liberty  bonds,  or  bobbed 
hair.  Public  opinion  need  not  be  the  opinion  of  everybody, 
and  effective  opinion  may  not  even  be  that  of  the  majority. 
If  the  minority's  feeUngs  are  intense  and  positive,  they 
may  overbalance  those  of  a  less  active  majority.  Such 
may  have  been  the  case  in  the  Revolutionary  War,  for  it 
is  very  doubtful  whether  a  majority  of  the  people  of  the 
colonies  felt  that  their  grievances  were  sufficient  to  go  to 
war  about.  ''  Individual  views  must  be  weighed  as  well 
as  counted." 

In  determining  pubUc  sentiment  we  can  almost  always  see 
two  elements  competing  for  favor  —  the  conservative  and 
the  liberal  or  radical.  The  former  is  satisfied  with  the  ex- 
isting conditions  and  desires  httle  or  no  change  in  custom 
or  ways  of  thinking.  The  second  is  willing  to  adopt  new 
measures  for  the  sake  of  the  change  and  the  chance  of  prog- 
ress. Sometimes  one  seems  to  dominate  and  sometimes 
the  other,  and  sometimes  popular  favor  flies  violently  from 

187 


188         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

one  side  to  the  other.  When  it  does  go  to  an  extreme,  we 
may  be  sure  it  will  come  back.  That  public  opinion  is  most 
to  be  trusted,  then,  which  has  been  formed  by  a  steady 
growth,  even  if  slow,  rather  than  inspired  by  passion  or  ex- 
citement. Progress,  to  be  lasting,  must  not  be  like  a  hot- 
house plant  which  can  endure  neither  the  sun  nor  the  frost 
of  the  outdoor  world. 

**  Vox  populi,  vox  Dei  "  is  an  old  saying  —  the  voice  of 
the  people  is  the  voice  of  God.  But  is  it?  Surely  the  ma- 
jority is  not  always  right.  Public  opinion  is  made  of  in- 
dividual thoughts  and  no  man  is  infallible.  As  an  equation 
in  algebra,  the  X  of  public  opinion  =A-{-B-\-C-\-D—E—F, 
Newspapers,  for  example,  play  a  big  part  in  forming  public 
opinion,  but  who  would  consider  newspapers  as  divinely 
inspired?  The  blood  of  martyrs  burned  at  the  stake  would 
almost  cry  aloud  if  we  declared  that  public  opinion  is 
always  the  voice  of  God.  Yet  God  speaks  through  our 
Lincolns  and  Roosevelts  and  Wilsons  as  He  did  through  His 
prophets  of  old,  and  a  people  may  speak  in  His  name,  too. 
In  the  long  run,  let  us  hope  they  do. 

91.  How  Public  Opinion  Is  Formed.  —  Public  opinion 
is  usually  more  of  a  sentiment  or  feeling  than  a  reasoned  con- 
clusion. One  person's  opinion  may  begin  unconsciously 
the  instant  he  hears  or  reads  a  statement.  He  talks  or  writes 
to  his  neighbor  or  associates  and  they  do  likewise,  spread- 
ing their  common  sentiment  in  an  ever  widening  circle.  But 
such  process  is  rather  slow  unless  some  glaring  evil  is  sud- 
denly brought  to  light.  Then  it  may  take  very  little  to 
start  the  music. 

More  rapid  headway  is  usually  made  when  schools, 
churches,  or  clubs  take  action  as  a  body.  A  Chamber  of 
Commerce,  for  example,  might  consider  a  certain  matter. 
The  members  become  interested  through  the  activities  of 
the  organization.  They,  in  turn,  interest  others  either  by 
public  addresses  or  personal  influence,  and  so  the  propa- 


Elevating  American  Standards  189 

ganda  is  spread.  It  is  well  to  remember,  by  the  way,  that 
propaganda  may  be  distinctly  good  as  well  as  bad. 

Newspapers  are  perhaps  the  greatest  factors  in  molding 
public  opinion.  There  are  so  many  people  whose  entire 
reading  consists  of  absorbing  some  information  from  one 
newspaper,  that  the  newspaper  has  a  splendid  field  in  which 
to  exert  its  influence.  If  a  person  believes  all  he  reads  in  a 
newspaper,  he  will  naturally  adopt  its  views.  In  days  when 
people  read  the  editorial  page  more  than  they  do  today, 
the  word  alone  of  Greeley  or  Dana  or  Bennett  carried  con- 
viction to  thousands.  Because  this  is  true,  most  people 
would  do  well  to  read  more  than  one  newspaper,  in  order 
that  their  views  may  not  be  prejudiced  or  biased. 

The  theater  and  "  movie "  have  a  larger  share  in  this 
matter  than  many  realize,  largely  because  the  individual 
is  not  conscious  of  it.  Pictures  such  as  ''  The  Birth  of  a 
Nation  "  cannot  help  prejudicing  people  against  the  negro, 
and  similar  exhibitions  must  necessarily  arouse  enmity 
toward  Japanese  or  Mexicans.  In  school,  too,  you  acquire 
habits  and  ideals  which,  with  or  without  your  knowing  it, 
will  cause  you  to  think  and  act  differently  than  you  other- 
wise would. 

Forming  or  actuating  public  sentiment  by  constant  repe- 
tition of  an  idea  is  an  effective  trick  of  advertising.  Tell 
somebody  often  enough  that  a  certain  person  or  thing  is 
good  or  bad,  and  he  can  hardly  help  believing  it.  But  first 
of  all,  we  may  add,  the  advertiser  must  ^'  sell  himself." 
That  is,  he  must  convince  himself  that  he  has  the  goods  that 
others  ought  to  buy.  Public  opinion  is  not  influenced  by 
people  who  act  as  if  they  do  not  believe  what  they  say  or 
as  if  they  do  not  expect  other  people  to  believe  as  they  do. 

May  you  while  still  in  school  help  to  form  public  opinion? 
How  ?     Upon  what  are  your  own  opinions  based  ? 

92.  Making  Public  Opinion  Felt.  —  Public  opinion  works 
in  the  same  way  that  it  forms  —  by  contact.     Public  meet- 


190         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

ings  often  make  an  impression  on  those  who  are  otherwise 
dense.  People  arouse  clubs  or  societies  to  the  realization 
of  some  need,  and  they  then  urge  these  clubs  to  use  their 
influence  on  some  higher  or  larger  organization.  In  this 
way  they  get  to  the  authority  that  can  change  matters. 

Besides  being  an  agent  in  forming  public  opinion,  the 
newspapers  are  a  means  by  which  it  works.  They  are 
carried  on  for  profit,  and  are  extremely  sensitive  in  the  ac- 
counting rooms.  They  wish  to  please  the  people  because 
it  is  good  policy  for  them  to  do  so,  if  for  no  other  reason. 
This  fact  solves  many  a  mystery  as  to  the  complete  change 
of  policy  of  some  newspapers  with  regard  to  certain 
questions. 

Politicians,  too,  have  been  known  to  change  color  faster 
than  a  chameleon.  To  be  defeated  is  the  thing  the  ordi- 
nary "  organization  "  man  hates  most  of  all.  He  would 
far  rather  permit  good  laws  to  be  passed  if  he  can  thereby 
keep  his  hold  on  the  machinery  than  to  go  down  to  defeat 
in  support  of  bad  measures  which  he  would  support  if  he 
dared  to.  Even  the  cheapest  type  of  law-maker  will  usually 
do  what  the  people  wish,  if  the  people  will  say  forcibly 
enough  the  thing  that  they  do  wish. 

Moreover,  we  have  an  unseen  part  in  government  our- 
selves through  our  right  to  vote.  We  may  feel  as  deeply 
as  we  please  about  a  public  issue,  but  may  fail  to  use  our 
one  most  effective  means  of  expressing  our  feeling.  Many 
of  the  chronic  faultfinders  never  go  to  the  polls.  Some- 
times, it  is  true,  it  is  hard  to  determine  by  this  means,  be- 
cause of  the  variety  of  issues  that  enter  into  an  election^ 
what  the  public  will  is  about  any  one  of  them.  But  any- 
thing demanded  by  public  sentiment  will  in  no  long  time  be 
accomplished  ;  and,  on  the  contrary,  anything  that  the  public 
has  definitely  set  itself  against  is  doomed  to  certain  failure* 

Is  there  a  strong  public  sentiment  in  your  school  or  community 
in  favor  of  right  conduct  and  general  advancement  ?  If  not,  why 
not  ?     If  so,  how  does  it  express  itself  ? 


Elevating  American  Standards  191 

Suppose  your  high  school  needs  an  athletic  field.  What  steps 
would  you  take  and  what  measures  would  you  adopt  to  get  one? 

93.  Personal  Standards  of  Conduct.  —  High  individ- 
ual standards  have  three  definite  good  effects  on  the  com- 
munity. Primarily  they  make  the  citizen  better  and 
happier,  and  since  the  public  is  simply  a  combination  of 
citizens  the  ideals  and  purposes  of  the  whole  group  must 
be  cleaner  and  loftier.  Then  the  example  to  others  which 
any  of  us  set  may  have  a  far-reaching  personal  effect  on  their 
lives.  We  cannot  count  the  numbers  of  Americans  who 
have  been  made  better  by  studying  the  lives  of  Washing- 
ton and  Lincoln.  And  you  do  not  know  how  manj'-  people 
imitate  you.  Besides,  a  citizen  with  high  standards  is  firm 
against  temptations  and  gusts  of  passion  and  misjudgments 
which  may  force  others  from  the  path  of  good  citizenship. 
He  stands  for  the  best,  whatever  the  rest  may  do. 

What  are  some  of  these  standards?  There  are  at  least 
four.  A  citizen  should  first  of  all  be  intelligent,  in  order  to 
know  what  is  right  and  good  for  himself  and  his  community. 
He  must  be  conscientious  enough  to  desire  only  the  best  for 
himself  and  his  neighbors.  He  must  be  courageous  enough 
to  stand  by  his  principles  and  convictions  when  threatened 
by  evil-doers.  This  is  the  spirit  back  of  Wilson's  remark: 
"  Let  them  say  what  they  will  now.  I  am  interested  in 
what  history  will  say  six  hundred  years  from  now."  And 
he  must  have  enough  practical  common  sense  to  know 
how  to  adapt  himself  to  the  times  and  people  with  whom 
he  has  to  deal.  As  we  have  already  observed,  many  good 
men  and  good  causes  have  fallen  for  lack  of  this  last 
quahty. 

Is  it  ever  justifiable  to  yield  any  of  one's  principles  to  gain  an 
end  that  is  in  itself  good  ? 

Judging  from  what  you  have  heard  and  read,  do  you  think  high 
moral  standards  are  more  or  less  common  or  intense  than  formerly? 
Why  do  fewer  men  enter  the  ministry  than  formerly?  Whose 
fault  is  it? 


192         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

94.  The  Value  of  Leaders.  —  A  home,  church,  or  school 
without  somebody  to  direct  it  becomes  simply  a  group  or 
mass  that  may  wish  to  do  something  but  does  not  know  how 
to  do  it  or  in  what  direction  to  move.  Just  as  truly  the 
principle  holds  in  a  community  or  a  nation.  We  need 
leaders  to  make  democracy  successful. 

First,  they  make  possible  the  unity  of  management  and 
steadiness  of  policy  without  which  no  great  movement  can 


A  Campaign  Meeting. 

President  Wilson  during  his  campaign  for  reelection  addressed  this  gather- 
ing at  his  "Summer  Capital"  in  New  Jersey.  He  appealed  directly  to  the 
people  to  indorse  his  administration. 

hope  to  succeed.  Second,  leaders  are  needed  to  speak  and 
act  for  the  people  even  when  the  people  know  their  own 
mind.  The  people  may  choose  their  own  leaders,  but  leaders 
they  must  have.  Besides,  vigorous  and  visionful  leaders 
have  a  grand  opportunity  to  encourage  and  inspire  others 
to  accomplishments  that  the  masses  would  never  think 
possible.  And  the  glory  and  opportunity  of  leadership 
serve  as  an  incentive  to  good  work  and  a  reward  for  it. 


Elevating  American  Standards  193 

Not  everybody  can  be  a  leader,  it  is  true.  Such  a  person 
must  have  vision  and  ideals  of  what  he  would  hke  to  bring 
about,  and  courage  to  hold  to  them.  He  must  have  the 
power  to  do  what  he  asks  his  followers  to  do,  and  the  ability 
to  command  and  make  himself  obeyed.  Yet  if  his  lead- 
ership is  to  last  in  a  democracy,  it  must  make  itself  known 
by  a  *'  let's  go  "  rather  than  by  a  ''  you  go." 

What  would  America  be  without  its  Washington  and  its 
Lincoln!  Leaders  they  were  in  every  sense  of  the  word. 
A  nation  that  keeps  such  men  as  its  heroes  cannot  stray  far 
away  from  the  path  of  national  honor  and  duty.  And  our 
heroes  are  not  all  dead.  There  is  opportunity  every  day 
for  service  and  leadership  in  community  welfare.  Some- 
times we  do  not  discover  who  our  heroes  are  until  they  are 
gone.  Then  when  it  is  too  late  for  them  to  enjoy  our  appre- 
ciation, we  exchange  our  brickbats  for  bouquets.  Democ- 
racies are  often  ungrateful  to  their  living  servants. 

"  Democracy,"  said  President  Faunce  of  Brown,  "  does 
not  mean  that  everybody  is  as  good  as  everybody  else, 
but  that  every  one  is  good  enough  to  have  a  voice  in  saying 
who  the  best  men  are."  To  locate  a  boulevard,  to  fix  a 
tariff  rate,  to  say  how  a  mine  shall  be  dug,  are  beyond  the 
ability  of  the  average  man.  He  does  not  have  the  exact 
knowledge  in  general  or  the  definite  knowledge  in  particu- 
lar to  judge  wisely  about  such  matters.  We  must  often 
be  content  with  selecting  men  who  ought  to  know  how  a 
thing  should  be  done  and  then  trusting  their  expert  knowl- 
edge to  do  the  thing  right.  A  democracy  can  say  what, 
in  a  big  way,  it  wishes  to  have  done,  but  it  must  leave  the 
doing  to  those  who  know  how. 

Mention  10  forms  of  community  service  which  the  average  voter 
could  not  perform  ;  10  problems  of  national  importance  in  settling 
which  expert  advice  is  desirable.  Show  how  Grant  and  Foch  made 
victory  possible  in  the  wars  which  gave  them  fame.  Mention  10 
Americans  who  led  us  toward  some  definite  principle  or  ideal. 
How  many  of  them  were 'appreciated  while  they  lived? 


194         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

95.  The  Community  Will.  —  Leaders  imply  followers. 
An  individual  may  arouse  a  community,  but  unless  the  com- 
munity is  moved  to  action  his  efforts  may  be  vain.  There 
can  be  a  community  spirit  and  purpose  as  well  as  an  individ- 
ual motive  and  aim.  Such  a  community  spirit  makes  all  the 
difference  between  progress  and  backwardness. 

Does  the  community  feel  a  sense  of  responsibility  for  the 
welfare  of  its  citizens,  or  is  everybody  satisfied  to  let  every- 
body else  go  his  own  way?  If  liberty  and  equality  and 
happiness  are  to  be  more  than  mere  words,  the  gaining  of 
them  cannot  be  left  to  chance.  The  motive  of  the  old 
prayer  is  too  often  typical :  *'  The  Lord  bless  me  and  my 
wife,  my  son  John  and  his  wife,  us  four  and  no  more.  Amen.'* 

The  entire  community  must  command  the  loyalty  of 
its  citizens  more  devotedly  than  any  part  of  the  community 
does.  One  can  be  too  selfishly  concerned  with  the  conven- 
ience or  financial  gain  of  himself  and  his  family.  He  can 
care  more  for  his  lodge,  his  union,  or  his  religious  denom- 
ination than  he  does  for  good  government.  Unless  loyalty 
to  these  smaller  groups  can  be  submerged  when  necessary 
in  the  higher  loyalty  to  the  entire  community,  state,  or  na- 
tion, the  whole  body  may  be  working  at  cross  purposes  and 
wasting  energy  in  fruitless  quarrels  instead  of  cooperating 
for  the  common  good. 

Perhaps  it  is  easier  to  arouse  a  community  spirit  in  a  place 
that  is  not  too  large,  for  then  it  is  easier  to  reach  everybody 
and  there  are  not  so  many  diverse  elements,  each  with  its 
own  interests.  Yet  even  a  great  city  can  feel  the  impulse 
of  a  common  loyalty  that  will  urge  the  humblest  citizen  to 
put  forth  his  best  efforts  to  make  and  keep  his  city  clean 
and  honest.  *'  Do  it  for  Rochester  "  has  been  a  real  factor 
in  civic  upbuilding  there.  A  Chamber  of  Commerce  or 
some  similar  element  can  make  itself  potent  for  moral  as 
well  as  commercial  progress. 

Make  a  list  of  the  community  slogans  you  can  gather. 


Elevating  American  Standards  195 

The  one  thing  needful  is  that  a  community  shall  never 
say  "  It  can't  be  done  "  in  any  matter  affecting  the  welfare 
of  its  people.  To  become  a  "  Spotless  Town  "  or  a  "  City 
Beautiful  "  may  be  a  difficult  undertaking,  but  no  commu- 
nity can  justify  itself  for  not  becoming  a  safe  place  for  chil- 
dren to  be  born  and  brought  up  or  for  tolerating  loose  living 
and  low  morals.  If  we  are  to  set  up  American  standards 
as  high  as  we  ought  to  wish  them,  each  community  must 
make  itself  morally  clean  and  each  citizen  must  keep  him- 
self so. 

.•.  Public  opinion,  though  sometimes  flighty  and  fickle,  is  mighty. 
Right  pubUc  opinion  results  from  the  conviction,  enthusiasm,  and  loyalty 
of  earnest,  united  citizens.  It  requires  leadership  with  intelligence  and 
vision,  and  followers  with  faith  and  devotion. 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 

Public  Opinion  in  the  Colonies  and  in  England  in  regard  to  the 
Revolution. 

The  Abolitionists  and  Public  Opinion. 

Resolved,  that  the  newspaper  is  a  stronger  moral  force  in  the  com- 
munity than  the  pulpit. 

Heroes  of  America. 

Heroes  of  Other  Lands. 

Propaganda  and  Its  Uses. 

Community  Slogans. 

Ideals  as  Factors  in  National  Progress. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  76-81. 

Bryce  —  Modern  Democracies,  Chapters  13-15,  44,  76. 

Young  —  New  American  Government,  Chapter  27. 

Blackmar  and  Gillin  —  Outline  of  Sociology,  Part  III,  Chapter  4. 

Lowell  —  Public  Opinion  and  Popular  Government,  Part  I. 

Hayes  —  Introduction  to  Sociology,  pp.  301-322,  634-651. 


MAKING  AMERICA  PROSPEROUS 

"  The  man  or  woman  who  does  work  worth  doing  is  the  man  or 
woman  .  .  .  whose  ambition  is  to  do  it  well  and  to  feel  rewarded  by 
the  thought  of  having  done  it  well.  That  man,  that  woman,  puts 
the  whole  country  under  an  obligation."  —  Ruskin. 


Realizing  now  the  necessity  of  knowledge,  common  sense,  hon- 
esty, and  the  square  deal,  may  we  not  hope  to  apply  them  to  the 
means  by  which  we  make  a  living  ?  If  we  can  understand  the  facts 
and  laws  which  govern  our  business  life,  we  can  surely  hope  to 
make  the  pursuit  of  happiness  easier  and  equality  of  opportunity 
more  common.  If  by  prosperity  we  mean  general  well-being  and 
not  the  heaping  up  of  riches  by  a  few,  we  surely  should  strive  to 
attain  it.     How  may  we  cooperate  in  doing  this? 


IX.    COOPERATING  IN  PRODUCTION 

96.  The  Material  Basis  of  Life.  —  If  we  wished  to  be- 
stow a  formal  title  upon  the  studies  we  have  been  making, 
we  might  call  them  problems  in  sociology.  Now  we  may 
turn  to  some  problems  in  economics,  the  science  which  deals 
with  the  means  of  earning  our  living,  with  the  work  or  busi- 
ness side  of  our  lives.  However  noble  may  be  our  ideals 
and  our  desires  to  attain  them,  we  are  obliged  to  recognize 
that  our  life  rests  on  a  material  basis.  If  we  cannot  keep 
alive,  our  ideals  cease  to  exist,  except  as  we  have  inspired 
them  in  others.  We  all  have  needs  and  wants,  some  of 
which  simply  must  be  satisfied  before  we  or  our  community 
can  do  anything  or  plan  anything. 

Some  people  even  go  so  far  as  to  refer  every  important 
phase  of  American  development  to  an  economic  origin.  We 
are  proud  of  the  ideals  and  principles  which  were  back  of 
the  American  Revolution.  Nevertheless,  the  colonies  would 
not  have  dared  to  defy  the  British  king  and  Parliament  if 

193 


Making  America  Prosperous 


197 


they  had  not  already  felt  economically  able  to  look  out  for 
themselves.  A  social  and  economic  institution,  slavery, 
brought  on  the  Civil  War.  Our  political  controversies  have 
been  largely  over  economic  questions.     Much  of  the  history 


The  Old  Grist  Mill. 
This  mill  at  New  London,  Connecticut,  is  250  years  old. 
with  the  mill  shown  on  page  198. 


Compare  this 


and  progress  of  any  group  of  people  is  dependent  upon  its 
material  interests  and  prosperity. 

This  prosperity  is  measured  in  terms  of  wealth.  Wealth 
is  the  total  amount  of  material  goods  or  possessions  that 
can  be  estimated  in  a  money  value.  We  could  not  class 
brains,  for  instance,  as  wealth,  since  their  worth  cannot 
be  expressed  in  dollars  and  cents.  And  what  are  goods? 
Goods  are  those  things  which  can  gratify  some  want  —  good 
things,  the  word  means  by  derivation,  though  the  effect  of 
some  of  them  may  be  decidedly  not  good.     There  are  free 


198         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

goods  —  things  that  Nature  suppHes  in  abundance,  as  air, 
and  economic  goods  —  things  that  are  limited  in  quantity  and 
can  be  obtained  only  by  working  or  paying  for  them. 

Are  these  wealth :  a  baseball,  the  Statue  of  Liberty,  a  jack-knife, 
a  street  railway,  this  book,  a  suit  of  clothes,  education?  Can  any 
of  them  be  wealth  in  one  case  and  not  in  another  ? 

A  thing  may  have  two  sorts  of  value.  It  has  value  in 
use  if  it  directly  satisfies  a  want.     It  has  value  in  exchange 


Courtesy  of  Pillsbury  Flour  Mills. 
Grinding  Flour. 
This  is  the  longest  row  of  such  machines  in  the  world. 


if  it  can  be  used  to  obtain  other  goods.  The  diamond  has 
a  high  value  in  exchange  if  you  trade  it  for  food  or  some 
other  necessity,  but  its  value  in  use  depends  upon  the  person 
who  possesses  it.  The  fact  that  to  some  people  it  seems  to 
have  an  exceedingly  high  value  in  use  is  what  gives  it  its 
exchange  value. 


Making  America  Prosperous  199 

Is  there  any  difference  between  the  everyday  use  and  the  eco- 
nomic use  of  the  terms  defined  here?  Which  form  of  value  does 
money  possess?  clothes?  a  handkerchief?  oil  stock?  Can 
free  goods  have  exchange  value? 

97.  Why  We  Work.  —  We  may  wish  to  obtain  goods 
for  their  own  usefulness  in  gratifying  our  wants,  or  may 
desire  to  use  them  to  serve  some  social  end.  Few  of  us  can 
get  them  without  working.  Several  motives,  therefore, 
may  urge  us  to  acquire  them  and  to  engage  in  the  work 
which  makes  their  acquirement  possible. 

(1)  We  work  to  keep  alive,  since  for  the  necessities  of  life 
we  must  exchange  either  our  services  or  something  acquired 
by  work. 

(2)  We  want  to  obtain  comforts  or  luxuries  beyond  the  de- 
mands of  mere  existence. 

(3)  Some  people  desire  the  power  or  prestige  that  the  posses- 
sion of  wealth  seems  to  bring. 

(4)  Some  of  us  work  because  we  like  it.  Artists,  inventors, 
and  actors  have  an  inborn  desire  to  create  or  express  some- 
thing, and  would  be  unhappy  if  they  could  not  do  so.  Some 
may  simply  dislike  idleness,  for  few  people  deliberately 
choose  to  loaf  all  the  time. 

(5)  Some  desire  to  possess  wealth  or  render  service  for 
the  sake  of  the  good  they  can  do.  Social  workers,  teachers, 
and  ministers  seldom  do  their  work  solely  for  the  money  or 
the  wealth  to  be  gained  by  it,  and  in  many  another  pro- 
fession or  trade  the  hope  of  rendering  service  to  friends  or 
fellow-citizens  may  inspire  one  at  least  to  work  more  actively 
and  thoroughly  than  he  would  for  his  own  benefit   alone. 

Make  a  list  of  ten  occupations  in  which  your  family  or  neigh- 
bors engage,  and  classify  them  in  accordance  with  the  motives  that 
cause  them  to  engage  in  these  occupations.  Is  a  man  lucky  if 
he  does  not  have  to  work?  Would  Edison  work  if  he  got  no  money 
for  his  labor?     Why  does  a  millionaire  work? 

98.  Supplying  a  Community's  Needs.  —  It  takes  three 
factors  working  together  to  supply  our  needs:   land,  labor, 


200         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

and  capital.  To  the  economist  land  is  any  natural  resource 
that  is  utilized  in  production.  In  this  sense  water,  soil, 
minerals,  trees,  or  even  animals  may  be  termed  land. 
Labor  is  human  energy  used  in  production,  whether  it  be 
the  work  of  brain  or  brawn.  We  sometimes  use  the  word 
services  to  refer  to  personal  aid  or  attention  which  does  not 
in  itself  produce  any  material  thing,  but  which  aids  others 
to  produce  or  bestows  some  benefit. 

Is  a  policeman  a  laborer  in  the  above  sense  ?   a  broker  ?  a  hotel- 
waiter?  a  janitor?  an  office  boy?  a  telephone  operator? 


Courtesy  Brown  Hoisting  Machinery  Co. 
Capital  at  Work 

Imagine  how  many  men  it  would  take  and  how  much  time  to  do  what 
this  machine  is  accomplishing.  Yet  human  ingenuity  is  necessary  to  con- 
struct the  machine  and  to  keep  it  in  operation. 


Capital  is  any  product  of  past  industry  that  is  used  in 
producing  something  more.  Do  not  confuse  capital  with 
money  or  wealth.  Capital  may  be  in  the  form  of  a  factory, 
a  machine,  a  typewriter,  or  even  a  laborer's  shovel,  if  he  has 


Making  America  Prosperous  201 

bought  it  with  money  earned  by  past  labor.  Money  may 
be  capital,  when  it  is  used  directly  in  carrying  on  an  indus- 
try, but  money  stored  in  an  attic  or  carried  in  your  pocket 
is  not  capital  as  long  as  it  stays  there.  Wealth  includes 
capital  and  much  more  besides.  A  business  man's  delivery 
truck  is  capital,  but  his  pleasure  car  is  not. 

How  many  people  are  capitalists?  Are  these  capital:  base- 
balls, moving  picture  films,  garden  seeds,  overcoats,  railway  trains, 
Liberty  bonds,  pocket-rulers,  paint-brushes? 

These  three  factors  may  not  be  brought  into  proper  re- 
lation with  each  other  unless  some  one  takes  this  work  upon 
himself  as  his  special  responsibility.  Such  service,  usually 
termed  management,  is  so  important  that  it  is  often  con- 
sidered a  fourth  factor  in  production,  though  some  look  upon 
it  as  a  form  of  mental  labor.  It  enters  into  all  industry. 
Neither  the  farmer  nor  the  railroad  man  nor  the  shoemaker 
will  gain  the  best  results  from  his  employment  of  capital 
or  labor  or  land  unless  there  is  wise  management  in  the 
use  of  all  three. 

Which  is  more  important  to  the  school  system,  the  janitor  or 
the  superintendent?  Which  would  do  the  more  harm  if  he  went 
on  a  strike  ? 

The  qualities  or  features  of  goods  that  enable  them  to 
satisfy  wants  we  call  utilities.  There  are  several  kinds  of 
utilities.  An  article  has  form  utility  when  its  usefulness 
depends  upon  its  shape.  The  glass  in  a  bottle  is  virtually 
useless  after  it  is  broken.  The  manufacturer  is  particu- 
larly concerned  with  providing  form  utilities. 

Time  utility  results  from  the  presence  of  a  commodity 
when  it  is  serviceable.  Ice,  for  instance,  is  of  little  use  in 
the  winter  but  almost  a  necessity  in  July.  An  umbrella  is 
usually  a  nuisance  except  when  it  is  raining.  Stores  and 
storage  houses  afford  time  utility.  A  third  quahty,  place 
utility,  comes  from  the  presence  of  a  commodity  where  it 
is  serviceable.     A  barrel  of  flour  in  Minneapolis  has  no  value 


202         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

in  use  to  the  New  York  man,  until  it  is  given  place  utility 
by  means  of  transportation.  The  railroad  is  the  greatest 
agency  in  creating  place  utilities.  We  may  add  possession 
as  a  fourth  kind  of  utility.  The  family  that  occupies  a 
house  which  it  owns  or  rents  finds  in  it  a  much  greater  value 
in  use  than  if  it  were  occupied  by  some  one  else.  And  some 
economists  mention  natural  utilities  as  still  another  variety. 
An  apple,  they  say,  satisfies  our  wants  by  reason  of  an  in- 
herent quality  that  may  be  affected  by  the  other  four  util- 
ities that  we  have  mentioned  but  is  distinct  from  them.  A 
commodity  may  of  course  possess  several  utilities  at  the 
same  time. 

Consumption  is  the  use  of  goods  to  gratify  wants.  The 
time  element  in  consumption  varies  greatly.  The  consump- 
tion of  an  apple  means  its  immediate  destruction.  But  the 
consumption  of  chairs  or  typewriters  means  little  else  than 
use,  for  the  destruction  entailed  may  not  be  noticeable  at 
any  one  time.  We  mention  consumption  first  because  things 
are  not  produced  unless  people  desire  to  consume  them. 

Production  means  the  giving  of  utilities  to  goods.  The 
producer  does  not  create  anything,  but  transforms  it  so  as 
to  make  it  more  useful.  We  must  not  think  of  produc- 
tion as  simply  farming  or  manufacturing.  The  railroad 
in  furnishing  place  utilities  is  a  producer  we  could  hardly 
do  without. 

Exchange  is  the  process  by  which  the  transfer  of  owner- 
ship or  occupation  of  goods  is  made  possible.  Exchange 
does  not  mean  transportation.  It  may  mean  simply  bar- 
ter or  "  swapping  ^'  goods,  but  usually  involves  the  use  of 
money  or  some  substitute  for  money. 

Distribution  is  the  division  of  the  returns  from  production 
among  the  factors  which  have  taken  part  in  it.  The  com- 
pensation of  the  land  owner,  the  wages  of  the  laborer,  the 
interest  of  the  capitalist,  all  are  concerned  with  it.  Ob- 
taining fair  distribution,  as  we  shall  see,  is  one  of  our  greatest 
problems  and  one  of  the  farthest  from  solution. 


Making  America  Prosperous 


20S 


99.  What  We  Do.  —  There  is  perhaps  no  Umit  to  human 
wants,  and  the  means  for  gratifying  those  wants  are  infi- 
nitely extensive.  The  world  therefore  affords  a  wide  variety 
of  ways  of  acquiring  a  living.  We  need  not  assume,  as  the 
old  saying  has  it,  that  for  every  sucker  that  is  born  there 
are  two  to  catch  him ;  but  for  every  human  want  we  shall 
probably  find  people  who  are  willing  to  supply  the  means 
to  meet  it. 

Professor  Carver,  in  his  *'  Principles  of  Economics,"  has 
a  helpful  analysis  of  the  means  by  which  people  get  a  living. 
Let  us  use  part  of  it  for  illustration  here,  with  some  mod- 
ifications. 


Uneconomical 

Economical 

H  armful 

Neutral 

Primary 

Secondary 

Personal  Service 

Counter- 

Inheriting 

Extractive 

Manufac- 

Law 

feiting 

wealth 

Mining 

turing 

Medicine 

Swindling 

Marrying 

Lumbering 

Trading 

Preaching 

Boot- 

wealth 

Fishing 

Storage 

Teaching 

legging 

Land  spec- 

Hunting 

Transpor- 

Acting 

Robbery 

ulation 

Grazing 
Genetic 
Agriculture 
Forestry 

tation 

Public  officer 
Hair-dressing 

XIneconomical  activities  are  those  which  contribute  noth- 
ing to  the  well-being  or  happiness  of  others.  Those  in  this 
group  which  are  distinctly  harmful  society  will  not  long 
tolerate.  Those  which  have  little  social  effect  for  either 
good  or  evil  are  not  numerous,  and  few  people  are  able  to 
depend  upon  such  means  of  existence. 

Economical  activities  are  those  whose  products  or  serv- 
ices help  to  satisfy  human  wants.  A  nation  in  which  every- 
body contributed  to  the  general  good  as  much  as  or  more 
than  he  received  himself  would  come  near  oUr  ideal  of 
prosperity.  '^'>       >•. 


204         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Primary  industries  are  those  that  deal  directly  with  nat- 
ural resources.  This  division  has  two  branches.  Those 
activities  which  merely  receive  the  materials  without  at- 
tempting to  replace  them  are  called  extractive.  The  genetic 
industries  are  those  which  call  for  planning  by  human  agency 
and  which  tend  to  increase  the  supply  of  the  product.  The 
secondary  industries  take  the  products  of  the  primary  ones 
and  work  by  transforming,  transporting,  or   trading  them. 


Fishing  Boats  in  Boston  Harbor. 

This  business  has  been  practically  all  taken  over  by  Italians,  except  for 
the  catches  far  from  the  mainland. 


Personal  service  refers  to  activities  which  promote  comfort, 
amusement,  knowledge,  or  good  morals.  Though  persons 
so  engaged  seldom  produce  tangible  things,  their  work  is 
often  important  and  vital.  We  cannot,  however,  give 
much  attention  to  them  in  discussing  economic  topics  be- 
cause of  the  difficulty  of  measuring  their  output  in  money. 

Over  7000  occupations  are  mentioned  in  our  last  census 
report.  One-third  of  our  people  are  still  engaged  in  some 
form  of  agriculture  —  by  far  our  most  important  occupa- 


Making  America  Prosperous  W5 

tion,  as  it  has  always  been.  A  group  nearly  as  large  are 
employed  in  manufacturing  or  other  mechanical  industries. 
About  one-sixth  are  connected  with  transportation,  one-tenth 
with  trade,  and  one-tenth  with  domestic  or  personal  service. 

Extend  the  examples  of  various  kinds  of  activities  given  on  page 
203.  Classify  the  occupations  of  your  community,  either  by  using  a 
local  directory  or  by  having  each  member  of  the  class  make  a  little 
occupation  census  of  his  own  block  or  neighborhood. 

100.  Industry  in  the  Old  Days.  —  There  have  been  mighty 
changes  in  the  way  man  has  earned  his  living.     We  can 


Courtesy  Bureau  of  Indian  Affairs. 
Sheep  Raising  in  the  West. 

Some  other  countries  have  advanced  more  rapidly  in  sheep  raising  than 
the  United  States.  But  in  some  of  our  Western  states  they  are  still  raised 
in  large  numbers.  This  particular  flock  is  on  the  Navajo  Indian  Reserva- 
tion in  Arizona.  Under  government  supervision  the  Indians  are  learning 
to  care  for  their  sheep  and  get  a  higher  grade  of  wool  than  formerly. 

distinguish  four  principal  stages  through  which  mankind 
has  passed:  the  hunting  and  fishing,  the  pastoral,  the 
agricultural,  and  the  industrial  stages.  Of  course  the  early 
ones  did  not  disappear  when  the  later  ones  developed,  but 
continued  along  with  them.  Often  nations  did  not  reach 
the  various  stages  of  development  at  the  same  time,  as  we 
can  observe  by  studying  the  people  of  the  world  even  today. 


206 


Problems  of  American  Democracy 


In  the  hunting  and  fishing  stage  each  family  looked  out 
for  itself,  Hving  on  "  fish,  flesh,  and  fowl  "  which  it  killed 
or  on  wild  grains  and  fruits.  It  contributed  next  to  nothing 
to  human  progress.  The  pastoral  stage  began  when  men 
domesticated  wild  animals.  They  collected  large  herds  or 
flocks,  and  wandered  about  finding  pasturage.  Tribes  some- 
times fought  with  each  other,  and  made  slaves  out  of  their 


Courtesy  Uniied  Shoe  Machinery  Co. 

How  It  Used  to  Be  Done. 

This  man  did  all  the  work  in  making  shoes.     Contrast  his  job  with  that 
of  the  man  shown  in  the  picture  on  page  212. 


captives.  In  introducing  planning  and  management  into  the 
raising  of  animals  a  very  clear  industrial  advance  was  made. 

The  next  step  was  to  introduce  similar  planning  and  man- 
agement into  the  raising  of  crops.  This  agricultural  stage 
called  for  more  settled  living,  for  it  takes  time  for  crops  to 
grow.  Slavery  and  serfdom  appear  in  the  life  of  many  peoples 
in  this  stage  of  their  progress.  The  strongest  held  the  desir- 
able land  and  others  worked  it  for  him,  paying  him  in  crops 
or  service.     Land  ownership  became  generally  recognized. 

The  manufacturing  stage  began  in  a  simple  way  in  giving 


Making  America  Prosperous  ^07 

form  to  pottery,  crude  tools  or  household  articles,  or  cloth. 
At  length  some  people  started  to  produce  for  others.  In 
that  way  many  small  industries  were  established,  but  they 
were  usually  confined  to  the  work  of  one  family,  with  perhaps 
a  few  helpers,  and  the  work  was  done  under  one  roof. 

This  type  of  manufacturing  is  known  as  the  domestic  sys- 
tem. The  increased  importance  of  such  activity  is  seen  in  tht 
organization  of  workers,  in  the  later  Middle  Ages,  into  gilds, 
with  strict  regulations  laid  down  for  the  work  of  various  trades. 
There  was  often,  too,  a  close  connection  between  the  gilds  and 
the  local  government,  but  after  a  while  this  government  regu- 
lation almost  disappeared.  Trade  between  communities  was 
a  notable  outgrowth  of  this  age  of  manufacturing. 

Point  out  the  relative  importance  of  land,  labor,  capital,  and 
management  in  each  of  these  industrial  stages. 

101.  The  Industrial  Revolution.  —  As  late  as  the  middle 
of  the  18th  century  over  nine-tenths  of  the  people  were  en- 
gaged in  agriculture,  and  even  this  was  done  about  as 
crudely  as  in  the  days  of  Julius  Caesar.  Trade  had  ex- 
panded rather  widely,  however,  and  colonies  had  been 
founded  by  enterprising  nations,  which  the  mother  coun- 
try sought  to  hold  closely  to  herself  in  one  economic  unit. 
Then  there  took  place  a  comparatively  sudden  revolution, 
a  revolution  as  real  and  far-reaching  as  any  political  over- 
turn could  be.  It  began  in  England,  and  for  some  time 
its  effects  were  felt  there  most. 

In  1764,  Hargreaves  invented  his  "  spinning  jenny,^^  named 
after  his  wife.  Then  Arkwright  came  forward  with  a  spin- 
ning machine,  and  Crompton  in  1779  with  his  "  spinning 
mule.''  One  machine  could  now  spin  many  threads  better 
and  faster  than  the  housewife  formerly  mad^  one.  Cart- 
wright's  power  loom  (1785)  improved  weaving,  to  keep  pace 
with  spinning.  Eli  Whitney's  cotton  gin,  invented  in  1793, 
made  it  possible  to  supply  the  raw  cotton  which  the  new  ma- 
chine industry  demanded. 


^08         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Along  with  these  inventions  came  many  others  that  were 
useful  incidentally.  Watt's  steam  engine  (1769)  was  first 
employed  in  pumping  water  from  coal  mines,  but  it  was 
not  long  before  it  was  made  useful  in  furnishing  force 
in  mills.  Greatly  improved  methods  of  farming  were  intro- 
duced. Telford  and  Macadam  showed  England  how  to  con- 
struct better  highways.     Fulton  sailed  his  Clermont  up  the 


Courtesy  International  Harvester  Co. 
The  First  McCormick  Reaper. 
Notice  also  the  old-fashioned  windmill. 

Hudson  in  1807.     George  Stephenson  ran  his  locomotive 
successfully  in  1823. 

With  all  the  new  machinery  available,  manufacturing 
could  no  longer  be  done  at  home  or  in  a  small  shop.  Great 
factories  sprang  up,  and  as  the  government  had  ceased  to 
supervise  industry  nobody  paid  any  attention  to  the  con- 
ditions under  which  the  masses  of  laborers  worked.  Too 
little  light,  no  sanitation,  little  children  toihng  their  lives 
out  in  sordid  surroundings,  were  features  of  the  early  fac- 
tories which  continued  until  England's  conscience  and 
common  sense  finally  caused  the  passage  of  laws  to  remove 
or  relieve  them.     Improved  means  of  transportation  made 


Making  America  Prosperous 


209 


possible  nation-wide  or  world-wide  markets.  Industry  has 
made  wonderful  strides  since  a  century  ago,  but  most  of 
its  significant  characteristics  had  begun  then  in  England. 
In  the  United  States  the  change  was  slower  and  less  sud- 
den. Samuel  Slater  opened  a  cotton  mill  at  Pawtucket, 
Rhode  Island,  in  1790,  and  Francis  C.  Lowell  a  fairly 
complete  mill  at  Waltham,  Massachusetts,  in  1814.  T^e 
so-called  War  of  1812  nearly  ruined  New  England  commerce 
and  made  the  people  of  that  section  take  an  interest  in 
manufacturing.  But  the  great  industrial  era  in  the 
United  States  dates  from  after  the  Civil  War. 


Courtesy  United  Shoe  Machinery  Co. 
The  New  and  the  Old  in  Shoemaking. 
Far  into  the  nineteenth  century  there  could  be  found  in  many  a  New 
England  town  one  of  the  cobbler's  shops  which  were  often  called  "  ten  footers" 
because  of  their  size.  This  particular  shanty  has  been  moved  to  the  grounds 
of  the  company  named  above  at  Beverly,  Massachusetts,  to  show  the 
tremendous  contrast  between  the  early  days  of  shoemaking  and  the  era 
exemplified  by  the  company's  great  plant  today. 


102.  Present-day  Production.  —  As  a  result  of  the  Indus- 
trial Revolution  present-day  production  is  far  different  from 
the  domestic  system.  Machinery  of  an  intricate  and  stand- 
ardized character  is  essential.  As  we  have  noticed,  the 
work  has  moved  into  entirely  separate  buildings,  called  fac- 
tories or  mills.  The  development  of  transportation  makes 
it  unnecessary  to  place  these  buildings  near  the  raw  mate- 


210         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

rials,  and  they  are  as  likely  to  be  found  at  points  where 
the  marketing  of  their  product  is  most  easily  managed. 

The  workers  no  longer  own  their  tools.  They  cannot 
do  so,  when  enormous  machines  are  so  often  required.  Per- 
sonal relationship  between  the  employer  and  employee  is 
seldom  possible.  The  employee  often  receives  his  wages 
from  one  who  is  himself  a  hired  man.  If  he  has  anything 
to  say  about  hours  or  conditions  of  work,  he  probably  has 
to  speak  through  representatives  rather  than  directly.  He 
is  one  of  perhaps  hundreds  or  thousands. 

Large-scale  production  characterizes  every  feature  of  mod- 
em business.  Production  is  so  extensively  organized  and 
highly  capitalized,  that  the  most  modern  and  best  appliances 
can  be  used  with  profit,  and  the  raw  materials  and  by-products 
can  be  controlled.  Great  corporations  are  organized,  whose 
resources  are  vast.  Large,  better,  and  quicker  production 
naturally  brings  lower  cost  to  the  producer  and  consumer. 
Minute  division  of  labor  is  not  only  possible  but  necessary. 

Are  all  these  new  factors  productive  of  good  and  not 
evil?  We  would  hardly  dare  say  so,  in  view  of  the  slums, 
the  masses  of  ignorant  immigrant  laborers,  and  other  con- 
ditions which  we  have  already  noticed.  But  just  here  we 
are  noticing  what  the  facts  are,  rather  than  trying  to  in- 
terpret them. 

103.  Division  of  Labor.  —  By  division  of  labor  we  mean 
such  an  adjustment  of  work  that  one  worker  confines  him- 
self to  performing  only  a  part  of  an  industrial  process.  The 
worker  may  have  no  understanding  whatever  of  the  manage- 
ment of  the  industry  with  which  he  is  connected.  His  co- 
operation with  others  may  be  wholly  automatic  and  almost 
unconscious. 

Conscious,  simple  cooperation  must  have  occurred  very 
easily,  as  when  several  men  might  work  together  in  killing 
a  bear.  We  still  see  this  when  we  observe  four  or  five  men 
carrying  a  piano  upstairs  or  lifting  an  iron  rail.     At  first 


Making  America  Prosperous 


211 


everybody  was  expected  to  be  a  jack-of -all-trades,  but  as 
time  went  on  it  was  evident  that  some  people  could  do  cer- 
tain things  better  than  others  could ;  and  so  one  man  be- 
came the  Baker,  the  Miller,  or  the  Carpenter,  depending 
upon  others  to  furnish  the  things  he  needed  to  live  on,  while 
he  did  his  particular  kind 
of  work  for  them.^  This 
is  called  division  of  occu- 
pations. 

Next  came  the  division 
of  labor  into  different  steps 
or  services  within  the  same 
trade,  as  when  one  car- 
penter lays  floors,  and  an- 
other makes  sashes,  doors, 
or  blinds.  With  the  con- 
stant introduction  of  ma- 
chinery the  work  of  making 
a  shirt,  a  shoe,  or  a  shovel 
might  require  dozens  of 
small  performances,  each 
one  of  which  and  no  more 
might  be  done  by  one  per- 
son. This  specialization 
we  see  carried  over  into 
the  professions,  too,  when 
one  lawyer  handles  only 
cases  affecting  property  or 
one  teacher  limits  his  instruction  to  the  history  of  one 
nation. 

A  similar  specialization  may  be  observed  in  certam  com- 
munities, too.  Because  a  community  has  access  to  the  raw 
material  needed  in  some  industry ;  because  it  is  near  a  place 
where  there  is  a  good  market  for  a  certain  product ;  because 


Copyright,  Boston  Photo  News  Co^ 

A  Row  OF  Fishing  Schooners. 
Fishing  is  still  important  in  some  New 
England   ports   although   not   so   many- 
engage  in  it  as  formerly.     A  picture  can- 
not show  the  varied  smells  of  a  fish  pier. 


Many  family  names  originated  in  this  way. 


512         Problems  of  American  Democracy- 


suitable  labor  is  available  at  some  point ;  because  somebody- 
started  an  industry  there  and  built  up  a  kind  of  reputation 
for  the  business  and  the  town  which  has  been  perpetuated  — 
for  these  and  other  reasons,  towns  became  noted  for  special 

products.  Chicago,  Kan- 
sas City,  and  Omaha  for 
meat-packing,  Detroit  for 
automobiles,  Pittsburgh 
for  iron  and  steel,  Troy 
for  collars  and  cuif s,  Lynn 
for  boots  and  shoes  —  the 
list  is  long. 

Now  is  this  speciali- 
zation beneficial?  Yes, 
chiefly ;  no,  in  part.  The 
improvement  in  skill  due 
to  specialization  increases 
both  the  quality  and  the 
quantity  of  the  work. 
There  results  a  saving 
of  time  formerly  lost  in 
changing  tasks  and  in 
learning  a  more  general 
trade.  The  division  of 
labor  also  leads  to  the 
discovery  of  easier  and 
better  methods.  When 
a  man's  entire  attention 
is  centered  on  one  phase 
of  work,  he  may  try  to  find  a  way  of  doing  it  better  or  of 
making  his  labor  easier.  Many  very  helpful  machines  have 
originated  with  common  workmen. 

On  the  other  hand,  if  a  person  does  all  the  work  on  some 
article  he  will  come  to  love  his  work  and  to  take  pride  in 
his  product,  but  there  is  no  inspiration  in  making  a  part 
erf  a  nut  a  thousand  or  more  times  a  day.     It  is  dulling  to 


^H 

'            mi    iJ 

)<^^^^H 

1 

J 

Courtesy  United  Shoe  Machinery  Co. 
An  Example  of  Industrial  Speciali- 
zation. 

This  man  performs  one  process  out  of 
many  in  shoemaking. 


Making  America  Prosperous  213 

the  mind  and  makes  labor  unattractive.  It  limits  the  field 
of  interest  and  narrows  the  vision.  It  is  even  charged  that 
whole  communities  will  be  similarly  affected  if  they  are  de- 
voted to  only  one  line  of  activity.  Yet  specialization  causes 
interdependence  of  men  and  communities  upon  each  other ; 
so  that  even  if  their  product  does  not  lead  to  wide  con- 
tact, their  need  of  other  people's  products  may  have  that 
effect. 

One  sound  economic  principle  is  known  as  the  law  of  least 
social  cost:  the  general  good  is  best  promoted  if  each  in- 
dividual or  community  devotes  itself  to  the  activity  which 
it  enjoys  and  which  it  is  best  qualified  to  undertake.  In 
this  way  we  can  really  cooperate  in  production  most  effec- 
tively. Social  and  economic  adjustment,  so  that  every  person 
may  get  the  most  possible  from  his  surroundings  and  con- 
tribute the  most  possible  to  the  well-being  of  others,  is  emi- 
nently desirable.  Maladjustment  which  keeps  workers  at 
tasks  and  under  environments  which  are  ruinous  to  body 
and  soul  is  altogether  too  common.  Some  tasks  can  never 
be  pleasant,  but  surely  some  compensating  conditions .  can 
be  provided  if  we  try  to  supply  them.  Here  is  a  problem 
of  real  importance. 

To  what  extent  are  division  of  labor  and  specialization  exem- 
plified in  the  industries  represented  by  the  members  of  your  family  ? 
Does  your  community  specialize  in  some  particular  industry? 
Why?  Explain  the  examples  of  specialization  given  above,  and 
add  others.  How  far  is  division  of  labor  carried  in  your  school? 
Henry  Hicks  has  more  than  ordinary  ability  as  a  teacher ;  he  also 
finds  a  fascination  in  the  work  of  a  post  office.  Which  would 
you  advise  him  to  engage  in,  and  why  ? 

.*.  Material  well-being  is  essential  to  progress.  Industry  has 
become  highly  specialized,  so  that  coSperation,  though  more  essential 
than  ever,  takes  a  far  different  form  than  in  primitive  days.  The 
gratification  of  the  individual's  wants  and  needs  depends  upon  the 
extent  to  which  he  is  able  to  adjust  himself  to  his  surroundings  or 
modify  his  surroundings  to  meet  his  wishes.  The  community  must 
help  him  to  do  both. 


214         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 

The  Economic  Interests  of  Our  Community. 

Medieval  Industries. 

The  Great  Fairs  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

American  Colonial  Industry. 

Great  American  Inventors. 

The  Industrial  Revolution  in  the  United  States. 

Inventors  That  Have  Made  History. 

Great  Inventors  of  the  18th  Century. 

The  Development  of  the  Iron  Industry  (or  some  other). 

The  Industrial  History  of  (your  town  or  some  other). 

REFERENCE   READINGS 

Marshall  and  Lyon  —  Our  Economic  Organization,  Chapters  1-13. 

Burch  —  American  Economic  Life,  Chapters  1-4,  25. 

Adams  —  Description  of  Industry,  Chapters  1,  2,  4-6. 

Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  A-3,  A-8,  C-9,  C-10, 

C-11,  C-12. 
Dealey  —  Sociology,  Chapter  11. 
Carver — Elementary  Economics,  Chapters  1,  2. 
Carlton  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapters  1-4. 
Tufts  —  The  Real  Business  of  Living,  Chapters  15,  18. 
Seager — Principles  of  Economics,  Chapters  1-5. 
Burch  and  Patterson  —  American  Social  Problems,  Chapters  13,  14. 


X.    FACILITATING  THE  TRANSFER   OF  PRODUCTS 


If  a  man  is  to  devote  himself  to  producing  one  thing  and  no  other, 
he  must  have  some  means  of  obtaining  the  products  of  other  men, 
for  man  does  not  live  by  any  one  thing  alone.  By  what  agencies  is 
this  transfer  made  possible?  How  are  the  arteries  of  trade  kept 
open?     How  do  men  keep  in  touch  with  one  another? 


A.    Transportation 

104.  Its  Meaning  to  Civilized  Life.  —  Before  any  produc- 
tion will  take  place,  men  must  believe  there  will  be  a  market 
for  their  goods.  Before  we  can  establish  markets,  we  must 
have  means  of  taking  our  goods  to  them.  The  activity,  the 
prosperity,  we  might  say  the  existence,  of  civilized  life  rests 
solely  on  these  possibilities.  If  men  or  nations  cannot  ex- 
change goods,  they  will  be  forced  to  devote  themselves  largely 
to  obtaining  the  means  to  keep  alive.  Progress  and  varied 
interests  will  be  difficult  or  impossible.  Trade  has  caused 
wars,  it  is  true,  but  trade  has  given  nations  common  interests 
and  has  bound  them  together. 

This  advancement  and  unification  appears,  first,  indus- 
trially. The  world  is  one  great  market  now.  Trade  and 
commerce  have  always  been  of  the  utmost  importance,  but 
never  so  great  or  so  far-reaching  as  today.  The  telegraph, 
the  wireless,  and  the  cable  enable  people  to  carry  on 
business  quickly  and  satisfactorily,  although  an  ocean  lies 
between  them.  Our  newspapers  quote  prices  and  business 
conditions  all  over  the  world  every  day.  The  enormous  in- 
dustries and  large-scale  production  of  today  are  possible  only 
because,  by  means  of  these  and  other  great  inventions,  the 
entire  business  world  is  always  within  reach.  Raw  material 
or  fuel  can  be  brought  from  a  distance,  and  the  cost  of  manu- 
facture is  reduced. 

215 


216         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

A  second  phase  of  progress  is  the  poKtical.  The  voice  of 
government  officials  is  heard  by  the  people  through  the  news- 
papers and  announced  by  telegraph,  telephone,  and  wireless. 
We  come  nearer  to  common  thoughts,  ideals,  and  policies. 
People  learn  how  others  feel  about  public  questions.  All  the 
nation  takes  interest  in  what  is  going  on.  It  has  been  said 
that  to  a  large  extent  the  Civil  War  resulted  from  the  fact 
that  few  railroads  united  the  North  and  the  South,  though 
many  lines  ran  East  and  West.  Lacking  the  means  of  exten- 
sive intercourse,  the  two  sections  lacked  also  common  under- 
standing. Similarly,  the  disagreements  that  nearly  killed  the 
newborn  United  States  of  America  in  their  cradle  resulted 
from  a  lack  of  acquaintance  and  communication  among  the 
thirteen  states. 

Transportation  and  communication  also  help  progress 
socially.  Nations  realize  that  there  are  good  things  in  other 
peoples,  and  are  enabled  to  share  their  own  blessings  with 
them.  Comforts  and  conveniences  of  civilized  life,  education, 
religious  ideals,  the  healing  of  disease,  are  being  made  possible 
everywhere.  ''  Trade  follows  the  flag  "  is  a  phrase  that  used 
to  be  common.  But  much  more  often  trade  goes  first  and 
brings  the  flag  or  its  ideals  afterward. 

Enumerate  the  conveniences  and  advantages  that  you  enjoy  right 
where  you  are  this  instant  by  reason  of  trade  and  communication. 

105.  Water  Transportation.  —  Civilization  could  certainly 
not  have  advanced  so  fast  if  man  had  had  to  fight  his  entire 
way  overland  through  forests  and  deserts.  But  there  were 
inland  lakes  and  rivers,  and  by  some  body  of  water,  especially 
where  two  rivers  came  together  or  a  river  emptied  into  a  bay, 
was  built  many  an  early  town.  Man  soon  learned  to  use 
these  waters  for  travel.  First  oars,  then  sails,  and  finally 
steam  and  electric  engines  were  the  motive  force.  Until  the 
keels,  charts,  and  compasses  were  invented,  the  best  boats 
were  dangerous,  but  then  men  could  visit  every  one  of  the 
*'  seven  seas."     Within  the  last  century  steel  has  played  a 


Making  America  Prosperous 


217 


big  part  in  ship  construction.  Now  we  have  our  huge  palatial 
ocean  Hners,  Uke  communities  afloat.  Our  modern  battleships 
are  veritable  monsters. 

In  the  first  half  of  the  19th  century,  when  almost  all  ship- 
ping was  done  by  water,  a  craze  for  the  construction  of  canals, 
seized  the  country.  Over  4500  miles  of  canals  were  built,  of 
which  many  more  than  half  have  become  totally  useless. 
Most  notable  and  important  of  the  early  artificial  waterways 
was  the  Erie  Canal.  This  built  up  New  York  city  and  state 
wonderfully  and  for  a  long  time  was  a  vital  connecting  link 


Canal  and  Lock. 
An  Old-time  Canal. 


between  East  and  West.  Recently  the  state  of  New  York 
spent  $100,000,000  on  its  Barge  Canal  along  nearly  the  same 
route,  so  that  larger  boats  can  use  it.  The  Sault  Ste.  Marie 
Canal,  usually  called  the  "  Soo,"  connecting  Lakes  Superior 
and  Huron,  is  also  very  important.  More  freight  passes 
through  it  than  through  any  of  the  more  famous  canals  of  the 
world. 

The  Panama  Canal,  opened  in  1914,  is  the  great  national 
undertaking  of  the  kind,  and  is  one  of  the  marvelous  engineer- 
ing feats  of  history.  It  cost  the  United  States  about  $475,- 
000,000.  It  shortens  the  distance  from  New  York  to  San 
Francisco  by  water  8000  miles. 


218         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  United  States  has  fine  opportunities  for  water  trans- 
portation, with  its  two  long  coast  lines,  great  river  systems, 
and  large  lakes.  Every  year  Congress  spends  millions  of 
dollars  for  the  improvement  of  these  waterways.  But  much 
of  it  has  been  worse  than  wasted,  because  the  annual  River 
and  Harbor  bill  has  been  a  Congressional  "  pork  barrel ''  — 
the  means  for  a  Congressman  to  have  federal  money  spent  in 


Copyright,  Detroit  Publishing  Co. 
Boats  on  the  Levee  at  St.  Louis. 

The  great  Mississippi  River  was  once  more  used  for  transportation  than 
it  is  now,  but  a  new  style  steel  boat  is  coming  into  considerable  use  in  that 
section. 


his  own  district.  And  it  is  even  more  astonishing  to  think  of 
the  enormous  amount  of  good  these  waterways  could  do  if 
used  to  capacity.  However,  people  prefer  to  use  the  railroad 
because  of  its  superior  speed,  and  Americans  have  a  habit  of 
ordering  goods  at  the  eleventh  hour.  Water  costs  are  usually 
much  cheaper.  For  instance,  it  costs  80  cents  a  ton  to 
carry  freight  1000  miles  between  Duluth  and  Ashtabula,  but 


Making  America  Prosperous  219 

for  the  135  miles  by  railroad  between  Ashtabula  and  Pittsburgh 
it  costs  90  cents  a  ton.  It  would  seem  that  with  such  savings 
business  would  revert  to  waterways,  but  there  is  only  enough 
business  to  help  keep  the  railroad  rates  in  those  regions  down. 
The  principal  traffic  on  the  Great  Lakes  today  is  the  carry- 
ing of  coal,  ores,  and  grain.  Any  such  products,  which  will 
*'  keep  "  for  a  long  time  can  be  carried  even  better  by  water 
than  by  land.  Some  of  the  Great  Lake  boats  make  good 
speed,  too.  And  when  you  think  of  the  enormous  cranes 
and  buckets  which  lift  many  tons  at  once  in  loading  or  un- 
loading the  ships,  you  conclude  that  facilities  for  water  trans- 
portation have  kept  pace  with  other  forms.  Why  won't 
Americans  make  more  use  of  them !  In  times  of  prosperity 
our  railroads  seem  to  have  all  the  business  they  can  readily 
handle.  Attractive  plans  have  been  laid  for  canals  connect- 
ing the  Great  Lakes  with  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi,  and  for 
linking  the  heads  of  bays  and  of  navigation,  on  rivers,  and  a 
number  of  them  have  been  constructed.  But  if  they  will  not 
be  used  after  they  are  dug,  why  waste  the  cost  of  their  con- 
struction? Can  we  not  arouse  Americans  to  this  inexcusable 
neglect  of  natural  opportunities? 

106.  The  Railroad.  —  No  industrial  agency  has  so  changed 
this  country  as  the  railroads  have.  They  have  become  clearly 
the  chief  economic  bond  of  unity  for  the  nation.  Every 
business  depends  upon  them  to  some  extent.  The  first  real 
passenger  and  freight  railroad  was  the  Baltimore  and  Ohio, 
started  in  1828  and  in  operation  by  1830.  In  1835,  there  were 
all  told  200  miles  of  railroad,  which  by  1860  had  grown  to 
33,000  miles  and  now  to  254,000  miles.  Texas  has  the  great- 
est number  of  miles,  followed  by  Illinois  and  Pennsylvania. 
This  tremendous  growth  owed  much  to  government  encourage- 
ment. There  have  been  31,500,000  acres  of  government  land 
distributed  among  the  various  railroads  of  the  country. 

Although  mileage  has  increased,  the  number  of  railroads  is 
decreasing,  because  of  the  joining  of  several  small  ones  into 


220         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

one  system.^  From  210  systems  in  1853  the  number  dropped 
to  50  in  1907.  To  a  certain  extent  this  is  good,  since  trans- 
ferring from  road  to  road  on  a  trip  is  inconvenient  and  expen- 
sive. Still  it  is  not  desirable  that  any  one  road  should  gain 
too  much  control  over  a  district.  It  is  not  fair  that  one  road 
should  be  able  to  make  or  break  the  possibility  of  progress  in 
any  large  territory.     Many  notable  present-day  lines  have 

77   What  18  a  rail  road  7 

A.  An  improved  kind  of  road,  now  much  used  in  the  United, 
States;  also  in  Great  Britain. and  other  European  countries.), 


liail-Road. 
The  cars  or  carriages  used  on  them  are  drawn  by  steam  locomotive 
engines,  at  tlie  rate  of  20  or  30  miles  an  hour,  and  sometimes  even 
more.  Vast  numbers  of  people,  and  great  quantities  of  merchandise, 
are  conveyed  by  them  from  place  to  place,  much  more  rapidly  than  by 
other  methods. 

How  THE  Railroad  Was  Described  in  1852. 
This  is  a  copy  of  part  of  a  page  from  Mitchell 's  School  Geography,  which 
was  widely  used  at  that  time. 


resulted  from  these  combinations,  such  as  the  New  York 
Central  System,  the  Pennsylvania,  and  the  Southern  Pacific. 
The  railroads  also  have  mostly  passed  into  the  hands  of  a  few 
groups  of  wealthy  interests.     In  1915,  five  groups  controlled 

1  In  1921,  railroad  mileage  actually  decreased ;  but  since  this  was  a  year 
of  general  business  depression,  we  cannot  be  sure  whether  it  has  virtually 
reached  its  maximum  or  not. 


Making  America  Prosperous  221 

over  half  the  mileage  of  the  country.  Railroad  "  kings," 
such  as  Vanderbilt,  Harriman,  and  Hill,  did  much  to  build  up 
these  systems.  Their  purposes  were  chiefly  selfish,  but  to  a 
great  extent  they  made  their  roads  and  the  regions  served  by 
them  what  they  are  today. 

Depending  on  the  railroad  is  the  express  business.  The 
idea  was  started  by  W.  F.  Harnden  of  Massachusetts  in  1839. 
In  those  times  it  was  very  expensive  and  fairly  dangerous  to 
travel,  and  he  conceived  the  idea  of  taking  care  of  people's 
business  for  them  when  it  involved  travel  and  the  shipping  of 
goods.  Several  large  companies  later  sprang  up,  but  the 
exigencies  of  the  Great  War  caused  their  combination  into  the 
one  system  known  as  the  American  Railway  Express.  The 
establishment  of  the  parcel  post  service  by  the  Post  Office 
Department  took  away  much  of  the  business  of  the  express 
companies  and  made  them  less  profitable. 

Make  a  list  of  ten  articles  in  common  use  which  you  could  not 
have  if  it  were  not  for  the  railroad.  Has  improved  transportation 
helped  to  improve  the  conditions  of  the  working  people?  Has  it 
made  living  conditions  more  uniform  in  the  different  sections? 
Have  railroads  made  more  serious  or  less  the  problems  of  great 
cities  ?  Give  examples  of  the  ways  in  which  natural  conditions  have 
affected  the  construction  of  railways,  such  as  mountains,  streams, 
forests,  climate,  and  the  like. 

107.  Railroad  Needs.  —  Even  if  all  the  business  possible 
were  turned  over  to  canals,  there  would  still  remain  a  large 
amount  of  perishable  goods  which  we  should  have  to  ship  by 
the  railroads.  Without  railroads  the  people  of  the  cities 
would  have  to  spread  out  into  the  country  to  obtain  food. 
Now  have  they  become  like  the  fabled  monster  which  an  in- 
ventor created  only  to  have  it  destroy  him?  What  do  they 
most  need,  from  their  own  viewpoint,  and  from  the  public's? 

One  thing  is  sure,  they  need,  from  both  viewpoints,  gov- 
ernment regulation.  And  since  so  many  of  them  were  aided 
by  grants  of  public  land,  they  cannot  reasonably  claim  to  be 
exempt  from  public  supervision.     Since  railroads  have  passed 


222         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

into  the  control  of  a  few  financial  groups,  they  have  become 
more  than  ever  a  kind  of  monopoly.  Besides,  in  the  days 
before  regulation  was  provided,  railroad  companies  often  dis- 
criminated unfairly  between  places,  persons,  or  commodities. 
They  gave  special  rates  or  rebates  to  large  shippers  and  cer- 
tain places.  To  do  away  with  the  expenses  of  competition, 
several  systems  would  make  an  agreement  to  "  pool  "  their 


i-  f^^^^^KKBHBk 

^m^  ■■^£f 

&^^0aM^M£^^m^k 

" 

CouTtesv  Neic  York  Central  R.R. 

The  Old  and  the  New, 

The  first  train  on  the  New  York  Central  Railroad  is  standing  on  a 
track  beside  a  modern  engine. 

receipts,  raise  the  rates,  and  divide  the  returns  according  to  a 
prearranged  schedule. 

How  would  railroads  profit  by  engaging  in  any  of  the  practices 
mentioned  here?  Would  large  or  small  roads  be  more  likely  to  be 
tempted  to  engage  in  them? 

At  first  some  of  the  states  attempted  to  deal  with  the  situa- 
tion, especially  when  the  **  Grangers,"  representing  the  farm 
interests,  controlled  state  legislatures.  Today  every  state 
has  its  Public  Service  Commission  or  Public  Utihties  Com- 
mission or  some  similar  body,  which  has  control  over  intra- 
state commerce,  to  protect  the  public's  interest.  But  since 
so  much  of  the  railroad  business  is  interstate,  legislation  by 
the  states  cannot  reach  it  effectively. 

Congress  did  not  exercise  its  power  to  regulate  interstate 
commerce  until  1887.  Then  it  created  an  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission  of  five  members  appointed  by  the  Presi- 
dent, and  gave  it  authority  to  inspect  the  books  of  interstate 


Making  America  Prosperous  223 

railroads,  require  annual  reports,  and  publish  the  rates 
charged.  Roads  were  forbidden  to  engage  in  pooling,  or  to 
charge  more  for  a  short  haul  of  goods  in  one  direction  than 
for  a  longer  haul  over  the  same  line  in  the  same  direction.  By 
a  later  act  it  was  made  illegal  to  give  rebates.  The  Com- 
mission's work  has  become  so  important  that  the  members 
have  been  increased  to  eleven,  and  its  powers  enormously  en- 
larged. It  may  investigate  any  feature  of  railroad  operation, 
may  set  the  maximum  rates  for  passenger,  express,  and  freight 
service,  and  has  been  instructed  to  undertake  the  valuation  of 
railroad  properties  —  this  latter  being  a  detailed,  complex 
task  of  very  doubtful  value.  The  **  I.C.C."  has  been  com- 
posed for  the  most  part  of  able  men  to  whose  services  the 
country  owes  much. 

During  the  Great  War  the  President  took  over  the  rail- 
roads, so  that  their  administration  might  be  carried  with  the 
country's  needs  first  in  mind.  To  hand  them  back  to  their 
private  owners  was  not  so  easy  a  proposition  as  it  might  seem, 
but  for  further  regulation  Congress  finally  evolved  a  measure 
known  as  the  Esch-Cummins  Act  of  1920.  This  act  did  three 
important  things.  (1)  It  restored  the  railroads  to  their  private 
owners,  offering  them  some  financial  aid  in  the  form  of  loans 
and  outright  payments.  (2)  It  authorized  the  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission  to  grant  rates  that  would  assure  a  return 
to  investors  of  5^  per  cent,^  any  excess  profits  over  that 
figure  to  be  divided  between  the  railroads  and  the  government. 
(3)  It  established  the  Railway  Labor  Board.  This  is  composed 
of  nine  men,  three  to  be  chosen  from  the  employees,  three  from 
the  railroad  managements,  and  three  from  the  general  public. 
They  are  supposed  to  investigate  labor  disputes  on  the  rail- 
roads, publish  the  facts,  make  recommendations  about  wages, 
conditions  of  work,  and  the  like,  and  let  public  opinion  enforce 
their  decision.      Considerable   fault   has   been   found   with 


1  This  rate  was  guaranteed   for  two   years.     Thereafter  the  Interstate 
Commerce  Commission  was  to  determine  what  was  a  reasonable  return. 


224         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

this  plan,  and  it  has  been  proposed  to  increase  the  member- 
ship of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  and  transfer 
the  Board's  duties  to  that  Commission. 

Financially  the  railroads  were  in  bad  shape  when  the  gov- 
ernment gave  them  back  —  and  this  not  necessarily  through 
any  fault  of  the  government,  for  the  winning  of  the  War  had 
to  be  almost  the  only  thing  on  its  mind.  The  cost  of  labor, 
materials,  and  repairs  increased  much  beyond  the  increase  in 


Courtesy  Westlngfiouse  Electric  Co. 

A  Train  Coming  Out  of  the  Hudson  Tunnel. 

Electric  engines  are  used  to  draw  trains  under  the  Hudson  River  in  and 
out  of  the  great  Pennsylvania  Station,  New  York  City. 


rates.  Yet  if  rates  were  raised  too  high,  it  would  seriously 
reduce  the  freight  and  passenger  traffic.  Borrowing  money 
at  the  high  rates  of  interest  prevailing  after  the  War  seemed 
often  only  an  expensive  way  of  postponing  the  evil  day.  The 
labor  question  also  forms  a  large  part  of  the  problem  of  rail- 
road finance.  The  employers  want  to  reduce  expenses  by 
cutting  wages,  and  the  employees  do  not  want  them  cut, 
unless  rates  are  cut  also. 

Some  roads  even  under  these  unfavorable  conditions  have 


Making  America  Prosperous  225 

enjoyed  fair  prosperity,  but  others  found  it  at  times  impossible 
even  to  meet  expenses.  Some  experts  therefore  consider  a 
complete  reorganization  of  the  roads  a  third  great  need. 
The  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  has  proposed  to  make 
nineteen  groups  out  of  the  railroads  of  the  country,  with 
some  one  or  two  strong  roads  as  the  nucleus  of  each  group. 
While  this  would  not  be  considered  good  policy  under  private 
control  it  might  be  if  carried  out  under  strict  government 
supervision.  It  would  do  away  with  needlessly  conflicting 
schedules  and  unnecessary  competition,  while  preserving 
:Some  competitive  features,  and  would  bring  the  smaller, 
weaker  roads  into  a  helpful  relation  with  the  others.  Such  a 
plan  is  not  particularly  pleasing  to  the  large  roads,  but  their 
interests  are  not  the  only  ones  for  the  public  to  consider. 

108.  Street  Railways.  —  Every  big  railroad  system  does 
some  suburban  business  in  the  neighborhood  of  large  cities, 
but  it  cannot  conveniently  serve  more  than  a  few  of  a  great 
community's  population.  For  this  reason  we  must  have  some 
kind  of  local  transportation  in  cities  and  towns.  This  need 
the  street  railways  supply. 

Once  they  used  horse  cars,  then  cable  cars,  and  then  electric 
surface  cars.  Into  four  of  our  big  cities  the  elevated  or  the 
subway  or  a  combination  of  the  two  has  come  —  Boston, 
New  York,  Chicago,  and  Philadelphia.  These  relieve  surface 
congestion,  and  can  go  very  rapidly  because  they  have  a  clear 
track.  Stations  at  short  intervals  make  them  convenient  for 
most  passengers.  They  enable  people  to  live  in  the  suburbs 
of  cities  and  to  go  into  town  easily  without  loss  of  time. 

An  important  development  of  the  street  railway  is  the 
interurban  line,  between  separate  cities  or  towns.  The  cars 
are  usually  large  and  travel  rapidly,  but  stop  frequently. 
Such  lines  often  are  of  great  service  to  rural  districts.  The> 
•carry  passengers,  freight,  and  mail.  Little  towns  often  spring 
up  along  them.  People  can  live  in  the  beautiful  open  coun- 
liry,  and  yet  have  their  business  in  town. 


^^6         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Many  street  railways,  in  spite  of  their  extensive  traffic^ 
have  been  losing  money.  Like  the  steam  roads,  they  have 
had  to  contend  with  constantly  mounting  costs  of  equipment 
and  repairs  and  have  had  to  3deld  to  the  demands  of  employees- 
who  declared  they  could  not  keep  a  family  on  a  street  car 
man's  wages.  Some  roads  in  the  past,  in  order  to  gain  their 
franchises,  or  right  of  way,  or  other  special  privileges,  have 
issued  stock  to  politicians  or  to  favored  individuals  that  was 
not  backed  by  capital  invested  in  the  company.  This  is 
called  "  watered  stock."  When  a  company  tries  to  pay 
dividends  on  this  stock  without  having  any  capital  earning 
money  for  them,  it  of  course  suffers  a  dead  loss. 

The  automobile  —  the  jitney  bus  and  the  family  car  — 
also  has  harmed  the  street  railway.  When  roads,  to  make  up 
the  loss,  raised  their  fares,  they  made  people  walk  or  buy  more 
autos,  for  the  public  seems  to  have  a  firm  conviction  that  a 
nickel  is  enough  to  pay  for  a  street-car  ride,  especially  for  a 
short  distance.  No  good  solution  for  this  problem  has  yet 
been  found.  We  really  need  the  street  car,  yet  we  must  not 
expect  people  to  operate  it  for  charity.  Besides,  we  want  the 
tracks  kept  smooth  and  the  cars  clean  and  modern,  so  that 
we  may  feel  safe  when  riding  in  them.  Some  kind  of  co- 
operation with  the  city  government  almost  amounting  to 
municipal  ownership  or  responsibility  for  operation  has  been 
proposed  as  the  remedy.  Even  in  New  York  City  this  ap- 
pears to  be  the  most  practical  way  out. 

What  local  railway  problems  has  your  community  or  a  neighbor- 
ing one  had  to  meet  ?  If  you  are  not  served  by  a  street  railway,  dO' 
you  think  a  line  in  your  neighborhood  would  pay  ?     Why  ? 

109.  The  Highway.  —  The  making  of  good  roads  was  the 
very  earliest  and  is  almost  the  newest  problem  in  transporta- 
tion. The  Romans  were  about  the  best  road  builders  of  whom 
we  have  record.  From  the  present  condition  of  many  of  our 
roads  we  may  judge  that  we  could  still  learn  something  from 
them.  But  we  cannot  today  make  a  fair  comparison  with 
Roman  roads  because  our  roads  must  carry  so  much  more 


Making  America  Prosperous  227 

heavy  traffic.  For  a  long  time,  however,  we  had  the  worst 
roads  of  any  modern  civihzed  nation. 

But  who  should  build  our  highways?  Whether  the 
national  government  has  the  constitutional  right  to  con- 
struct this  kind  of  "  internal  improvements  "  was  one  of 
the  earhest  arguments  between  the  ''broad  constructionists" 
and  ''strict  constructionists."  The  first  national  road  was 
the  Cumberland  Road,  started  in  1806,  but  after  a  few 
years  "strict  construction"  prevailed  on  this  point,  and  for 
a  long  time  no  federal  money  was  spent  for  this  purpose. 
Many  "  turnpikes  "  were  built  by  private  enterprise,  on  most  of 
which  the  traveler  had  to  pay  toll.  Some  of  such  toll  roads 
and  bridges  still  exist,  but  most  of  them  have  been  set  free. 

Now  that  we  have  abandoned  so  largely  our  scruples  on 
strict  construction,  there  is  a  tendency  for  the  federal  govern- 
ment again  to  take  an  interest  in  road  building.  Good  roads 
are  distinctly  a  national  need,  for  almost  everything  used  in 
any  part  of  the  nation  is  at  some  stage  in  its  production  car- 
ried on  a  highway.  For  this  reason  the  public  at  large  feels  a 
keen  interest  in  the  coast-to-coast  and  lake-to-gulf  highways, 
constructed  or  proposed.  There  is  a  Bureau  of  Public  Roads 
in  the  Department  of  Agriculture,  which  makes  all  kinds  of 
experiments  in  road  construction  and  which  has  charge  of  the 
rendering  of  federal  aid  to  the  states  in  road  building.  The 
Federal  Aid  Road  Bill,  passed  in  1916,  provided  for  the  dis- 
tribution of  $75,000,000  among  the  states  for  highway  work. 
The  amount  for  each  state  was  decided  by  its  population,  area, 
and  the  extent  of  rural  mail  routes.  To  get  this  money 
each  state  must  furnish  an  amount  equal  to  what  the  federal 
government  gives  it,  and  must  have  some  sort  of  state  high- 
way commission  with  which  the  federal  government  can  co- 
operate. Congress  has  indicated  a  tendency  to  make  this 
federal  aid  policy  permanent. 

New  Jersey  in  1891  was  the  first  state  to  put  its  highways 
under  state  supervision,  but  now  every  state  has  some  kind 
of  State  Highway  Department.     Several  states  have  an  ex- 


228         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

tensive  system  of  state  highways  built  with  state  money  and 
cared  for  by  the  state.  Of  the  eastern  states,  New  York  and 
Massachusetts,  and  in  the  West,  Cahfornia,  are  especially 
noted  for  their  state  roads.  The  money  used  by  the  states 
for  road  construction  is  usually  obtained  by  selling  bonds. 
Several  hundred  million  dollars,  all  told,  have  been  borrowed 


Courtesy  Portland  Cement  Association. 
A  Fine  Rural  Highway. 

This  concrete  road  in  Cook  County,  Illinois,  is  an  example  of  what  may- 
be done  almost  anywhere.  Highways  such  as  this  mean  much  to  the  farmer 
in  both  the  business  and  the  social  side  of  his  interests. 


by  states  for  this  purpose  in  recent  years.  This  is  a  practice 
often  overdone.  When  money  is  borrowed  at  high  rates 
for  long  periods  the  total  amount  paid  for  the  roads  will  be 
much  greater  than  the  amount  necessary  if  it  were  paid  out  of 
current  funds  instead  of  being  borrowed.  In  addition  taxes 
will  have  to  be  levied  to  keep  the  road  in  repair.  Then  if  the 
road  is  not  well  constructed  it  may  be  worn  out  long  before 
the  bonds  are  paid  off.     Some  think  that  a  large  part  of  the 


Making  America  Prosperous  229 

cost  of  all  highways  should  be  collected  from  property  owners 
whose  property  has  been  improved  in  value  by  reason  of  the 
construction  of  the  roads. 

The  subdivisions  of  the  state  —  counties,  cities,  and 
townships  —  inevitably  must  always  play  the  biggest  part  in 
road  construction.  Several  states,  in  fact,  have  deliberately 
chosen  to  do  their  part  in  highway  work  by  aiding  and  co- 
operating with  local  highway  authorities. 

What  is  your  state's  policy  in  regard  to  highway  construction? 
Is  your  state  noted  for  good  roads  ?  If  not,  why  ?  Why  has  there 
been  a  tendency  for  governments  to  buy  up  and  set  free  toll  roads 
and  bridges?  What  materials  are  most  commonly  used  in  your 
neighborhood  for  roads  ?  Is  there  any  difficulty  in  convincing  people 
in  your  neighborhood  that  good  roads  are  a  good  investment  ? 

Nothing  has  done  so  much  to  wake  up  people  to  the  need 
of  improvements  in  roads  as  the  automobile.  Today  over 
10,000,000  of  them  are  owned  in  the  United  States.  They 
already  play  a  wonderful  part  in  the  commercial  and  indus- 
trial work  of  our  country.  Farmers  use  them  to  bring  their 
produce  to  the  markets  and  to  drive  for  pleasure.  The  city 
man  also  has  his  pleasure  car  and  his  trucks  and  wagons 
for  all  kinds  of  industries  and  businesses.  Motor  trucks  have 
even  served  in  part  as  a  substitute  for  railroad  transportation, 
especially  during  the  Great  War.  The  damage  done  to 
highways  by  heavy  trucks  has  brought  about  some  serious 
practical  problems,  but  there  is  no  doubt  that  trucks  will  be 
more  and  more  useful  industrially  as  time  goes  on. 

Should  motor  transportation  supplement,  or  compete  with,  rail- 
road transportation? 

110.  Traflac  in  the  Air.  —  Some  one  has  predicted  that 
fifty  years  from  today,  we  shall  need  traffic  "  cops,"  not  in 
the  streets  but  in  the  air.  Maybe  this  is  an  exaggeration, 
but  nevertheless  this  latest  thing  in  transportation  has  won- 
derful possibilities.  Thus  far,  outside  of  its  uses  in  war  — 
and  this  it  has  made  more  horrible  than  ever,  it  has  served 
prmcipally  in  three  ways  :  transporting  mail,  moving  urgently 


230         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

needed  light  goods,  and  carrying  passengers  over  long  dis- 
tances. 

Its  great  advantages  are  speed  and  freedom  from  the  de- 
lays due  to  surface  conditions  on  the  earth  ;  but  before  its  use 
can  become  general  three  obstacles  will  have  to  be  overcome : 
lack  of  knowledge  about  conditions  of  air  and  weather,  weak- 
nesses in  the  structure  of  the  planes,  and  lack  of  proper  facili- 
ties for  starting  and  landing.     In  this  latter  case,  for  instance, 


Courtesy  Air  Service. 
A  CuRTiss  Eagle  Airplane. 

if  passengers  and  freight  can  be  landed  only  at  considerable 
distances  outside  of  large  business  centers,  the  advantage  of 
fast  time  between  cities  will  be  largely  neutralized. 

Already  in  Germany,  it  is  said,  schedules  are  maintained  as 
regularly  on  some  air  routes  as  on  surface  lines,  and  in  our  own 
country  the  air  mail  carriers  operate  closely  on  time.  No 
doubt  the  time  will  come  when  New  Yorkers  will  as  naturally 
take  the  air  sleeper  to  Chicago  as  they  now  travel  in  a  Pull- 
man to  Pittsburgh  or  Washington,  and  when  all  kinds  of  light 
perishable  freight  will  be  carried  in  that  way.     But  how  soon  ? 


Making  America  Prosperous  231 

Already,  too,  air  traffic  regulations  are  actually  being  con- 
sidered. A  falling  airplane  may  menace  the  lives  of  people 
below  as  well  as  of  those  on  board.  Must  regular  routes  be 
established  and  observed,  and  should  aircraft  be  forced  to 
go  around  thickly  settled  communities  rather  than  over 
them?  Will  air  traffic  relieve  the  congestion  on  the  rail- 
roads and  highways?  Only  the  future  can  answer  these 
questions. 

111.  Our  Means  of  Communication.  —  Communication 
and  transportation  must  go  hand  in  hand  in  our  business  and 
social  life.  Transportation  is,  of  course,  the  transfer  of  ma- 
terials or  persons  from  one  place  to  another,  and  communica- 
tion is  the  transfer  of  thoughts  or  ideas  from  one  person  to 
another.  Talking,  writing,  and  signaling  have  been  used 
for  centuries,  but  methods  of  exchanging  ideas  quickly  over 
great  distances  are  very  modern. 

Usually  we  employ  different  agencies  for  the  two  types  of 
service,  but  the  post  office  engages  in  both.  Yet  the  paths  of 
transportation  and  communication  cross  frequently.  The 
railway  or  the  steamer  carries  our  letters  to  their  destination. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  wireless  speeds  the  S.O.S.  of  a  dis- 
tressed ship  and  the  telegraph  gives  warning  from  one  station 
to  another  that  a  train  is  approaching. 

Today  the  Post  Office  Department,  directed  by  the  Post- 
master General,  is  the  most  extensive  business  carried  on  by 
the  government.  In  1790,  when  the  United  States  was  just 
starting  business,  we  had  75  post  offices ;  now  there  are  over 
50,000,  and  about  25,000  more  were  made  unnecessary  when 
rural  delivery  routes  were  established.  The  Parcel  Post  and 
Postal  Savings  system  were  taken  up  only  as  side  lines,  but 
have  become  very  important.  The  former  offers  a  cheap, 
safe  way  to  send  small  packages.  The  Postal  Savings  system 
enables  one  to  deposit  money  with  Uncle  Sam,  the  safest 
banker  in  the  world.  He  pays  2^  per  cent  interest,  and 
will  accept  any  amount  up  to  $2500.     Of  course,  he  lends  it 


232         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

out  again  at  a  higher  rate,  but  many  will  trust  him  who  would 
even  be  suspicious  of  the  banks  to  whom  he  trusts  it.  We 
must  not  forget,  either,  the  business  service  rendered  by  the 
issuing  of  money  orders,  or  the  world  cooperation  that  is 
promoted  by  the  joining  of  the  nations  in  the  Universal  Postal 
Union,  so  that  each  exchanges  mail  regularly  with  the  others. 

The  rural  free  delivery  service,  started  in  1896,  was  an  ex- 
ceedingly valuable  improvement.  This  and  other  postal 
services  are  expensive,  but  the  department  is  not  run  for  profit, 
though  it  sometimes  shows  a  surplus  at  the  end  of  a  year. 
In  connection  with  public  utilities  we  usually  have  to  choose 
between  a  government  agency  which  may  be  operated  at  a 
loss  and  force  us  to  make  up  deficits  through  taxes,  and  pri- 
vate agencies  conducted  for  profit  which  get  all  they  can  out 
of  us.  Our  other  agencies  of  communication  are  privately 
managed,  though  during  the  war  the  goverrmient  for  a  time 
took  charge  of  nearly  all  it  could  get  hold  of. 

Need  we  enlarge  upon  the  industrial  and  political  impor- 
tance of  the  telegraph,  which  we  owe  to  Samuel  F.  B.  Morse? 
As  a  bond  of  union  to  our  nation  it  means  almost  as  much  as 
the  railroad,  for  when  people  can  communicate  with  one 
another  in  a  flash,  it  is  only  one  degree  less  satisfactory  than 
talking  with  them.  Humanity  became  indebted  to  Cyrus 
W.  Field,  too,  who  successfully  adapted  this  means  of  com- 
munication to  transoceanic  use  in  1866,  after  two  earlier 
discouraging  attempts.  Many  lines  have  since  been  laid 
across  the  ocean's  bed.  The  telegraph  and  cable  are  the  veri- 
table arteries  of  life  to  the  modern  newspaper. 

Can  we  imagine  what  the  business  men  or  the  up-to-date 
farmer  or  housewife  would  do  without  the  telephone?  Yet 
it  was  as  late  as  1876  when  Alexander  Graham  Bell  showed 
his  telephone  at  the  Centennial  Exposition  in  Philadelphia. 
Now,  for  a  sufficient  consideration,  we  can  talk  across  the 
continent.  Perhaps  the  wireless  telegraph  and  telephone  are 
even  more  wonderful  and  have  greater  possibilities  for  devel- 
opment.    Marconi,  their  inventor,  received  his  first  patent  in 


Making  America  Prosperous 


2Sb 


England  in  1896 ;  now  hundreds  of  high  school  boys  own 
wireless  instruments.  One  of  the  greatest  services  of  the 
wireless  is  on  boats  at  sea.  It  has  saved  thousands  of  lives 
and  makes  ocean  travel  much  safer.  Its  greatest  drawback  is 
the  lack  of  privacy,  but  no  doubt  inventors  will  perfect  appa- 
ratus to  limit  wireless  conversations  to  the  people  who  are 


Courtesy  Bureau  Construction  and  Repair. 
Learning  to  Use  the  Wireless. 
These  are  sailors  on  the  North  Dakota. 

concerned.     All  our  conveniences  for  communication  seem 
like  necessities  to  prosperous  modern  business. 


112.  The  Farmer's  Problem. —  Perhaps  we  think  too  much 
about  transportation  and  communication  in  terms  of  the  busi- 
ness man's  or  city  resident's  needs.  Yet  they  are  vital  to  the 
farmer.  And  through  their  effect  on  him  everybody  is  af- 
fected, for  the  farmer  feeds  the  nation. 

Isolation,  lack  of  convenience  of  access  to  community 


234         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

centers,  and  difficulty  of  marketing  goods  are  perhaps  the 
three  greatest  drawbacks  to  prosperous  farming.  The 
farmer  who  is  cut  off  from  knowledge  of  the  world  about 
him  cannot  plan  his  own  work  wisely,  cannot  supply  the 
world's  demands  intelligently,  and  cannot  keep  pace  with 
civilization  in  knowledge  or  in  the  joy  of  living.  Of  what 
use  are  attractive  churches  and  fine  consolidated  schools  if 
half  the  year  you  can  hardly  get  there  ?  How  can  the  farmer 
hope  to  find  a  ready  market  for  his  products  if  he  cannot 
get  them  to  customers  until  they  are  half  spoiled  or  only  at 
such  cost  as  to  make  it  unprofitable  to  him  or  beyond  the 
reach  of  the  average  customer?  It  has  been  said  that  our 
annual  **  mud  tax  "  —  the  commercial  loss  due  to  poor  roads 
—  is  at  least  $250,000,000. 

Can  these  evils  be  remedied  ?  Yes !  Good  concrete  roads 
cost  money  but  they  repay  their  cost  many  times.  The  tele- 
phone keeps  open  a  constant  avenue  of  contact  with  one's 
neighbors  or  the  nearest  town.  The  motor  truck  and  the 
pleasure  car  take  the  farmer's  goods  to  market  speedily  and 
in  fresh  condition,  and  the  farmer's  family  to  everything 
that  is  "  doing  "  in  a  social  way.  They  make  the  rural 
church,  grange,  and  school  as  efficient  as  anything  of  the 
kind  in  the  city.  The  interurban  trolley  gives  many  a  rural 
district  quick  service  for  passengers  and  freight.  The  rural 
mail  delivery  brings  the  daily  paper  and  social  or  business 
correspondence  almost  to  the  farmer's  door.  The  parcel 
post  has  in  some  sections  become  of  great  significance  in  fur- 
nishing quick  delivery  of  farm  products  and  in  bringing  goods 
from  town  that  the  farmer  needs. 

The  up-to-date  farmer  is  getting  these  conveniences.  Ag- 
ricultural states  such  as  South  Dakota  and  Nebraska  have 
more  automobiles  in  proportion  to  population  than  any 
others.  Iowa  has  the  largest  proportion  of  telephones.  Ex- 
tend these  facilities  for  keeping  in  touch  with  the  world  to  every 
rural  neighborhood,  and  we  shall  find  not  only  the  farmer 
but  the  whole  nation  happier  and  far  more  prosperous. 


Making  America  Prosperous 


235 


113.  Who  Shall  Do  This  Work  ?  —  Who  shall  do  the  work 
of  serving  the  public  through  the  various  means  of  trans- 
portation and  communication?  Certainly  those  whose  man- 
agement can  display  the  greatest  economy,  the  best  service, 
and  the  wisest  administration.  At  least  four  classes  of 
people  are  directly  interested  in  this  problem,  each  of  whom 
may  look  at  it  from  a  different  angle :  (1)  the  managers  and 
executives,  who  have  the  responsibility  for  mapping  out  poli- 


Courtesy  Air  Service. 


The  NC-4  in  Flight. 
This  was  the  first  American  airplane  to  cross  the  Atlantic, 
roundabout  route  by  way  of  the  Azoree  Islands. 


It  took  a 


cies  and  programs  and  making  them  succeed  ;  (2)  the  employ- 
ees, whose  labor  obtains  their  bread  and  butter  and  who  are 
acquiring  a  constantly  increasing  sense  of  their  own  impor- 
tance in  the  business ;  (3)  the  investors,  who  bought  stock  when 
the  enterprise  was  started  or  have  loaned  money  through  the 
purchase  of  bonds,  and  whose  concern  is  in  getting  returns 
from  their  investments ;  and  (4)  the  public,  who  make  these 
utilities  possible  by  paying  for  the  use  of  them,  and  who  h&.we 


236         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

allowed  themselves  to  become  almost  wholly  dependent  on 
them  for  comfort  and  happiness. 

Three  possible  methods  of  management  are  available :  (1)  to 
look  upon  the  business  of  transportation  and  communication 
as  upon  any  ordinary  business  enterprise  and  leave  it  for  pri- 
vate initiative  and  operation  ;  (2)  to  think  of  it  as  primarily 
private  business,  but  to  keep  it  under  careful  public  super- 
vision ;  (3)  to  include  it  as  a  function  of  the  government.  The 
first  and  third  groups  of  interested  parties  would  probably 
prefer  the  first-mentioned  method  of  management ;  but  the 
fourth  group,  the  public,  by  far  the  largest  group  of  all,  has 
learned  to  depend  so  utterly  upon  some  of  these  utilities  that 
it  will  never  agree  to  leave  them  wholly  in  private  hands  to  be 
managed  with  no  other  thought  than  the  profits  of  private 
citizens.  Besides,  we  have  already  pointed  out  that  most 
public  utilities  are  under  obligation  to  national  state  or  local 
governments  because  they  have  received  grants  of  land  or 
franchises  from  these  governments.  Further,  they  are  often 
given  the  right  of  eminent  domain,  and  very  often  their  loca- 
tion is  such  as  to  make  them  monopolies  (§§142-146). 

Our  choice,  then,  must  fall  upon  either  the  second  or  third 
of  the  above  propositions.  We  will  reserve  until  later  (§147) 
the  argument  for  and  against  public  ownership.  Suffice  it  to 
say  here  that  the  welfare  of  all  the  people  must  have  first 
consideration  in  such  matters  as  these,  and  that  the  proper 
policy  is  still  an  undecided  question.  Perhaps  just  now  we 
need  an  open  mind  upon  it  as 'much  as  anything  else. 

What  would  be  the  probable  attitude  of  each  of  the  four  in- 
terested groups  toward  each  of  the  three  propositions  for  man- 
agement? Why?  Is  any  one  of  the  four  groups  likely  to  ap- 
proach the  question  in  a  wholly  impartial  manner? 

.*.  Modern  industry  and  social  life  would  perish  without  elaborate 
transportation  facilities.  Each  of  the  many  forms,  even  the  slowest, 
can  render  great  service.  The  public  welfare  requires  that  these 
agencies  should  no  longer  be  considered  of  purely  private  concern, 
and  warrants  extensive  governmental  interest  and  supervision. 


Making  America  Prosperous  237 

SPECIAL    STUDIES 

Highway  Construction,  Ancient  and  Modern. 

American  Canals. 

The  Development  of  Railroad  Equipment. 

The  Growth  of  Railway  Systems. 

Railroad  Kings. 

Local  Problems  in  Transportation. 

Street  Railway  Costs  and  Fares. 

The  Horseless  Carriage. 

Accomplishment  and  Prospect  in  Air  Traffic. 

The  Story  of  Our  Post  Office. 

The  History  of  American  Telegraphy. 

Transportation  as  a  Factor  in  American  History. 

The  Telephone  and  Its  Services. 

Wireless  Wonders. 

Inventors  That  Have  Aided  Transportation  and  Communication 

The  Country  Road. 

National  Highways. 

REFERENCE     READINGS 

Bogart  —  Economic  History,  Chapters  15,  16,  24,  25. 

Roper  —  The  United  States  Post  Office. 

Carver  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapter  19. 

Carney  —  Country  Life  and  the  Country  School,  Chapter  6. 

Burch  —  American  Economic  Life,  Chapters  12,  29,  30. 

Carlton  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapter  12. 

Cleveland  and  Sehafer  —  Democracy  in  Reconstruction,  Chapters 

15-18. 
Thompson  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapter  12. 
■  Johnson  —  American  Railway  Transportation. 
Beard — American  City  Government,  Chapter  7. 
Beard  —  American  Government  and  Politics,  Chapter  19. 
Hart  —  Actual  Government,  Chapters  26,  27. 
Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  B-10,  B-27,  C-1,  C-27, 

C-28. 
Gillette — Constructive  Rural  Sociology,  Chapter  11. 


238         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

B.  Conveniences  For  Conducting  Trade 

To  carry  goods  from  the  place  where  they  are  made  to  the  place 
where  they  are  wanted  is  an  accomplishment  greatly  worth  while. 
But  we  must  have  some  arrangement  by  which  the  title  to  and  pos- 
session of  these  goods  can  pass  from  one  person  to  another.  Here 
is  where  the  process  which  we  call  exchange  occurs.  What  conven- 
iences has  man  developed  for  this  purpose?  How  has  he  en- 
deavored to  safeguard  them  from  abuse? 

114.  Money  and  What  It  Does.  —  When  a  small  boy 
swaps  a  bean  shooter  for  six  marbles,  he  engages  in  the  oldest 
and  simplest  kind  of  trade,  known  as  barter.  But  its  sim- 
plicity does  not  make  it  practicable  on  a  large  scale.  A  tailor 
may  have  a  coat  and  want  to  exchange  it  for  a  pair  of  shoes, 
but  if  he  can  not  find  a  shoemaker  who  wants  a  coat,  he  is 
"  out  of  luck."  And  so  men  have  had  to  find  some  sub- 
stance or  commodity  that  all  would  accept  in  exchange  for 
the  goods  they  had  to  dispose  of. 

Money  may  therefore  be  defined  as  any  commodity  gener- 
ally accepted  in  exchange  for  goods  or  services.  It  performs 
at  least  four  functions. 

(1)  It  serves  as  a  medium  of  exchange.  It  abolishes  the  in- 
convenience of  barter.  If  you  do  not  have  the  thing  I 
want,  after  I  have  worked  for  you,  you  can  give  me  money 
and  with  it  I  can  obtain  my  wishes  from  somebody  else. 

(2)  It  is  a  measure  of  value.  We  speak,  for  instance,  of  a 
"  five-dollar  hat."  With  a  dollar  or  some  other  money 
standard  we  can  estimate  the  exchange  value  of  anything,  and 
compare  it  with  our  income  or  with  any  other  thing.  Value  in 
use  cannot,  of  course,  be  measured  in  money,  for  almost  any 
article  would  be  far  less  useful  to  one  person  then  another. 

(3)  It  serves  as  a  standard  for  future  payment.  Money  is 
likely  to  have  about  the  same  value  a  year  from  now  as  it  has 
today.  We  can  therefore  make  a  trade  on  today's  market  and 
defer  payment  until  a  time  suitable  to  both  parties  to  the 
trade,  whereas  barter  would  require  the  actual  and  usually 
the  immediate  exchange  of  articles. 


Making  America  Prosperous  239 

(4)  It  makes  savings  possible.  A  dealer  in  milk  could  not  hope 
to  store  up  something  for  his  old  age,  if  there  were  no  money. 
But  as  it  is,  he  can  sell  his  milk  and  save  the  money.  A 
hundred  hats  saved  up  would  be  of  little  use  to  an  old  man, 
but  the  money  received  from  their  sale  might  help  him 
very  greatly.  Without  money  or  something  that  represents 
money,  civilization  and  progress  would  be  almost  impossible. 
There  would  be  little  commerce.  Men  could  be  paid  for 
services  only  by  giving  them  goods  or  exchanging  other  ser- 
vices. Large  scale  production  would  be  absolutely  out  of 
the  question. 

To  what  extent  is  barter  carried  on  today?  If  a  community  pro- 
duced everything  its  people  needed,  would  money  be  required  ? 

115.  Materials  That  Are  Good  for  Money.  —  Only  a  few 
commodities  are  really  serviceable  for  money,  for  a  commodity 
must  possess  several  qualities  at  the  same  time  if  everybody 
is  to  be  willing  to  accept  it.  Some  of  the  qualities  necessary 
for  a  good  medium  of  exchange  are  these : 

(1)  Value  in  itself.  —  One  can  hardly  be  expected  to  accept 
something  in  exchange  for  any  service  or  valuable  article  if 
this  medium  of  exchange  is  worthless. 

(2)  Portability.  —  For  convenience,  it  must  neither  be  very 
large  and  heavy,  nor  too  small  and  easy  to  lose. 

(3)  Durability.  —  It  must  not  wear  out,  even  with  frequent 
use. 

(4)  Homogeneity.  —  The  substance  should  be  such  that 
whatever  part  of  it  is  used  will  have  the  same  qualities  as 
every  other  part. 

(5)  Divisibility.  —  We  should  be  able  to  use  different 
amounts  of  it  to  represent  various  values. 

(6)  Stability.  —  To  be  a  standard  by  which  other  things  are 
measured,  money  itself  must  not  change  in  value  during  any 
short  period. 

(7)  Cognizability.  —  It  should  be  easily  distinguished  from 
other  articles,  and  hard  to  counterfeit. 


^40  Problems  of  American  Democracy- 
There  are  three  ways  in  which  an  article  may  become 
money,  other  than  by  common  consent  and  general  usage: 
(1)  when  the  government  will  redeem  it  for  something  of  value  ; 
(2)when  the  government  will  accept  it  in  payment  for  taxes  and 
duties ;  (3)  when  the  government  declares  it  "  legal  tender  " 
and  compels  its  acceptance.  The  last  method  usually  causes 
a  rise  in  prices,  since  people  distrust  and  resent  force  in  es- 
tablishing their  measure  of  value. 

The  Indians  used  wampum,  the  Spartans  iron,  certain  Africans 
salt,  other  ancient  people  oxen,  for  money.  What  deskable  qualities 
did  any  of  these  commodities  possess  or  lack?  How  would  alumi- 
num serve?  Marble?  Mahogany?  Tin?  To  what  extent  do 
gold  and  silver  possess  the  desirable  qualities  ?  To  what  extent  are 
these  qualities  enhanced  by  the  process  of  coining?  Why  is  it  best 
that  the  government,  rather  than  private  citizens,  should  provide 
money? 

116.  American  Coinage  Laws.  —  During  much  of  the  his- 
tory of  our  country  there  has  been  a  continuous  struggle  for  a 
sound  national  currency.  The  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  contained  three  provisions  relating  to  this  matter. 
In  designating  the  powers  of  Congress,  it  mentions :  "To 
coin  money,  .  .  .  and  fix  the  standards  of  weights  and 
measures  " ;  "To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counter- 
feiting the  securities  and  current  coin  of  the  United  States"  ; 
besides:  "No  state  shall  .  .  .  coin  money;  emit  bills 
of  credit ;  make  anything  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender  in 
payment  of  debts."  The  regulation  of  currency  is  therefore 
a  purely  national  problem  and  is  wholly  placed  in  the  hands  of 
the  national  government. 

In  1792  the  first  national  mint  was  established  at  Phila- 
delphia. It  issued  coins  on  the  admirable  decimal  system 
recommended  by  Thomas  Jefferson  in  1784  —  the  system 
which  is  still  employed  by  the  United  States.  A  double 
standard  was  adopted  and  15  ounces  of  silver  were  declared 
equal  to  1  ounce  of  gold.  Coinage  of  both  metals  was  made 
free  and  unlimited  —  that  is,  any  person  having  the  bullion 


Making  America  Prosperous 


241 


could  have  it  coined  at  the  mint  with  no  charge  except  for  the 
work  of  coinage.  In  1834  the  ratio  was  changed  to  about 
16  to  1.  So  the  law  remained  till  1873,  when  a  new  coinage 
act  was  passed  which  dropped  the  silver  dollar  from  the  list  of 
coins. 

From  this  time  on  a  bitter  fight  was  waged  over  the  ques- 
tion of  monometallism  or  bimetallism.     Should  our  country 


International 
Weighing  Gold  at  the  Assay  Office. 

Gold  bars  when  imported  or  purchased  from  the  mines  are  weighed  with 
great  care  and  exactness. 


use  just  one  metal  as  the  standard  of  its  currency,  or  have  a 
double  standard,  both  gold  and  silver?  It  seems  almost 
self-evident  that  to  keep  gold  and  silver  at  the  same  relative 
value  with  each  other  would  be  a  task  differing  only  in  degree 
from  trying  to  establish  an  unchanging  ratio  between  gold 
and  potatoes.  By  a  principle  known  as  Gresham's  law,  if 
two  kinds  of  money  are  in  circulation  and  one  is  really  worth 
less  as  bullion  than  it  is  for  coinage,  the  less  valuable  money 


242         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

will  be  used  and  the  other  will  be  hoarded  and  withdrawn 
from  circulation. 

Other  civilized  nations  adopted  gold  as  the  single  standard 
of  their  currency  systems ;  and  finally,  in  1900,  our  Congress 
passed  an  act  which  declared  the  gold  dollar  to  be  the  stan- 
dard unit  of  value  and  its  standard  weight  to  be  23.22  grains, 
plus  the  necessary  alloy.  This  dollar  is  not  coined  because  it 
would  be  very  small  and  therefore  quite  easily  lost. 

By  this  act  the  legal  tender  quality  of  the  silver  dollar  re- 
mained undisturbed,  and  though  for  several  years  none  were 
coined,  there  are  yet  many  of  these  ''  cartwheels  "  in  circula- 
tion and  many  millions  more  stored  in  the  keeping  of  the 
Treasury  Department.  For  small  silver  coins,  as  for  the 
"  nickels  "  and  cents,  the  government  buys  in  the  open  mar- 
ket the  metal  which  it  needs. 

Why  should  the  national  government,  rather  than  the  states, 
control  our  currency?  What  considerations  should  determine  the 
denominations  of  our  coins  and  the  number  minted  of  each  denomi- 
nation? May  five-cent  pieces,  for  example,  be  more  useful  in  one 
section  of  the  country  than  another?  Why  do  we  no  longer  have 
two-cent  and  three-cent  pieces? 

117.  Substitutes  for  Coin.  —  You  might  naturally  wonder, 
in  reading  a  long  list  of  qualities  desirable  in  money,  how  we 
can  possibly  have  paper  money.  We  have  five  or  six  kinds  of 
paper  money,  which  are  really  only  promises  to  pay,  and  not 
money  at  all.  But  they  have  in  a  high  degree  some  of  its 
desirable  qualities.  Since  gold  and  silver  are  not  convenient 
to  carry  about  in  very  large  quantities,  paper  supplies  the 
need  for  portable  money.  Besides,  if  all  our  currency  had  to 
be  coin,  it  would  make  too  severe  a  drain  on  our  stock  of 
precious  metals.  The  value  of  the  gold  in  all  the  world  is 
probably  not  over  $11,000,000,000. 

Gold  certificates  represent  gold  coin  or  bullion  in  the 
treasury  of  the  United  States.  Silver  certificates  represent 
silver  coin  in  the  treasury.  The  United  States  notes  are  the 
"  greenbacks,"    first  issued  in  the  Civil  War  period.     They 


Making  America  Prosperous  243 

were  made  legal  tender,  that  is,  any  person  must  accept  them 
in  payment  of  a  debt ;  but  they  are  nothing  more  than  Uncle 
Sam's  promise  to  pay,  for  while  a  certain  amount  of  gold  is 
kept  in  ''  reserve  "  to  back  them  up,  it  is  less  than  half  the 
amount  of  notes  in  circulation.  National  hank  notes  are 
issued  by  individual  national  banks  and  were  originally  based 
on  government  bonds  held  by  the  banks.  Federal  Reserve 
notes  and  Federal  Reserve  hank  notes  are  issued  by  Federal 


A  State  Bank  Note. 

In  principle  there  is  no  difference  between  the  note  shown  above  and  a 
United  States  Note  or  a  Federal  Reserve  Note,  for  they  all  promise  to  pay. 
But  the  State  Bank  Note  was  only  as  good  as  the  credit  of  that  particular 
bank,  while  the  others  have  the  credit  of  the  United  States  back  of  them. 
After  our  national  bank  system  was  created  in  1863,  it  was  deemed  wise 
to  get  rid  of  these  state  bank  notes.  So  a  law  was  passed  in  1865,  putting 
so  high  a  tax  on  them  that  it  became  unprofitable  for  State  banks  to  issue 
them. 

Reserve  Banks  on  the  basis  of  bonds  and  other  commercial 
securities  held  by  these  banks  (§  120). 

While  only  United  States  notes  are  legal  tender,  we  accept 
all  paper  money  with  equal  satisfaction,  because  it  is  all 
backed  either  by  actual  funds  or  by  the  government's  word 
and  is  usually  readily  exchangeable  for  coin  if  we  want  it. 

Do  we  like  to  take  foreign  paper  money  in  this  country?  Why? 
What  customs  prevail  in  different  sections  in  regard  to  foreign  coin? 
How  far  does  paper  money  fail  to  fulfill  the  desired  standards  of 
money?  Why  not  quit  coining  money,  and  let  the  government 
issue  legal  tender  paper  money  instead  ? 


244         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  different  forms  of  credit  are  also  substitutes  for  coin  as 
well  as  for  paper  money.  But  this  topic  is  so  important  that 
it  deserves  to  be  treated  by  itself. 

118.  Credit  and  Its  Uses.  —  Probably  ninety-five  per  cent 
of  the  business  of  the  country,  in  amount,  is  done  by  the  use  of 
credit.  And  what  is  credit  f  It  is  the  giving  or  receiving  of  a 
promise  to  pay  in  place  of  immediate  money  payment.  Our 
modern  business  is  virtually  built  on  credit.  Here  are  some 
of  its  uses : 

( 1 )  It  offers  convenience  and  safety  in  business.  People  do 
not  like  to  carry  large  sums  of  money  with  them.  Credit 
enables  them  to  make  trades  without  any  transfer  of  actual 
money. 

(2)  It  encourages  commercial  transactions  between  people 
in  different  parts  of  the  coimtry  and  of  the  world.  Such  trade 
would  be  almost  impossible  if  money  had  to  be  transported 
for  long  distances.  With  it  we  can  do  business  in  London  or 
Tokio  almost  as  conveniently  as  with  the  comer  grocery. 

(3)  It  encourages  business  activity  by  making  possible 
many  enterprises  that  could  not  be  undertaken  if  money 
had  to  be  used.  Banks,  great  corporations,  department 
stores,  or  public  works  could  hardly  be  carried  on  without 
the  use  of  credit. 

(4)  It  increases  the  number  of  business  transactions. 
Many  people  will  buy  more  on  credit  than  they  would  if  they 
had  to  pay  actual  cash  for  it.  Department  stores  and  other 
establishments  realize  this  fact  and  extend  credit  to  a  great 
many  people. 

(5)  It  economizes  the  precious  metals.  Credit  makes  it 
unnecessary  to  use  so  much  gold  and  silver  for  money,  and 
saves  it  for  other  purposes. 

(6)  It  encourages  savings  and  investments  by  people  who 
can  lay  by  only  a  small  sum  at  one  time  and  would  be  afraid 
or  unable  to  invest  it  profitably.  Credit  makes  it  possible 
to  collect  these  small  savings  and  through  a  bank  or  similar 
agency  put  it  to  work  profitably. 


Making  America  Prosperous  245 

The  forms  of  commercial  paper  used  in  giving  or  receiving  credit 
are  known  as  credit  instruments. 

(1)  Book  credit  calls  for  the  keeping  of  "charge  accounts"  in 

stores  or  other  commercial  institutions.  It  means  Httle 
more  than  a  deferment  of  payment  for  a  short  time. 

(2)  A  check  is  a  written  order  directing  a  bank  in  which  a  person 

has  money  to  pay  a  stipulated  sum  to  some  person  or  to  his 
order. 

(3)  A  draft  is  much  like  a  check  except  that  it  may  be  drawn  on  a 

firm  or  individual  with  which  a  person  has  a  regular  busi- 
ness account,  as  well  as  on  a  bank,  and  often  specifies  a 
date  for  payment. 

(4)  A  bill  of  exchange  is  written  on  the  same  principle  as  a  draft, 

but  is  generally  more  complicated  in  form,  and  made  out  in 
triplicate,  for  safety.  It  is  commonly  used  in  transactions 
between  people  in  different  countries. 

(5)  A  promissory  note  is  a  Ayritten  agreement  to  pay  money  at  a 

certain  time,  together  with  the  amount  of  interest  specified 
in  the  note. 

(6)  The  trade  acceptance  is  now  a  common  credit  instrument. 

This  is  virtually  an  order  to  a  person  or  firm  that  has 
bought  goods,  telling  him  to  pay  to  some  bank  at  a  partic- 
ular time  the  price  of  the  orders.     The  buyer  "  accepts  " 
it  by  writing  the  proper  indorsement  across  the  face  of  the 
order.     Then  the  seller  can  have  it  discounted  at  his  bank 
as  if  it  were  a  note,  and  the  bank  will  call  upon  the  buyer's 
bank  for  payment  at  the  proper  time. 
If  we  were  trying  to  list  all  the  forms  of  credit  we  should  have 
to  include  post  oflBce  and  express  money  orders,  traveler's  checks, 
and  the  like.     Stocks  and  bonds  also  are  certificates  that  represent 
money  invested  in  or  loaned  to  a  corporation.     Naturally  a  person 
cannot  be  compelled  to  accept  any  of  these  substitutes  for  money, 
but  business  men  often  prefer  to  use  them. 

What  particular  advantages  attend  the  use  of  each  of  the  forms  of 
credit  instruments  mentioned  here? 

119.  The  Services  of  Banks.  —  There  is  almost  no  limit  to 
the  services  banks  can  render  to  a  community.  They  are  a 
sort  of  universal  middle  man,  giving  assistance  to  any  and 
every  sound  financial  enterprise.  They  may  even  make  or 
ruin  a  man's  fortune  by  helping  or  refusing  to  help  him  at  a 
time  when  he  is  in  financial  straits.    They  are  a  balance  wheel 


246         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

for  the  business  world.     If  a  community's  banks  are  not 
sound,  its  prospects  for  prosperity  are  slight. 

In  one  sense  a  bank  is  simply  a  corporation  engaged  in  the 
business  of  handhng  money.  Its  management  is  in  part  like 
that  of  any  corporation  (§  137).  National  banks  are  char- 
tered and  inspected  by  the  national  government,  state  banks 
by  the  state  government.  Trust  companies  look  after  estates 
and  investments  in  addition  to  their  general  banking  business. 
The  chief  services  of  banking  institutions  are  the  following : 

(1)  Banks  receive  money  and  other  valuables  and  keep 
them  safe.  This  was  the  first  purpose  for  which  banks  were 
founded. 

(2)  They  lend  money  and  credit,  charging  interest  for  the 
time  that  the  loan  is  made  use  of.  By  lending  credit  we 
mean  allowing  a  person  to  receive  a  certain  amount  on  his 
checking  account  instead  of  in  cash.  Of  course  he  pays  in- 
terest the  same  as  if  he  actually  received  money. 

(3)  They  discount  notes,  drafts,  and  trade  acceptances. 
If  a  person  wishes  cash  on  any  one  of  these  before  it  is  due, 
he  virtually  sells  it  to  a  bank,  which  gives  him  the  face  value 
less  the  interest  up  to  the  time  it  is  due.  When  that  time 
comes,  it  collects  the  amount  from  the  one  who  owes  it. 

(4)  They  keep  a  checking  department,  sometimes  paying 
a  small  interest  on  amounts  left  in  it  under  certain  conditions. 
This  is  of  enormous  service  to  the  business  world  and  to  many 
other  people  who  use  it  for  practically  all  payments  except  the 
very  smallest. 

(5)  Some  banks  maintain  a  savings  department,  in  which 
deposits  are  expected  to  be  kept  for  a  relatively  long  period  and 
on  which  four  per  cent  interest,  perhaps,  is  paid.  Some  in- 
stitutions do  this  kind  of  business  and  no  other,  lending  out 
their  deposits  on  real  estate  mortgages  and  in  other  safe  ways 
for  a  longer  time  than  the  regular  commercial  bank  can  wisely 
doit. 

The  bank  is  really  the  agency  that  makes  the  use  of  credit 
possible.     It  facilitates  the  use  of  every  kind  of  credit  instru- 


Making  America  Prosperous  247 

ment  and  is  particularly  serviceable  in  bringing  together 
small  savings  so  that  they  can  be  turned  to  profitable  in- 
vestment. Its  work  deserves  both  the  strictest  safeguards 
and  high  appreciation. 

In  how  many  ways  have  you  or  your  family  ever  made  use  of  a 
bank?  Should  banks  be  made  a  direct  branch  of  the  government, 
instead  of  merely  being  supervised  by  national  or  state  agents? 
How  can  banks  help  or  hinder  the  solution  of  housing  and  the  local 
problems? 

120.  The  Federal  Banking  System.  —  If  banks  mean  so 
much  to  the  country's  finances,  they  should  be  so  correlated 
and  administered  as  to  serve  the  whole  country's  welfare. 
Our  coinage  and  currency  system  was  formerly  so  organized 
that  just  when  business  men  needed  to  have  money  in  circu- 
lation it  showed  a  tendency  to  tie  itself  up  and  throw  the 
country  into  a  financial  panic.  Our  business  relations  are  so 
complex  that  disaster  to  one  firm  may  bring  disaster  to  an- 
other. Why  not,  then,  so  organize  our  financial  system  as  to 
encourage  cooperation  at  all  times,  particularly  in  times  of 
stress,  and  thus  avert  misfortune? 

For  such  a  purpose  the  federal  Reserve  system  was  estab- 
hshed  in  1913  by  the  Glass-Owen  Act.  The  country  is  di- 
vided into  twelve  districts,  each  having  a  Federal  Reserve 
Bank  in  an  important  city.  Each  of  these  has  branches  in 
other  important  cities  of  its  district.  At  the  head  of  the 
system  is  a  board  of  eight  men,  including  the  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  and  the  Comptroller  of  the  Currency,  and  six  others 
appointed  by  the  President  for  ten-year  terms. 

Each  Reserve  Bank  also  has  a  Board  of  Directors  of  nine 
members,  three  appointed  by  the  Federal  Reserve  Board  and 
six  elected  by  the  banks  in  the  district.  Reserve  banks  carry 
on  business  only  with  local  banks ;  they  are  a  bank  for  banks, 
rendering  about  the  same  kind  of  service  to  them  that  the 
local  bank  does  for  individuals.  All  national  banks  are  com- 
pelled to  join  the  system ;  state  banks  may  join,  and  almost 
all  of  them  have  done  so.     Each  member  bank  must  sub- 


248         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

scribe  to  the  stock  of  its  Reserve  Bank  and  deposit  with  it  a 
certain  amount  of  government  bonds.  In  return  they  are 
given  Federal  Reserve  currency,  and  offered  whatever  con- 
veniences and  service  may  be  wise  and  suitable.  The  Fed- 
eral Reserve  system  has  been  of  great  service  to  the  nation. 
In  spite  of  the  Great  War  and  the  subsequent  *'  hard  times, '^ 
it  kept  the  nation's  financial  system  safe  and  sound. 

We  must  not  confuse  the  Federal  Reserve  system  with 
the  Federal  Farm  Loan  system.  Under  the  latter  also  the 
country  is  divided  into  twelve  districts  with  a  central  bank  in 
each,  but  the  boundaries  of  the  districts  are  not  the  same,  nor 
are  the  banks  in  the  same  cities  as  the  Reserve  banks,  with  one 
exception. 

The  object  of  the  Farm  Loan  system  was  to  give  the  farmer 
the  same  financial  advantages  as  the  city  man.  Before  it 
was  started  it  was  hard  for  him  to  get  money.  City  banks 
would  not  lend  it  readily,  money  ''  sharps  "  tried  to  cheat 
him,  and  our  most  important  industry,  food-raising,  was  in 
danger -of  bankruptcy.  The  Farm  Loan  banks  do  business 
through  farm  loan  associations,  which  may  be  formed  by  any 
ten  farmers  in  any  district  for  the  purpose  of  borrowing  money. 
Through  these  associations  loans  are  obtained  by  members 
for  not  less  than  five  years,  and  may  be  taken  to  the  extent  of 
fifty  per  cent  of  the  value  of  the  farmer's  property.  If  his 
property  is  already  mortgaged  he  may  get  this  money  only  if 
he  immediately  pays  off  the  mortgage  with  it.  In  the  first 
eight  months  nearly  $30,000,000  was  loaned,  in  two  years  and 
eight  months  one-third  of  a  billion !  They  have  surely  made 
good. 

In  which  federal  reserve  district  is  your  community?  Where  is 
your  reserve  bank  situated  ?  Do  people  in  your  neighborhood  make 
any  use  of  the  farm  loan  banks  ?  How  much  good  have  those  banks 
done  ? 

121.  Credit  and  Caution.  —  Credit  is  so  useful  that  we 
must  take  care  that  it  is  not  used  wrongly.  People  sometimes 
abuse  credit,  for  example,  by  overdrawing  their  accounts  at 


Making  America  Prosperous 


249 


banks.  It  is  generally  a  sign  of  carelessness,  or  worse,  when  a 
check  comes  back  marked  "  N.  S.  F.'*  Book  credit,  too, 
encourages  some  people  to  be  extravagant.  They  buy  a 
great  deal  more  when 
they  can  say  ''  charge  it  " 
than  if  they  had  to  pay 
cash.  Stock  gambling, 
such  as  occurs  when  peo- 
ple buy  and  sell  on  "  mar- 
gins," paying  down  only 
a  small  fraction  of  the 
value  of  the  stock,  is 
another  misuse  of  credit. 
When  a  corporation  issues 
*' watered  stock,"  which 
does  not  represent  any 
additional  capital  put  into 
the  business,  but  on  which 
it  expects  to  pay  divi- 
dends, we  have  still  an- 
other abuse. 

A  valuable  service  is 
rendered  by  such  agencies 
as  Dun  and  Bradstreet, 
who  prepare  lists  of  per- 
sons or  firms  with  a  finan- 
cial rating  corresponding 
to  their  soundness  or 
promptness  in  meeting 
their  obligations.  It  is 
worthwhile  for  a  business 
man  to  be  rated  high  in 
their  lists,  for  then  he  will 
seldom  meet  with  diffi- 
culty when  he  asks  for 
credit. 


Copyright,  Underwood&  Underwood. 
In  New  York's  Financial  District. 

We  are  looking  up  Broad  Street  toward 
Wall  Street.  A  corner  of  the  United 
States  Treasury  building  is  visible  at  the 
upper  end  of  the  street.  The  crowd  in 
the  street  are  curb  brokers  who  are  en- 
gaged in  buying  and  selling  stocks  not 
sold  in  the  Stock  Exchange.  The  curb 
brokers  now  carry  on  their  operations  in 
a  building  of  their  own  some  little  dis- 
tance away. 


250         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Is  a  person  ever  excusable  for  overdrawing  his  checking  account  ? 
Does  your  state  consider  such  an  act  a  crime?  Why  do  some 
people  have  everything  charged  which  they  buy  ?  Would  an  honest 
man  or  firm  ever  be  given  a  low  rating  by  Dun  or  Bradstreet  ?  Are 
all  business  failures  due  to  dishonesty  ? 

Even  barjis  sometimes  go  wrong  in  the  use  of  credit.  Bank 
officials  may  use  poor  judgment  in  making  a  loan  and  rarely  a 
dishonest  person  may  get  the  better  of  them.  In  lending 
their  credit,  banks  may  be  tempted  to  go  too  far.  It  is  so 
easy  to  make  profits  this  way,  that  they  sometimes  tie  up 
too  much  in  such  loans,  and  get  into  difficulty  when  demands 
are  made  for  the  withdrawal  of  a  large  amount.  But  banks 
endeavor  to  play  safe,  for  their  depositors  and  for  themselves. 
When  a  person  deposits  money,  the  sum  is  entered  in  his  bank 
book.  But  national  and  state  laws  provide  that  depositors 
shall  be  paid,  in  case  of  failure,  before  anything  else  is  paid. 
Stockholders  may  be  assessed,  if  necessary,  for  this  purpose. 
In  six  states  ^  the  state  government  has  guaranteed  the 
security  of  funds  deposited  in  state  banks.  But  some 
believe  that  such  a  practice  would  do  harm  by  making 
banks  less  careful  in  handling  their  business.  Inspectors, 
state  or  national,  as  the  case  may  be,  visit  banks  at  irregular 
intervals,  and  statements  of  a  bank's  financial  condition 
are  published  in  the  newspapers,  so  that  everybody  may  know 
about  it. 

Study  one  of  these  bank  statements  and  familiarize  yourself 
with  the  meaning  of  its  various  items. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  bank  protects  itself  by  requiring 
identification  before  it  will  cash  checks  or  give  out  money. 
When  banks  lend  money,  they  demand  that  a  person  shall 
offer  as  assurance  of  payment  some  kind  of  security  that  will 
more  than  cover  the  amount  of  the  loan.  The  board  of  di- 
rectors usually  agree  upon  any  loan  that  is  to  be  made.  Loans 
are  for  short  periods  —  30,  60,  or  90  days,  or  on  ''  call  "  — 


1  Oklahoma,  Nebraska,  Kansas,  Mississippi,  South  Dakota,  and  Wash- 
ington. 


Making  America  Prosperous  251 

in  order  that  no  money  will  be  tied  up  for  any  great  length  of 
time,  and  the  intention  is  to  arrange  the  times  when  they  are 
to  be  repaid  so  that  the  bank's  funds  will  be  reasonably  con- 
stant. Often  when  promissory  notes  are  accepted,  the  bank 
requires  the  indorsement  of  other  reliable  people  in  addition 
to  the  signer.  Then  if  necessary  it  can  call  upon  the  indorsers 
to  make  the  note  good. 

A  bank  always  keeps  a  part  of  its  deposits  as  ** reserves." 
Of  course  that  is  not  enough  to  repay  all  its  deposits,  but  it  is 
more  than  is  likely  to  be  called  for  at  any  one  time.  If  a  bank 
has  been  honestly  and  wisely  managed,  its  neighbor  banks  will 
usually  help  it  out  when  a  "  run  "  is  started  upon  it  without 
reason.  It  would  be  hard  to  find  a  safer  place  for  money  than 
the  bank. 

For  their  own  convenience,  the  banks  in  each  large  city  have 
established  a  clearing  house.  This  is  an  institution  in  which 
returns  from  all  banks  in  a  city  are  gathered  every  business 
day.  The  checks  and  drafts  on  various  banks  are  sorted  and 
sent  to  the  bank  on  which  they  are  drawn,  and  accounts  are 
balanced  up  very  easily.  This  does  away  with  the  endless 
confusion  that  would  result  if  each  bank  tried  to  settle  ac- 
counts every  day  with  every  other  bank.  In  1920,  accounts 
amounting  to  $463,000,000,000  passed  through  all  the  clearing 
houses.  This  was  sixty  times  as  much  money  as  there  was 
then  in  the  United  States.  The  local  clearing  house  also 
gives  financial  help  at  times  to  banks  that  have  met  with  a 
little  temporary  difiiculty  but  are  really  sound. 

If  your  community  has  a  clearing  house,  where  is  it  located  ?  If  it 
has  none,  find  out  how  your  local  banks  get  the  work  done  which  a 
clearing  house  would  do. 

122.  Hard  Times  in  Business.  —  The  biggest  factor  in  the 
use  of  credit  is  confidence.  If  everybody  could  and  did  trust 
everybody  else,  we  should  have  few  financial  troubles.  But 
as  soon  as  a  business  man  is  in  trouble  or  people  think  he  is 
going  to  be,  things  begin.  Nobody  knows  who  is  going  to  fail 
next,  and  everybody  is  worried.     If  one  large  borrower  fails 


252         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

to  repay  what  he  owes  a  bank,  the  bank  may  not  be  able  to 
pay  back  its  depositors  and  may  close  its  doors.  News  of  this 
misfortune  may  cause  a  run  on  some  other  bank  and  work  up 
a  great  deal  of  excitement.  People  try  to  get  hold  of  all  the 
money  they  can  without  letting  any  of  it  out  of  their  posses- 
sion. Naturally  this  *'  panic  "  causes  currency  to  become 
scarce,  and  people  have  neither  cash  nor  credit.  Somewhat 
similar  conditions  may  exist  in  an  "  industrial  depression, '^ 
but  this  is  a  period  when  there  is  a  general  slow-down  of  pro- 
duction because  of  inability  to  dispose  of  goods,  rather  than 
because  of  a  sudden  collapse  of  confidence. 

But  why  do  these  things  happen?  "Overproduction,'* 
say  some  —  that  is,  producers  have  got  more  goods  ready  for 
market  than  buyers  wiU  take.  But  others  declare  that  while 
there  may  be  disproportionate  production,  there  is  no  such 
thing  rs  overproduction  in  all  hnes  at  once.  Some  have 
argued  that  a  period  of  disturbance  is  likely  to  come  about 
every  twenty  years.  Such  ''  periodicity  "  has  been  the  case 
in  our  history,  but  it  seems  foohsh  to  think  we  cannot  help  it. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  speculation  has  bad  results.  It 
draws  money  from  established  business  and  puts  an  over- 
abundance in  new  industries.  Unwise  railroad  building  and 
land  "  booms  "  are  instances  of  this  kind  of  thing.  Finally 
the  bottom  drops  out  of  these  ventures  because  there  are  not 
enough  settled  customers  to  keep  them  going.  Then  the 
speculators  go  into  bankruptcy,  and  take  some  of  their  credi- 
tors along  with  them. 

Wars  always  upset  business.  For  a  while  they  stimulate  it 
unduly.  Everybody  is  at  work.  Wages  and  prices  go  up. 
People  try  to  keep  up  with  the  high  prices  without  restraining 
their  desires,  until  the  limit  of  tolerance  is  reached.  Then 
suddenly  the  public  stops  buying  things  that  it  does  not  need. 
Producers  who  failed  to  realize  that  such  a  time  was  coming 
are  "  stuck  "  with  a  supply  of  goods  made  at  high  cost,  and 
are  unwilling  to  sell  them  at  prices  that  people  will  pay.  Men 
are  thrown  out  of  work  because  there  is  no  demand  for  the 


Making  America  Prosperous  253 

goods  they  make,  and  being  out  of  work  cannot  buy  the  goods 
others  have  to  sell.     Everything  is  tied  up. 

Ask  your  parents  about  some  panic  they  remember.  What  were 
the  general  financial  conditions  ? 

If  in  any  particular  case  of  "  hard  times  "  we  knew  that 
there  was  one  evident  cause,  perhaps  we  could  remove  it; 
but  since  they  are  often  the  result  of  a  combination  of  factors, 
or  a  different  factor  each  time,  we  hardly  know  what  to  do. 
Possibly,  like  boils,  they  must  be  allowed  to  run  their  course. 
We  cannot  stop  them  by  legislation,  because  as  long  as  people 
buy  and  sell  as  they  wish,  they  will  make  ruinous  mistakes. 
It  is  a  common  belief  now  that  business  conditions  move  in 
"cycles,"  certain  changes  following  one  another  in  a  sort  of 
regular  order.  The  study  of  this  subject  has  not  gone  far 
enough,  however,  to  enable  any  one  to  predict  with  certainty 
just  what  is  going  to  happen.  If  we  could  do  so  the  bad 
things  would  not  need  to  ''happen." 

It  is  often  urged  that  communities  shaU  enter  upon  public 
work  of  some  kind  to  give  jobs  to  the  unemployed.  '  This  may 
offer  temporary  relief  and  is  perhaps  not  so  expensive  as  out- 
right charity,  but  unnecessary  public  expense  will  be  felt  in 
the  taxpayer's  pocket  book  later,  to  his  regret.  Unwise 
producers  may  have  to  sell  their  stock  at  a  loss,  to  get  the 
public  into  the  buying  mood  again.  A  few  big  business  men 
with  "  nerve  "  enough  to  resume  production  on  a  normal 
basis,  in  the  faith  that  their  employees  will  then  be  able  to 
increase  the  demand  for  other  goods,  will  probably  have  to 
assume  the  responsibility  and  the  credit  of  getting  the  wheels 
of  industry  running  smoothly. 

As  preventive  measures,  about  all  we  can  do  is  to  encourage 
business  methods  that  are  at  once  enterprising  and  safe,  and 
insist  upon  the  most  careful  use  of  credit  instruments.  Un- 
less business  men  use  good  judgment  and  produce  according 
to  a  real,  not  an  artificial,  demand,  unless  speculation  can  be 
curbed,  and  credit  used  with  caution,  we  can  hardly  hope  to 
escape  business  depressions. 


254         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

.*.  Money  is  a  most  valuable  servant,  but  must  be  handled  with  care. 
Credit,  its  substitute,  is  even  more  useful  and  liable  to  abuse.  Govern- 
ments must  do  everything  possible  to  safeguard  the  use  of  these 
conveniences  ;  but  the  greatest  responsibility  rests  upon  the  individual 
buyers  and  sellers,  for  governments  cannot  put  brains  or  common 
sense  into  people's  heads. 

SPECIAL    STUDIES 

Trade  Among  Primitive  Peoples. 

Medieval  Methods  of  Exchange. 

The  Bank  of  England. 

The  Early  National  Banks. 

The  History  of  American  Coinage. 

American  Paper  Currency. 

The  Management  of  a  Modern  Bank. 

The  Stock  Exchange. 

Panics  and  Business  Depressions  in  Our  History. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Carver  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapters  24-26. 
Burch  —  American  Economic  Life,  Chapters  34-36. 
Laing  —  Introduction  to  Economics,  Chapters  13-19. 
Marshall  and  Lyon  —  Our  Economic  Organization,  Chapter  19. 
Thompson  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapters  15-17. 
Holdsworth  —  Money  and  Banking. 

Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapter  34. 
Adams  —  Description  of  Industry,  Chapters  8-12. 
Seager  —  Principles  of  Economics,  Chapters  19,  20. 
Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  A-21,  A-22,  A-23,  C-21, 
C-22,C-23,  C-24. 


C.    Trading  with  Other  Countries 

It  is  plain  enough  that  men  obtain  advantages  by  exchanging 
goods  with  their  neighbors,  but  why  go  to  the  bother  of  carrying 
goods  thousands  of  miles  over  mountains  and  oceans  ?  Why  should 
not  each  nation  look  out  for  its  own  needs  ? 

123.  Why  Foreign  Trade  Takes  Place.  —  Why  shouldn't 
it?  Nations  are  only  groups  of  individuals,  after  all.  Can 
they  not  trade  between  groups  for  the  same  reasons  that  they 
trade  as  individuals?     Individuals  trade  both  to  get  some- 


Making  America  Prosperous  255 

thing  they  want  and  to  dispose  of  a  surplus  of  something 
they  have  produced. 

Various  regions  are  especially  suited  by  location  or  re- 
sources to  produce  some  goods  better  and  cheaper  than  others 
can  produce  them.  It  is  merely  sensible,  then,  to  practice 
division  of  labor  on  a  national  scale.  No  country  is  so  ver- 
satile that  it  can  produce  to  advantage  everything  it  desires  to 
use.  England  could  not  possibly  raise  all  the  food  her  people 
need  today.  Trade  is  her  life-blood.  The  United  States 
could  perhaps  exist  without  foreign  trade,  but  from  what 
source  would  come  our  tea,  coffee,  or  sugar?  Every  cent  we 
might  spend  to  raise  tea  or  coffee  would  be  taken  out  of  a 
possible  investment  in  a  productive  enterprise  for  which  the 
Creator  gave  us  some  natural  fitness.  Both  necessity  and 
common  sense  urge  trade  between  nations. 

Find  the  most  recent  statistics  about  the  imports  and  exports  of 
the  United  States  and  other  countries,  and  decide  why  this  trade 
occurs.     How  did  Germany  hope  to  win  the  G  reat  War  ? 

Foreign  trade  has  another  vastly  important  feature.  It 
establishes  and  promotes  friendly  relations  between  coun- 
tries. Nations  will  hesitate  about  breaking  intercourse  with 
peoples  who  are  good  customers  or  upon  whom  they  themselves 
depend.  Trade  promotes  general  knowledge  of  and  acquaint- 
ance with  other  nations,  and  these  encourage  world  peace  and 
progress. 

Backward,  disorderly  countries  are  sometimes  sobered  by 
the  cutting  off  of  foreign  trade  with  them.  International 
competition  also  has  some  good  effects.  The  "  Made  in  Ger- 
many "  which  we  used  to  see  so  often  could  hardly  fail  to 
urge  manufacturers  elsewhere  to  make  "  Made  in  U.  S.  A." 
or  "  Made  in  Great  Britain  "  mean  at  least  as  much. 

124.  Special  Diflaculties.  —  Trade  between  nations,  how- 
ever, often  has  to  overcome  certain  handicaps  that  do  not 
hamper  domestic  trade.  In  the  first  place  the  very  distances 
to  be  traversed  are  often  a  hindrance.  Between  New  York 
and  Canada  it  is  no  harder  physically  to  exchange  goods  than 


256        Problems  of  American  Democracy 


between  New  York  and  Connecticut,  but  much  foreign  com- 
merce must  travel  thousands  of  miles.  Besides,  the  crossing 
of  political  boundaries  causes  inconvenience.  Every  nation 
has  customs  laws  and  various  forms  of  ''red  tape"  which 
must  be  observed  when  goods  are  brought  into  its  territory. 
If,  in  addition,  nations  impose  high  tariffs  upon  foreign 
goods,  trade  with  them  must  inevitably  suffer  Hmitations. 


A  Part  of  the  Waterfront  of  New  York  City. 
Observe  the  long  rows  of  piers  and  docks  which  line  both  sides  of   the 
Hudson.     The  commerce  which  centers  here  is  the  most  extensive  of  any- 
city  in  the  world. 

National  jealousies  and  race  hatred  also  play  too  great  a  part 
in  foreign  trade  as  in  other  foreign  relations. 

Further,  nations  have  different  money  standards.  In 
times  of  normal  peace,  this  fact  complicates  the  matter  of 
making  payments  between  them,  and  in  times  of  disturbance 
the  ratio  of  exchange  among  these  standards  and  between 
them  and  our  dollar  changes  frequently.  The  upset  caused 
by  the  Great  War  reduced  considerably  the  value  in  our 
money  of  the  friendly  franc  and  pound,  the  German  mark  sank 


Making  America  Prosperous  257 

far  down,  and  the  Russian  ruble  was  reduced  almost  to  ob- 
livion. 

Moreover,  people  in  our  country  do  not  always  understand 
the  foibles  and  needs  of  other  countries.  It  had  been  said 
that  one  reason  England  and  Germany  obtained  so  much 
more  South  American  patronage  before  the  War  than  the 
United  States  was  that  their  agents  approached  South  Amer- 
icans in  this  manner :  ''  Tell  us  what  you  want  and  we'll 
make  it  for  you  " ;  while  American  representatives  virtually 
announced  to  them :  "  Here  is  our  Une.  How  much  of  it 
can  we  unload  on  you  ?  "  And  the  American  products  which 
were  manufactured  according  to  the  demands  of  this  country 
might  not  be  what  the  people  of  South  America  wanted  at  all. 

International  trade  has  almost  a  science  of  its  own,  which 
Americans  must  and  surely  can  learn  better  than  many  of  us 
know  it  now.  American  consuls  abroad  ought  to  be  thor- 
oughly awake  to  the  demands  of  the  people  among  whom  they 
live,  and  American  business  men  who  seek  foreign  markets 
for  their  goods  should  cooperate  constantly  with  them. 
Perhaps  such  service,  to  be  intelligently  rendered,  calls  for 
more  careful  training  than  the  ordinary  consul  possesses. 
We  cannot  expect  to  get  the  most  suitable  men  for  such  posi- 
tions unless  they  receive  salaries  large  enough  to  attract  good 
men.  Congress  and  the  public  must  provide  the  wherewithal, 
and  the  universities  must  furnish  the  men. 

Is  it  sound  judgment  or  good  patriotism  for  an  American  to  re- 
fuse today  to  buy  German  goods?  Would  any  country  handle  its 
colonial  commerce  today  as  England  did  that  of  her  colonies  in  the 
18th  century?  How  did  England's  policy  at  that  day  compare 
with  the  policy  of  other  countries  ?  Must  a  nation  own  a  district  in 
order  to  get  the  greatest  benefit  from  its  trade? 

125.  Methods  of  Payment.  —  Every  nation  will  take  gold 
in  payment  for  what  others  owe  it,  and  this  is  one  way  in  which 
international  debts  are  paid.  But  shipments  of  gold  are 
attended  with  some  risk,  and  nations  have  a  kind  of  dread 
of  letting  gold  get  away  from  them  if  they  can  help  it.     Be- 


258         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

sides,  if  gold  had  to  be  given  in  payment  for  all  goods  bought 
or  sold  between  countries,  there  could  be  very  little  trade. 
There  is  not  enough  gold  available  to  pay  for  the  1920  trade  of 
the  United  States  alone !  Another  method  must  therefore 
be  employed. 

Let  us  understand  that  we  are  speaking  here  of  the  com- 
mercial transactions  between  residents  in  different  countries, 
and  not  of  payments  by  the  governments  themselves.  Sup- 
pose that  the  United  States,  as  is  usually  the  case,  sells  more 
goods  to  England  than  we  buy  from  her.  These  amounts 
compared  would  show  a  "  balance  of  trade  ''  in  our  favor- 
Only  this  balance  would  need  to  be  paid  us,  even  if  just  these 
two  countries  were  involved.  But  there  are  other  countries 
concerned.  For  instance,  we  might  owe  Cuba  a  balance  and 
Cuba  might  owe  England.  This  would  partly  cancel  what 
England  owes  us.  Again,  England  has  carried  many  of  our 
goods  in  her  ships,  and  that  cost  pays  part  of  what  she  owes  us 
for  the  goods  she  buys  from  us.  Our  tourists  spend  more 
money  abroad  than  those  from  abroad  spend  here.  That  also 
tends  to  keep  the  balance  down.  But  if  none  of  these  items 
are  large  enough  to  make  up  the  difference  in  our  favor,  and  if 
foreign  countries  cannot  send  us  gold,  and  we  will  not  buy 
their  goods,  only  two  possibilities  remain.  Investment  se- 
curities held  by  foreigners  may  be  turned  over  to  us,  or  as  a 
last  phase  of  an  embarrassing  situation,  trade  between  them 
and  us  may  come  to  an  end.  The  abnormal  balance  of  trade 
in  favor  of  this  country  which  resulted  from  the  War  cannot 
be  permanent. 

In  paying  foreign  accounts  we  note  the  extensive  use  of 
bills  of  exchange  and  similar  instruments  of  credit.  If  a 
.  Cleveland  man  is  paying  for  goods  bought  from  a  merchant 
in  London,  he  will  probably  buy  a  bill  of  exchange  from 
some  banking  firm  in  his  city  or  New  York  and  send  it  to  the 
English  merchant.  This  merchant  will  deposit  it  in  his  own 
bank,  which  will  present  it  to  the  London  banking  firm 
on  which  it  is  drawn. 


Making  America  Prosperous  259 

Very  little  money  is  therefore  shipped  between  nations  in 
comparison  with  the  whole  volume  of  trade.  Opening  new 
business  in  Shanghai  or  Yokohama  or  Buenos  Aires  would 
call  for  a  more  complex  adjustment  than  we  have  outlined 
here,  but  when  once  a  regular  trade  is  established  the  process 
of  payment  becomes  reasonably  simple.  A  great  many  in- 
ternational payments  are  made  in  bills  and  drafts  on  London 
banking  institutions,  but  the  Great  War  caused  much  inter- 
national business  to  center  in  New  York  which  formerly  was 
done  through  other  financial  agencies. 

126.   The  Great  War  and  International  Trade.  —  A  war  so 

widespread  as  the  recent  conflict  must  inevitably  disturb  the 
social  and  industrial  condition  of  nations.  It  not  only  took 
millions  of  men  out  of  productive  enterprise  into  the  trenches 
but  it  had  a  dire  effect  on  the  finances  and  trade  of  the  whole 
world.  In  the  first  place,  it  left  all  the  nations  with  enormous 
debts  —  the  United  States  with  over  $24,000,000,000,  France 
$46,000,000,000,  Great  Britain  $39,000,000,000,  and  Ger- 
many $55,000,000,000. 

The  United  States  government  alone  borrowed  the  equiv- 
alent of  about  ten  per  cent  of  its  total  wealth ;  yet,  of  the 
large  nations,  our  debt  is  the  lowest  and  we  are  in  the  best  po- 
sition to  pay  it,  for  we  became,  in  spite  of  our  big  expense  bill, 
the  great  "  creditor  ''  nation  of  the  world.  We  had  to  learn 
to  make  some  things  hitherto  brought  us  by  other  countries, 
and  to  increase  our  own  production  enough  to  supply  Europe. 
Our  exports  increased  enormously,  while  our  imports  de- 
clined. Not  all  these  war-time  changes  will  be  lasting,  of 
course,  but  we  have  at  least  learned  what  we  can  do  if  we  must. 

In  practically  all  foreign  countries  money  depreciated 
greatly  in  value,  as  we  have  noticed.  The  English  pound,  for 
example,  though  it  changed  least  of  European  money, 
was  worth  for  some  time  less  than  $4.00.  As  a  result  the 
American  dollar  rather  than  the  English  pound  became  the 
world's  standard  of  trade.     Many  of  Europe's  sources  of 


260         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

production  were  either  neglected  or  laid  waste,  and  many  of 
her  factories  destroyed.  Political  and  labor  troubles,  due 
partly  to  these  upsets,  prevented  rapid  return  to  normal 
conditions. 

How  can  the  world  get  back  to  ''  normalcy  "?  It  never 
will  return  to  conditions  as  they  were  in  1914.  Hates  and 
prejudices  have  been  aroused  which  cannot  be  appeased  at 
once.  Some  conditions  we  do  not  want  to  restore.  Probably 
America  can  do  much  by  extending  credit  to  the  countries 
that  need  it.  Then  they  may  ultimately  be  able  to  accumu- 
late wealth  and  meet  their  obligations.  In  helping  them  we 
shall  help  ourselves,  for  they  cannot  pay  us  unless  they  have 
something  to  pay  with. 

Nothing  would  be  of  greater  benefit  than  to  have  every 
nation  in  the  world  scrap  every  battleship  and  piece  of  mili- 
tary equipment  that  it  did  not  actually  need  to  suppress  dis- 
order and  enforce  the  laws  of  peace.  Then  every  effort  could 
be  devoted  to  restoring  the  regions  laid  waste  by  war  and 
to  striving  in  friendly  competition  to  produce  those  things 
that  would  make  the  world  a  happier  and  better  place  to 
live  in. 

What  would  be  the  result  if  the  United  States  attempted  to 
enforce  immediate  payment  of  European  war  debts  to  us? 

127.  Who  Shall  Carry  the  Goods? — One  result  of  the  War 
which  may  be  permanent  was  the  notable  increase  of  our 
merchant  marine,  that  is,  our  ships  engaged  in  commerce. 
But  is  it  an  advantage,  after  all,  to  carry  our  own  foreign 
commerce  in  our  own  ships  ?  That  depends  upon  whether  it 
costs  us  more  to  do  it  that  way  than  to  hire  others  to  do  it, 
and  whether  there  is  use  for  the  ships  in  any  other  way  than 
for  commerce. 

In  most  of  our  national  history,  up  to  1860,  American  ships 
were  in  every  port  and  on  every  sea.  The  Civil  War  was  dis- 
astrous to  this  traffic.  Thereafter,  because  of  cheaper  foreign 
competition,  our  rank  in  shipping  declined  rapidly,  so  that 


Making  America  Prosperous 


261 


when  the  20th  century  began  we  were  shipping  about  nine- 
tenths  of  our  exports  and  imports  in  vessels  saiUng  under 
other  flags. 

German  submarines  and  the  need  of  British  vessels  for  war 
purposes  made  it  imperative,  after  the  Great  War  came  on, 
for  the  United  States  to  do  something  for  its  foreign  carrying 
trade.  Congress  at  length  created  the  United  States  Shipping 
Board  to  become  responsible  for  speeding  up  the  construction 
of  ships.  Especially  after  the  United  States  became  a  bel- 
ligerent, shipbuilding  became  almost  frenzied  in  its  haste. 


Courtesy  Department  of  Wharves,  Docks,  and  Ferries,  Philadelphia. 
Freight  Boats  and  Barges  on  the  Delaware. 


extent,  and  recklessness  of  expense.  Rapidly  the  tonnage  of 
American  ships  increased  until  we  stood  a  good  second  to 
Great  Britain  in  total  amount. 

And  yet  the  situation  is  not  satisfactory.  The  United 
States  government  does  not  care  to  stay  permanently  in  the 
business  of  shipbuilding  or  ship-operating,  especially  in  com- 
petition with  private  and  foreign  companies.  The  La  Toi- 
lette Seaman's  Act  of  1911  requires  a  standard  of  wages  and 
conditions  on  American  vessels  which  makes  the  cost  of  op- 
erating them  much  greater  than  rival  vessels  under  other 


262         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

flags  have  to  meet.  Private  companies  therefore  hesitate 
about  taking  over  the  Shipping  Board's  vessels  or  building 
their  own  and  operating  them  when  competition  with  foreign 
lines  is  a  losing  game.  Some  therefore  believe  that  we  may 
as  well  quit  trying  to  maintain  a  large  American  merchant 
marine  for  foreign  trade ;  yet  national  pride  makes  us  unwill- 
ing to  admit  that  foreign  shipowners  are  too  much  for  us. 

By  a  "  ship  subsidy  "  we  mean  giving  money  from  the 
national  treasury  to  help  keep  American  shipping  lines  in 
successful  operation.  We  did  it  a  little  once,  but  it  did  not 
succeed.  England  has  done  the  same  kind  of  thing  repeat- 
edly, sometimes  camouflaging  it  under  the  guise  of  heavy 
payments  for  carrying  mail.  To  some  it  seems  like  a  special 
*'  hand-out  '*  for  the  benefit  of  one  industrial  activity.  Presi- 
dent Harding  strongly  urged  a  modified  form  of  it,  but 
much  opposition  to  it  developed  in  Congress  and  there  is  at 
present  no  sign  of  its  adoption. 

In  return  for  subsidies,  it  is  urged,  the  government  may 
demand  the  right  to  seize  the  ships  for  public  use  in  time  of 
war  or  other  emergency.  This  would  be  of  some  advantage, 
it  is  true ;  but  is  it  good  business  to  pay  large  sums  to  a  pri- 
vate industry  merely  on  the  supposition  that  it  may  some- 
time be  brought  into  the  public  service  ?  We  rightly  insist 
that  American  coastwise  trade  shall  be  carried  on  in  Amer- 
ican ships ;  but  need  we  be  particular  about  who  carries  our 
imports  and  exports?    What  do  you  think? 

128.  Tariff  Barriers.  —  What  is  a  tariff?  As  the  term  is 
frequently  used,  it  signifies  a  tax  on  imported  goods.  Such 
taxes  are  sometimes  called  customs  or  duties.  But  if  this  is  a 
tax  problem,  why  throw  it  in  here  ?  Because  any  tax  on  ex- 
ports or  imports  tends  to  limit  foreign  trade,  and  particularly 
if  it  is  high,  to  set  up  a  barrier  against  commercial  intercourse 
among  nations. 

Since  our  Constitution  forbids  laying  taxes  on  exports,  we 
are  concerned  only  with  import  taxes.     Theoretically,  a  na- 


Making  America  Prosperous 


263 


tion  could  maintain  absolute  free  trade,  and  impose  no  taxes 
at  all  upon  goods  from  other  countries,  but  nations  have  not 
found  this  wholly  practicable.  Some,  like  England,  levy- 
relatively  low  duties,  in  order  to  obtain  revenue,  on  goods  such 
as  tea  and  cocoa,  which  must  be  imported  anyway  and  which 
are  in  a  sense  not  necessaries  of  life.  This  is  called  a  revenue 
tariff.  By  contrast,  a  protective  tariff  places  a  tax  on  goods 
coming  into  a  country,  on  purpose  to  make  foreign  goods  cost 


'8Z0  fSiO  '640  IS50  IR60  IB70  ^&&0  1890  1900  1910  I9Z0 

Our  Foreign  Commerce  in  American  Ships. 

That  part  of  the  chart  below  the  curve  represents  the  percentage  of  the 
foreign  trade  of  the  United  States  which  was  carried  in  American  vessels. 
The  points  indicated  in  the  breaks  of  the  curve  are  five  years  apart.  Can 
you  offer  any  explanation  for  the  great  difference  at  various  periods  of  our 
history  ? 


to  the  user  as  much  as  homemade  goods,  or  more.  The 
importer  of  course  adds  the  tax  to  the  price  which  he  would 
otherwise  charge,  and  this  added  cost  '*  protects  "  the  manu- 
facturer of  home  goods  of  the  same  kind,  by  making  it  pos- 
sible for  him  to  charge  more  for  his  own  product. 

The  protective  tariff  idea  makes  at  first  thought  a  strong 
appeal  to  a  certain  type  of  patriotism.  Yet  when  we  inspect 
the  arguments  advanced  in  its  favor,  some  of  them  appear 
superficial.  Let  us  list  side  by  side  the  views  of  its  friends  and 
its  enemies  on  certain  phases  of  the  argument. 


264         Problems  of  American  Democracy 


For 
(1)  The  **  balance  of  trade " 
argument.  —  It  is  better 
for  a  country  to  sell  more 
than  it  buys.  The  pro- 
tective tariff  decreases  the 
amount  of  goods  im- 
ported, and  encourages 
home  production,  so  that 
there  will  be  more  goods 
to  export. 


Against 
(1)  Nations  will  not  forever 
buy  from  nations  to  which 
they  sell  little  or  nothing. 
The  nation  which  builds 
a  high  tariff  wall  to  keep 
out  imports  will  some  day 
find  itself  with  only  un- 
wilhng  customers.  Other 
countries  will  retaliate, 
too,  with  tariffs  aimed  at 
us. 


(2)  The  "  home-market  "  argu- 
ment. —  It  encourages  the 
establishment  of  factories 
which  provide  a  home 
market  for  raw  materials 
produced  in  the  United 
States  and  does  away 
with  the  necessity  of  ship- 
ping such  materials 
abroad. 


(3)  The  "  infant  industries " 
argument.  —  Some  indus- 
tries could  never  be 
started  here  unless  pro- 
tected from  the  competi- 
tion of  low-priced  foreign 
goods  made  by  cheap 
labor  abroad. 


(2)  It  is  unwise  and  in  the  long 

run  unprofitable  to  de- 
velop an  industry  in  a 
place  not  readily  adapted 
to  it.  Besides,  the  tariff 
helps  the  producer  of  the 
raw  material  very  little, 
for  the  home  manufac- 
turer will  pay  only  just 
enough  to  outbid  the 
foreign  buyer,  anyway. 

(3)  Our  "  infants  "  are  now  full 

grown  and  no  longer  need 
protection.  They  are  of- 
ten found  now  compet- 
ing with  foreign  products 
in  foreign  lands  at  foreign 
prices,  which  are  fre- 
quently lower  than  they 
sell  the  same  goods  for  in 
the  United  States.  More- 
over, the  protective  tariff 
encourages  greed  on  the 
part  of  producers.  They 
will  take  all  they  can  get, 
whether  they  need  it  or 
not. 


Making  America  Prosperous 


265 


For 
(4)  The  "  standard  of  living  " 
argument.  —  The  Ameri- 
can laborer  desires  to  live 
better  than  most  Euro- 
pean laborers  do,  and  must 
have  higher  wages.  The 
protective  tariff  enables 
the  manufacturer  to  pay 
high  wages. 


(5)  The  *'  anti-dumping  "  ar- 
gument. —  A  protective 
tariff  keeps  the  foreign 
producer  from  placing 
his  surplus  on  the  market 
here  at  a  price  much  be- 
low the  cost  of  produc- 
tion in  this  country. 


Against 

(4)  Laborers  in  unprotected  in- 

dustries obtain  as  high 
wages  as  those  engaged 
in  protected  industries. 
How  then  can  protection 
be  responsible  for  high 
wages?  German  workers 
in  a  '*  protected  "  coun- 
try get  lower  wages  than 
English  workers,  who 
are  not  so  "  protected." 
Besides,  the  protective 
tariff  admittedly  makes 
goods  more  expensive, 
and  counteracts  in  this 
way  benefit  derived  from 
higher  wages  resulting 
from  any  cause. 

(5)  No  nation  will  be  in  a  posi- 

tion to  "  dump  "  its 
goods  in  large  quantities 
here  for  any  great  length 
of  time.  Such  conditions, 
if  they  arise,  can  be  met 
by  temporary  restrictions 
rather  than  by  a  per- 
manent protective  tariff. 


(6)  The  "  independence  "  ar- 
gument.—  The  tariff 
makes  us  develop  our  own 
resources  a  great  deal 
more  than  if  we  bought 
our  goods  in  foreign  mar- 
kets. In  time  of  war  it 
might  be  ruinous  to  wait 
until  new  industries  could 
develop  here.  When  the 
need  for  supplies  is  great- 
est, it  is  often  impossible 
to  import  them. 


(6)   Protective    tariffs   promote 
international  rivalry. 

These  in  turn  cause  war. 
Trade,  unfettered,  pro- 
motes understanding. 


266         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  history  of  the  tariff  has  been  on  the  whole  a  history  of 
poUtical  parties.  The  platforms  of  the  present  Republican 
party  have  advocated  '*  protection  "  from  the  first,  while  the 
Democrats  have  been  opposed,  sometimes  to  a  high  tariff, 
and  sometimes  to  the  whole  protective  idea.  Tariffs  have 
therefore  been  raised  or  lowered  according  to  the  party  in 
power.  It  is  too  bad  that  the  tariff  has  so  often  been  a 
"  political  football,"  for  it  is  distinctly  an  economic  prob- 
lem. Many  people  fail  to  understand  that  a  high  protective 
tariff  does  not  necessarily  raise  a  country's  revenue.  It  may 
reduce  it.  If  the  duty  on  foreign  oranges  is  a  dollar  a  dozen 
probably  no  oranges  will  be  imported  and  no  revenue  will  be 
derived  from  that  source.  Arranging  a  tariff  schedule  is  a 
very  hard  and  dehcate  task,  and  it  deserves  most  inteUigent 
attention. 

We  have  now  a  Federal  Tariff  Commission  of  six  persons, 
appointed  by  the  President,  who  must  not  all  belong  to  the 
same  party.  They  are  supposed  to  make  a  special  study  of 
tariff  conditions,  and  recommend  changes  in  rates  when  de- 
sirable. Surely  such  men  should  be  able  to  advise  us  about 
desirable  rates  better  than  Congressmen  chosen  solely  on  a 
political  basis,  who  have  had  neither  the  interest  nor  the 
opportunity  to  look  into  the  question  thoroughly.  Congress 
must  enact  tariff  bills,  of  course,  but  it  can  listen  to  the  advice 
of  experts. 

Tariffs  affect  both  home  industry  and  foreign  trade.  A 
nation  which  has  had  a  protective  tariff  in  some  form  so  long 
as  we  have,  would  be  unwise  to  abolish  it  all  at  once.  But 
even  so  we  need  not  attempt  to  defend  every  tariff  bill  that 
has  been  passed,  even  by  our  own  party.  It  is  not  too  early  to 
consider  seriously  whether  we  should  gradually  work  toward 
the  abolition  of  ^*  protection  "  ;  and  if  we  say  "  no  "  to  this 
proposition,  to  consider  what  features  of  our  past  and  present 
policy  deserve  permanent  preservation. 

The  Tariff  Law  of  1922  passed  over  to  the  President 
the  right  to  adjust  tariff  duties   to  points  different  from 


Making  America  Prosperous  267 

those  stated  in  the  law.  The  President  is  expected  to  act 
upon  the  advice  of  the  Tariff  Commission.  It  will  be  interest- 
ing to  see  how  this  experiment  works.  Perhaps  it  is  the  be- 
ginning of  the  very  desirable  policy  of  modifying  rates  one 
by  one  as  changes  may  be  needed,  instead  of  overhauling  an 
entire  tariff  law  at  one  time. 

Do  you  think  there  is  any  hope  that  tariff  discussions  may 
cease  to  follow  party  lines?  Does  a  person's  residence  make  any 
difference  in  opinions  about  the  tariff  ?  (Consult  Congressional 
votes  on  sugar  duties,  and  the  like.)  Why  did  the  Confederate 
constitution  forbid  a  protective  tariff  in  the  Confederacy? 

.*.  In  a  progressive  world  international  trade  is  inevitable.  It  is 
attended  with  certain  difficulties  that  make  it  more  complicated  than 
domestic  trade.  Good  judgment,  as  well  as  fairness,  urges  us  to  re- 
frain from  excessive  greed  in  attempting  to  sell  much  abroad  and  yet 
buy  little  or  nothing. 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 

American  Exports  and  Imports. 

European  Currency  Systems. 

Payments  of  Debts  between  Nations. 

The  History  of  the  American  Merchant  Marine. 

American  Tariff  History. 

The  American  Consular  Service  and  Its  Possibilities. 

Resolved,  that  a  subsidy  should  be  paid  to  American  shipping 

corporations  engaged  in  foreign  trade. 
Resolved,  that  the  United  States  should  adhere  permanently  to  the 

protective  tariff  policy. 
Resolved,  that  the  United  States  government  should  cancel  all  loans 

made  by  it  to  other  governments  on  account  of  the  World  War. 

REFERENCE  READINGS 

Laing  —  Introduction  to  Economics,  Chapters  20-22. 

Cleveland  and  Schafer  —  Democracy  in  Reconstruction,   Chapter 

19. 
Burch  —  American  Economic  Life,  Chapter  37. 
Carver  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapter  27. 
Bogart  —  Economic  History,  Chapter  32. 
Smith  —  Commerce  and  Industry,  Chapters  41-46. 
Thompson  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapters  18,  19, 
Seager — Principles  of  Economics,  Chapters  21,  22. 


XI.     DISTRIBUTING  THE  RETURNS  FAIRLY 


We  have  studied  some  of  the  means  by  which  we  try  to  produce 
prosperity.  What  returns  should  the  factors  in  production  receive 
for  this  work?     Are  they  getting  what  they  deserve? 


129.  What  Is  the  Basis  of  Distribution  ?  —  We  have  ex- 
plained that  in  the  economic  sense  distribution  means  giving 
to  each  of  the  four  factors  of  production  (land,  labor,  capital, 
and  management)  a  remuneration  for  its  share  in  the  work  of 
production.  None  of  the  four  factors  are  unnecessary.  If 
all  are  of  equal  importance  each  should  receive  an  equal 
amount.  In  many  industries,  we  will  admit  that  they  are 
not,  but  the  question  then  arises.  How  shall  the  share  of  each 
be  determined?  In  other  words.  How  is  bargaining  power 
obtained  ?  For  that  is  the  phrase  which  is  used  to  character^ 
ize  the  force  which  can  be  exerted  to  secure  a  return,  large  or 
small.  The  problem  of  distribution  is  perhaps  more  difficult 
to  solve  than  that  connected  with  any  other  phase  of  eco- 
nomic activity. 

One  supposition  or  theory  assumes  that  each  factor  is  in  a 
sense  competing  with  the  other  factors,  and  that  each  will  get 
a  return  in  proportion  to  the  comparative  value  of  its  part  in 
production.  If  land  contributes  one-fifth  of  the  elements 
necessary  to  produce  some  commodity,  one-fifth  of  the  return 
will  go  to  the  landholder.  If  labor  contributes  one-half  of 
the  necessary  elements  or  services,  then  it  will  get  one-half  of 
the  returns.     This  is  sometimes  called  the  productivity  theory. 

The  advocates  of  this  theory  admit  that  often  the  competi- 
tion of  the  four  factors  is  not  on  a  free  and  open  basis,  but  that 
some  one  or  more  may  enjoy  an  advantage  of  position  over 
the  others.  In  that  case,  they  say,  it  is  the  duty  of  society  to 
restrain  by  legislation  or  otherwise  the  factors  which  have  an 

268 


Making  America  Prosperous  269 

unfair  advantage.  Then  each  factor  will  be  in  a  position  to 
get  a  return  proportioned  to  what  it  contributes.  If  those 
who  contribute  any  factor  desire  a  greater  return  than  they 
are  getting,  let  them  increase  the  value  or  efficiency  of  their 
services,  so  that  they  may  deserve  a  greater  return. 

Another  theory,  known  as  the  monopoly  theory,  asserts 
that  the  return  which  comes  to  those  who  contribute  any  fac- 
tor depends  upon  the  extent  to  which  they  control  the  supply 
of  that  factor.  If  I  have  all  the  managing  ability  that  is 
available  for  a  certain  industry,  then  I  can  demand  virtually 
what  I  will,  so  far  as  that  industry  is  concerned.  Those  who 
contribute  the  other  factors  will  be  able  to  compete  with  me 
only  to  the  extent  to  which  they  possess  control  of  the  factor 
in  production  which  they  contribute.  If  those  who  contrib- 
ute labor,  for  instance,  desire  to  increase  their  share  of  the 
returns,  they  will  have  to  acquire  such  command  of  the  labor 
available  for  the  industry  that  they  can  meet  me  on  equal 
terms. 

All  industrial  tendencies,  the  holders  of  this  theory  main- 
tain, are  toward  the  development  of  monopoly,  that  is,  ex- 
clusive control  of  some  interest  or  element  in  industry.  The 
returns  that  an  exceptional  individual  may  receive  are  not 
primarily  due  to  the  fact  that  his  services  are  worth  much  in 
themselves,  but  that  by  reason  of  his  talent  he  comes  nearer 
possessing  a  monopoly  of  the  kind  of  service  he  can  render. 
If  I  am  an  expert  chemist,  I  can  probably  command  a  good 
salary,  not  because  I  know  chemistry,  but  because  few  people 
know  as  much  as  I  do  about  it.  To  promote  fair  distribution, 
according  to  this  theory,  monopoly  control  of  each  factor 
should  therefore  be  encouraged.  Perhaps  this  theory  comes  a 
little  nearer  the  hard  facts  of  things  than  the  other,  but  it  is 
not  so  attractive  ideally. 

Do  you  think  absolutely  free  competition  ever  actually  occurred? 

130.  What  Are  the  Facts  about  Distribution?  —  We  hate 
to  think  of  any  gross  inequality  in  America,  and  probably 


270  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

there  is  less  here  than  in  most  other  countries.  We  may 
therefore  be  shocked  to  look  at  some  statistics.  The  value  of 
the  resources  of  this  country  in  1921,  including  both  money 
and  property,  was  estimated  at  over  $250,000,000,000.  The 
census  report  for  1920  shows  that  there  are  about  24,000,000 
families  in  the  country.  This  would  set  the  average  wealth  of 
each  family  in  money  and  goods  not  far  from  $11,000.  But 
how  many  families  that  you  know  of  possess  that  amount  ? 

The  Federal  Commission  on  Industrial  Relations  (1915) 
quoted  such  figures  as  these  :  60  per  cent  of  our  entire  wealth 
is  in  the  hands  of  2  per  cent  of  the  people  —  the  Rich  !  And 
5  per  cent  of  the  wealth  is  spread  over  65  per  cent  of  the 
people  —  the  Poor !  Only  the  so-called  **  Middle  Class  " 
is  in  relative  proportion,  33  per  cent  of  the  people  controlUng 
35  per  cent  of  the  wealth.  According  to  income  tax  figures 
for  1919  only  3,000,000  of  the  24,000,000  famihes  have  an  in- 
come of  over  $2000  a  year,  but  65  families  reported  an  income 
of  over  $1,000,000.  Yet  there  are  millions  of  farmers  and 
laborers  who,  working  steadily,  can  barely  make  a  living; 
while,  on  the  other  hand,  there  are  many  who  do  no  regular 
work  and  have  an  income  far  beyond  their  needs. 

Professor  King's  careful  study  of  "  The  Wealth  and  In- 
come of  the  People  of  the  United  States  "  reaches  the  conclu- 
sion, however,  that  in  the  last  sixty  years  the  proportion  of 
the  national  income  going  to  the  various  factors  in  produc- 
tion has  not  changed  greatly,  except  that  labor  has  gained 
slightly  at  the  expense  of  management,  and  that  the  average 
individual  laborer  has  increased  his  returns  to  an  even  greater 
proportion  than  the  individual  manager  !  ^  Why  then  is  there 
so  much  discontent? 

One  reason  for  it  is  that  more  than  one  factor  in  production 
is  frequently  controlled  by  the  same  person  or  group.  In  a 
certain  business,  for  example,  the  employer  may  own  the  land 


1  Wages  per   employee  in   purchasing   power,  1850,   $147;    1910,  $401; 
profits  per  manager  in  purchasing  power,  1850,  $318;  1910,  $711. 


Making  America  Prosperous 


^71 


which  the  business  makes  use  of,  may  own  the  capital  in- 
vested in  the  business,  and  may  actually  manage  the  business 
himself.  Three  of  the  four  elements  in  the  total  return 
will  be  taken  by  him  under  those  circumstances.  Even 
though  the  laborers  combined  may  get  perhaps  fifty  per  cent 
of  the  whole  amount,  the  share  of  the  employer  with  his  rent, 
interest,  and  profits  is  so  much  greater  than  any  one  laborer's 


Copyright,  Keystone  View  Co. 
A  Scene  in  the  Pennsylvania  Coke  District. 

The  smoke  from  these  furnaces  gives  the  entire  neighborhood  a  strange 
and  dirty  appearance.  This  district  has  sometimes  been  referred  to  as 
*'hell  with  thehd  off." 

wages  that  the  latter  thinks  something  is  decidedly  wrong. 
The  laborer  often  is  unable  to  acquire  control,  by  saving  or 
oth'er  means,  of  capital  or  land  to  put  into  business  ventures. 
Labor  has  been,  too  often,  the  tool  or  the  slave  of  capital. 
The  laborer  has  lacked  bargaining  power.     Where  this  has 


£72         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

been  the  case,  labor  has  been  compelled  to  take  what  capital 
was  willing  to  let  it  have. 

If  each  person  had  an  equal  amount  of  wealth,  would  there  be  the 
same  incentive  for  progress  as  now?  Would  such  a  condition  harm 
or  hinder  the  average  man  ?  How  long  would  it  last  if  it  could  be 
brought  about  ?  To  what  extent  can  we  judge  the  satisfactoriness 
of  distribution  by  any  of  the  items  mentioned  in  the  question  at 
the  end  of  section  11? 

131.  Influences  that  Control  Returns.  —  Two  influences 
play  a  part  in  every  phase  of  economic  activity,  and  are  ex- 
tremely important  in  the  matter  of  distribution.  These  are 
supply  and  demand.  Supply  does  not  mean  all  there  is  of 
any  commodity,  but  that  amount  of  it  which  is  available  at 
any  time  for  any  particular  use.  Coal  as  yet  unmined  could 
Qot  be  considered  as  part  of  the  supply  since  it  cannot  be  used. 
Demand  is  the  desire  for  some  good  accompanied  by  the 
ability  to  obtain  it.  A  white  wing  might  like  to  buy  a  Rolls- 
Royce,  but  his  economic  demand  would  probably  be  zero.  A 
street  urchin  looked  longingly  through  a  candy  store  window 
at  a  lolly-pop,  but  not  until  a  benign  gentleman  handed  him  a 
penny  did  his  economic  demand  for  it  become  effective. 

Demand  and  supply  acting  upon  each  other  tend  to  deter- 
mine the  price  of  a  commodity,  which  is  its  exchange  value 
expressed  in  a  money  estimate.  A  strong  demand  or  a  small 
supply  tends  to  raise  the  price.  A  weak  demand  or  a  large 
supply  tends  to  lower  the  price.  When  the  intensity  of  the 
demand  corresponds  closely  to  the  amount  of  the  supply,  the 
price  tends  to  settle  at  a  point  determined  by  the  general 
utility  of  the  good  to  society.  Notice  we  say  "  tends  to  " 
do  so  and  so.  There  may  be  a  normal  price,  which  is  a  kind  of 
average  or  central  figure  which  would  represent  the  commod- 
ity's money  value  in  general  over  a  long  period.  But  the 
market  price  —  the  figure  which  the  commodity  brings  from 
day  to  day  —  may  hover  on  either  side  of  the  normal  price 
without  happening  to  coincide  with  it  very  often. 

Price  in  turn  reacts  upon  demand  and  supply.     The  de- 


Making  America  Prosperous  273 

mand  for  many  things  is  elastic,  that  is,  it  varies  from  time  to 
time.  When  prices  are  high,  for  example,  demand  is  re- 
duced. Few  people  will  buy  oranges  at  a  dollar  apiece.  This 
tends  to  bring  prices  down  to  the  point  where  demand  will 
again  be  stirred  up.  Thus  the  pull  of  forces  one  way  and  the 
other  tends  to  fix  limits  between  which  the  market  price  of  a 
commodity  will  range.  Supply  operates  in  a  similar  fashion, 
but  conversely,  to  demand. 

If  you  had  ten  dollars  and  enjoyed  skating  greatly,  how  much 
would  you  pay  for  a  pair  of  skates?  If  you  did  not  like  to  skate, 
how  much  would  you  pay  ?  To  what  extent  would  your  particular 
demand  for  skates  affect  the  price  of  skates  in  the  community? 
What  other  factors  might  affect  this  particular  problem? 

Make  a  list  of  ten  commodities,  the  prices  of  which  vary  con- 
siderably in  the  course  of  a  year,  and  ten  whose  prices  vary  little. 
Determine  why  the  price  does  or  does  not  vary  in  each  case. 

Let  us  make  a  few  observations  in  regard  to  the  effect  of 
these  influences  and  others  upon  the  returns  which  each  factor 
in  productions  receives. 

132.  Rent:  The  Return  to  Land.  —  We  often  use  the 
word  "  rent  "  to  mean  the  money  we  pay  to  the  owner  of  a 
house  for  the  privilege  of  living  in  it.  But  in  the  economic 
sense  of  the  word,  rent  means  the  return  that  belongs  to  land  or 
any  natural  resource  for  its  part  in  production.  Rent  is 
often  difficult  to  determine,  because,  as  in  the  colloquial  use 
of  the  word  mentioned  above,  much  of  the  return  which  the 
house  owner  gets  is  really  due  to  the  capital  invested  and  not 
to  the  value  of  the  land  on  which  the  house  is  situated.  Real 
rent  is  dependent  mainly  on  location  and  fertility.  If  two 
equally  good  houses  are  built,  one  in  a  very  pretty  part  of  the 
city  and  one  in  the  slums,  the  former  will  undoubtedly  bring 
a  greater  return  to  the  owner,  which  will  be  due  to  the  rent 
derived  from  its  superior  location.  Crops  on  one  piece  of  land 
may  be  worth  $50  more  than  on  another,  though  each  piece 
may  have  been  cultivated  with  equal  care.  The  first  piece 
may  also  be  near  the  city  and  the  cost  of  transportation  of 


274         Problems  of  American  Democracy 


the  products  to  the  city  be  $10  cheaper.  The  rent  from  that 
piece  of  land  as  compared  with  the  other,  due  to  both  fer- 
tility and  location,  would  therefore  be  $60. 

Would  rent  be  high  or  low  in  a  frontier  district?  On  Man- 
hattan Island  ?     Could  there  be  such  a  thing  as  "  no-rent  "  land  ? 

Returns  from  land  are  affected  by  the  law  of  diminishing 
returns.  According  to  this  law,  in  farming  or  working  with 
any  natural  resources,  and  to  some  extent  in  any  other  activity, 


PIV 

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1 

Courtesy  United  States  Steel  Corporation. 
Digging  Out  Iron  Ore. 

Scenes  like  this  are  the  regular  thing  in  the  great  iron  districts  of 
northern  Minnesota. 

a  point  will  be  reached  beyond  which  the  application  of  more 
capital  and  labor  will  bring  in  steadily  decreasing  additional 
returns. 

Suppose  a  farmer  has  a  tract  of  land  on  which  he  grows  a  crop. 
The  value  of  this  crop  is,  say,  $500  the  first  year.  Perhaps  the  next 
year  he  will  put  twice  as  much  labor  and  capital  on  the  land  as  he  did 
the  first,  and  reap  a  crop  worth  $1000.  Again  he  may  put  three 
times  the  amount  of  capital  and  labor  on  his  land  the  third  year  that 
he  did  the  first  and  grow  a  crop  worth  $500  more  than  the  first  and 


Making  America  Prosperous  275 

second  combined.  Up  to  this  time  his  returns  have  been  increasing 
in  proportion  to  his  expense  in  capital  and  labor.  But  in  the  fourth 
year,  he  discovers  that,  although  he  has  put  four  times  as  much 
capital  and  labor  on  his  land  as  he  did  the  first  year,  his  returns  are 
not  $500  greater  than  before.  This  shows  that  he  has  reached  the 
point  of  diminishing  returns.  Just  when  he  would  arrive,  he  would 
of  course  be  able  to  tell  only  by  experiment.  Conditions  might 
sometimes  justify  him  in  continuing  beyond  that  point,  but  never 
would  he  knowingly  attempt  to  develop  the  land  further  unless  the 
added  returns  were  greater  than  the  value  of  the  additional  labor  and 
capital  applied. 

Some  people  argue  that  since  man  did  not  create  land  he  is  not 
entitled  to  any  return  for  it ;  that  all  rent  should  go  to  the  state ; 
and  that  individuals  are  entitled  to  only  what  their  own  labor  and 
capital  have  earned.  The  believers  in  the  "single  tax  "(§271) 
maintain  that  if  the  state  took  this  rent  for  itself  it  would  not  need  to 
levy  any  form  of  tax  at  all.  Yet  the  present  holder  of  the  land,  if  he 
has  obtained  possession  of  it  by  fair  means,  may  with  some  logic 
claim  that  his  own  earnings  have  given  him  control  of  it,  and  that  he 
is  entitled  to  the  product  for  which  the  land  is  responsible.  But  it 
must  be  admitted  that  people  who  are  content  to  live  on  what  their 
land  does  for  them,  without  contributing  any  effort  of  their  own, 
are  not  so  popular  as  they  were  once.  It  is  reasonable  that  if  the 
value  of  land  increases  through  no  effort  of  the  owner's,  but  as  the 
result  of  surrounding  improvements,  the  greater  part  of  this  "  un- 
earned increment  "  should  go  to  the  community  and  not  to  the  idle 
landholder. 

133.  Wages.  —  The  return  that  belongs  to  labor  for  its 
part  in  production  is  called  wages.  As  in  the  case  of  the  other 
factors,  labor  does  not  get  a  part  of  the  actual  goods  produced 
but  an  amount  in  money.  Today,  too,  this  is  usually  handed 
over  to  him  by  an  "  employer."  There  was  a  time  when  all 
workers  who  took  part  in  producing  something  received  a 
part  of  the  actual  proceeds  of  their  work  as  their  reward.  But 
the  day  came  when  workers  were  wiUing  to  give  up  their 
responsibility  in  the  operation  of  the  business  and  have  no 
obligation  except  to  do  their  day's  work.  Besides,  how 
could  a  man  who  helped  make  iron  rails  or  tombstones  be 
paid  in  product  ?  No  doubt  this  change  seemed  a  relief  to 
the  workers,  but  it  enabled  the  man  with  brains,  who  was. 


276         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

willing  to  take  chances  and  assume  responsibility,  to  get  the 
wage-workers  virtually  in  his  power  and  pay  to  them  as  little 
as  he  could  and  still  keep  them  at  work  for  him. 

The  amount  of  money  which  a  worker  receives  for  his  labor 
may  not  really  mean  as  much  at  one  time  as  at  another.  The 
money  received  we  sometimes  call  money  wages,  and  what  it 
will  buy  in  goods  we  term  real  wages.  Real  wages,  of  course, 
are  what  actually  count.  Day  laborers  in  Nevada,  twenty 
years  ago,  might  be  getting  four  dollars  a  day,  when  similar 
workers  in  New  York  could  not  hope  for  more  than  two 
dollars.  But  New  Yorkers  could  then  buy  milk  for  seven  or 
eight  cents  a  quart,  while  the  Nevada  laborer  paid  forty  cents 
a  quart  for  milk,  if  that  was  what  he  drank. 

Workers  naturally  group  themselves  into  classes :  experts, 
who  possess  an  unusual  amount  of  talent  or  knowledge; 
.^killed,  who  require  special  training  or  preparation  but  no 
more  than  average  brain-power;  semi-skilled,  who  need  a 
little  practice  to  do  their  work,  but  no  long  period  of  prepara- 
tion ;  and  unskilled,  whose  only  qualifications  are  muscular 
strength  or  agility.  Naturally,  the  higher  are  the  qualifi- 
tions  demanded  for  any  type  of  work,  the  fewer  will  be  the 
available  workers. 

Give  examples  of  each  class  of  workers. "  Is  there  such  a  thing  as 
an  indispensable  man? 

Now,  how  is  the  return  for  any  particular  worker  to  be 
determined?  There  cannot  be  any  no-wage  laborers.  La- 
borers must  live  and  to  do  that  must  be  paid,  so  that  they  may 
spend  something  in  buying  things  to  live  on ;  while  land  con- 
tinues to  exist,  whether  it  is  worked  or  not.  The  number, 
or  supply,  of  workers  of  any  particular  kind,  will  limit  the 
amount  one  worker  can  expect  to  receive.  Again,  the  wages 
of  laborers  will  surely  correspond  in  part  to  the  quality  of  their 
labor,  just  as  the  rent  of  land  corresponds  to  its  fertility  or 
location  of  the  soil.  But  acquiring  monopoly  power  through 
organization  also  gives  workers  a  lever  with  which  to  lift  the 
general  standard  of  wages  for  all  members  of  the  organization, 


Making  America  Prosperous 


277 


and  tends  toward  uniformity  within  any  particular  group. 
Some  workers  surely  get  less  than  they  really  contribute  to 
industry,  while  others  quite  likely  get  more  than  their  share. 

When  wages  are  raised,  should  the  returns  to  land  and  capital  be 
made  less  ?     What  is  the  effect  of  education  upon  wage  standards  ? 

134.  Interest.  ^-  The  return  that  goes  to  capital  for  what 
it  has  done  for  production  is  known  as  interest.  People  who 
cannot  make  their  money  work  for  them  and  thereby  gain 
something  do  not  have 
much  inducement  to  deny 
themselves  the  pleasure 
of  spending  their  wealth 
at  once.  If  they  can  be 
compensated  for  it,  how- 
ever, to  an  extent  that 
will  make  up  for  the  loss 
of  pleasure  in  present  ex- 
penditure, they  are  willing 
to  forego  the  enjoyment 
of  spending  their  money 
now. 

The  rate  of  return  on 
capital  varies  consider- 
ably among  different 
times  and  places.  Three 
influences  in  particular 
help  to  determine  what 
the  rate  shall  be. 

(1)  In  civilized  lands 
the  value  put  upon  future 
use  of  wealth  is  much 
higher  than  in  lands  that  are  less  progressive  and  advanced. 
In  the  younger  and  less  civilized  countries,  therefore,  the 
owner  of  money  is  offered  much  more  as  return  for  postpon- 
ing the  enjoyment  of  using  it  and  the  interest  rate  is  much 


A  Famous  Office  Building. 
The  Flatiron  Building,  New  York. 


278         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

higher.      Primitive  people  and  ignorant  people  think  very- 
much  more  of  the  enjoyment  of  a  thing  right  now. 

(2)  In  new  or  unprogressive  lands  too  the  amount  of  capital 
in  existence  is  very  much  less  than  in  older  districts.  Here  the 
law  of  supply  and  demand  appears.  The  larger  is  the  amount 
of  capital  available,  the  less  will  be  the  return  which  it  can 
demand.  We  see  this  difference  in  our  own  country  in  com- 
paring the  rates  of  interest  which  prevail  on.  the  Atlantic 
coast  with  those  in  the  interior  or  the  Far  West. 

(3)  Another  affecting  element  is  risk.  Where  capital  is  in- 
vested in  an  industry  that  is  not  on  a  sure  foundation,  its 
holders  will  demand  a  larger  return  than  in  a  business  where 
the  industry  is  established  upon  a  rather  definite  and  per- 
manent basis. 

All  these  influences  combined  may  operate  at  the  same 
time.  When  there  is  no  capital,  of  course  there  is  no  inter- 
est. One  might  ask,  therefore,  Does  interest  come  out  of 
rent  or  out  of  wages  ?  The  answer  is,  Out  of  neither.  Labor 
and  land  alone  cannot  carry  on  any  modern  industry ;  capital 
is  an  absolute  essential.  It  demands  a  return  for  itself  be- 
cause it  gives  to  industry  something  which  industry  could 
not  receive  otherwise.  Therefore,  with  the  added  impulse 
given  industry,  an  additional  return  is  gained  which  the 
holders  of  capital  claim  as  theirs. 

Why  is  interest  high  in  Nevada  and  low  in  Massachusetts?  Why 
is  it  generally  higher  in  the  United  States  than  in  Western  Europe? 
What  is  usury?  Why  do  loan-sharks  usually  charge  high  rates? 
How  may  a  person  know  when  he  is  asked  to  pay  too  high  a  rate  of 
interest?  When  a  corporation  cannot  pay  dividends  on  its  stock, 
has  capital  done  nothing  in  that  business?     Often  what  is  wrong? 

135.  Profits.  —  Profits  are  the  return  that  go  to  the  pos- 
sessors of  managing  ability  for  what  they  have  done  in  pro- 
duction. Like  the  word  "  rents,"  ''  profits  "  is  also  used  in 
various  senses.  No  doubt  many  would  understand  it  to 
mean  the  amount  that  remains  in  the  possession  of  a  pro- 
prietor after  his  debts  are  paid.     In  fact,  however,  that 


Making  America  Prosperous 


279 


STOCKHOLDERS 


would  include  some  items  which  would  unquestionably  be 
very  much  like  interest  and  probably  some  that  would  really 
be  the  returns  for  the  use  of  land  or  labor.  But  the  econo- 
mist means  by  it  simply  the  rewards  of  managing  ability  as 
distinct  from  the  rewards  of  any  other  kind  of  service.  If 
profits  are  not  set  apart  as  a  separate  return  they  would  be  in- 
cluded partly  under  interest  and  partly  under  wages. 

The  theory  which  is  used  particularly  to  justify  profits  is 
that  capital  is  a  dead  thing  and,  in  order  to  be  of  service,  it 
must  be  handled.  The  capitalist 
who  manages  his  own  business 
will  therefore  claim  a  return  in 
the  form  of  interest  on  his  capital, 
and  also  in  the  form  of  profits  for 
his  management  of  the  capital. 
But  those  who  have  managing 
ability  do  not  always  own  capital. 
Some  men  of  wealth  are  content 
simply  to  allow  their  wealth  to 
be  used  as  capital,  while  other 
men  assume  the  responsibility  of 
managing  it. 

The  extent  to  which  profits 
gather  will  depend  upon  the  abil- 
ity of  the  manager  who  receives 
them.  If  he  has  only  just  enough 
ability  to  keep  his  business  going, 
his  profits  are  not  likely  to  be  great.  The  manager,  or  "  en- 
terpriser," is  the  force  that  brings  together  land,  labor,  and 
capital.  The  enterpriser  who  organizes  a  business  may  run  a 
risk  of  having  nothing  left  for  his  own  time  and  energy  after 
paying  rent,  wages,  and  interest.  A  manager's  profit  will 
depend  upon  the  extent  to  which  his  ability  is  greater  than 
the  ability  of  the  person  who  would  just  fail  to  be  able  to 
manage  a  business  at  all.  So  managers  vary  all  the  way  from 
^'  no-profit  "  ability  to  real  genius. 


How   One    Corporation    Or- 
ganizes Its  Business. 


280         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  very  fact  that  the  consideration  of  profits  as  a  separate 
item  in  returns  is  relatively  new,  seems  to  indicate  a  con- 
siderable increase  in  the  importance  of  that  kind  of  industrial 
service  to  which  profits  are  given.  Undoubtedly  it  is  a 
tremendous  influence  in  building  up  big  fortunes. 

What  qualities  are  necessary  to  a  good  business  man  ?  Point  out 
the  ways  and  extent  to  which  management  enters  into  the  success  of 
the  farmer,  the  lumberman,  the  dentist,  the  printer,  the  grocer,  the 
furniture  manufacturer.  Can  profits  be  regulated  by  law?  If  you 
say  yes,  should  they  be?  On  which  of  these  four  elements  are  large 
fortunes  based  ?  Can  one  man  earn  a  million  dollars  ?  If  you  say  a 
millionaire  did  not  earn  his  wealth,  from  whom  did  he  take  it  ? 

.*.  Determining  the  amount  which  should  be  received  by  each  of  the 
factors  in  production  is  a  diflacult  task;  but  if  social  and  industrial 
justice  are  to  be  assured,  the  task  must  somehow  be  accomplished. 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 

Interest  Rates  in  the  United  States. 
Wages  in  This  Country  and  in  Others. 

A  Study  of  the  Meat  Business  (or  some  other)  to  Determine  the 
Contribution  of  Each  Factor  in  Production. 

REFERENCE  READINGS 

Burch  —  American  Economic  Life,  Chapters  39-44. 
Laing  —  Introduction  to  Economics,  Chapter  24. 
Thompson  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapters  22,  24-26. 
Carver  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapters  28-31,  33-36. 
Blackmar  and  GiUin  —  OutUnes  of  Sociology,  Part  II.,  Chapters  9, 

10. 
Adams  —  Description  of  Industry,  Chapters  9,  12. 
Hayes  —  Introduction  to  Sociology,  Chapters  7,  8. 


XII.     PROMOTING    THE    PUBLIC    GOOD    THROUGH 
BUSINESS 


If  capital  is  essential  to  any  modern  business,  its  use  must  be 
properly  planned.  Wasted  capital  and  unemployed  wealth  do  no 
good  to  society  or  to  the  individual  who  has  them.  By  what  agencies 
are  the  factors  in  production  organized  for  usefulness  and  how  are 
such  agencies  regulated  so  as  to  promote  the  public  welfare? 


136.  Simple  Forms  of  Business  Organization.  —  There 
are  three  types  of  organization  which  appear  commonly 
among  industries  today  —  the  single  proprietorship,  the 
partnership,  and  the  corporation.  The  simplest  of  these,  the 
single  proprietorship,  is  that  type  of  business  management  in 
which  one  man  assumes  all  responsibilities,  takes  all  risks,  and 
receives  all  profits.  Always  this  has  been  the  most  common 
form  of  business  management,  and  even  now  must  be,  for 
most  of  the  corner  grocery  stores  and  fruit  stands,  as  well  as 
farms  and  many  other  kinds  of  establishments,  not  all  of 
them  small,  are  handled  in  this  way.  The  single  "  enter- 
priser "  may  or  may  not  hire  men  to  work  for  him.  The  chief 
disadvantages  of  this  type  of  business  are  that  the  proprietor 
does  not  as  a  rule  have  enough  capital  to  expand  the  business 
to  any  great  extent,  and  can  hardly  have  a  wide  enough 
knowledge  or  experience  to  manage  the  varied  features  of 
large-scale  industry.  Yet  he  can  manage  the  business  just 
*as  he  wishes,  and  the  fact  that  he  is  so  vitally  interested  will 
cause  him  to  strive  hard  for  its  success. 

The  partnership  is  a  form  of  organization  in  which  two  or 
more  people  join  in  management.  Each  member  is  respon- 
sible for  the  obligations  of  the  group,  and  is  entitled  to  a  share 
in  the  profits  or  losses  in  proportion  to  what  he  is  supposed  to 
contribute  to  the  conduct  of  the  business.     Often  partners  do 

281 


282         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

not  have  an  equal  interest  in  the  enterprise.  Sometimes  ex- 
perience or  extra  service  in  the  hne  of  management  or  opera- 
tion is  counted  as  equivalent  to  money  investment.  This 
system  of  operation  is  based  on  the  principle  that  two  heads 
are  better  than  one,  and  perhaps  that  two  pocketbooks  con- 
tain more  than  one.  Each  partner  may  handle  that  part  of 
the  business  for  which  he  is  best  fitted.  The  partnership  has 
some  of  the  advantages  of  the  corporation  without  its  formal 
organization.  It  suffers  from  the  inconvenience,  however, 
that  a  business  disagreement  may  occur  between  the  part- 
ners, and  if  a  partner  dies  or  moves  away  or  makes  some  other 
change  of  importance,  the  business  may  have  to  be  reorganized. 

137.  Corporations.  —  Recent  years  have  witnessed  a  re- 
markable growth  of  this  form  of  management,  especially  for 
*'  big  business."  The  corporation  is  made  up  of  a  number  of 
people  (some  states  require  five  or  more)  who  secure  a  charter 
from  a  state,  and  are  authorized  by  it  to  undertake  some  line 
of  business  and  to  issue  stock  to  a  certain  amount.  The 
stock  is  generally  sold  in  shares  valued  at  $100  each.  Every 
one  who  owns  one  or  more  shares  of  stock  has  the  right  to  take 
part  in  the  election  of  a  board  of  directors,  who  are  generally 
responsible  for  the  policies  of  the  corporation.  Each  stock- 
holder usually  has  one  vote  for  each  share  of  stock  that  he 
owns,  so  that  if  one  person  or  a  group  of  persons  owns  more 
than  half  the  stock,  he  or  they  can  control  the  policy  of  the 
corporation.  The  directors  elect  a  president,  vice  president, 
general  manager,  or  other  officers,  as  may  be  needed,  and 
intrust  the  actual  operation  of  the  business  to  their  hands. 

The  corporation  has  the  same  standing  at  law  that  is  en- 
joyed by  an  individual.  At  the  same  time  it  is  not  subject  to 
some  of  the  inconveniences  that  attend  individual  manage- 
ment. The  stockholders  are  responsible  only  for  the  amount 
that  their  stock  is  supposed  to  be  worth.  If  one  of  them  dies 
or  moves  from  his  former  residence,  the  corporation  as  an  or- 
ganization is  not  affected  at  all.  As  a  business  man  said 
recently,  "  Kings  and  corporations  never  die ;    indi\aduals 


Making  America  Prosperous  283 

may  come  and  go,  but  our  firm  goes  on  forever."  The  sale 
of  stock  makes  it  possible  to  bring  in  thousands  of  dollars 
which  can  be  invested  in  the  business,  from  people  who  would 
not  personally  take  any  part  in  the  production  of  the  com- 
modities or  services  which  the  corporation  aims  to  serve. 

Many  corporations  sell  stock  in  two  forms  —  preferred 
stock  and  common.  Preferred  stock  is  that  on  which  a  fixed 
return  is  paid  before  any  other  dividends  are  distributed. 
Common  stock  is  that  which  takes  whatever  profits  are  to  be 
distributed  after  the  preferred  stock  has  been  cared  for.  If 
the  business  is  very  profitable,  the  dividends  on  the  common 
stock  may  be  even  greater  than  on  the  preferred. 

Another  means  by  which  a  corporation  gets  capital  is  the 
old  but  simple  one  of  borrowing.  They  generally  do  this  by 
selling  bonds.  The  bonds  are  nothing  more  than  promises  to 
pay  at  a  fixed  time,  with  interest.  If  the  corporation  is  suc- 
cessful in  business,  it  can  afford  to  pay  interest  on  the  bonds 
and  still  make  money.  Unlike  the  stockholder,  the  bond- 
holder has  no  voice  in  the  business  of  the  corporation. 

Give  examples  from  your  own  community,  if  possible,  of  the  dif- 
ferent types  of  business  organization.  Is  a  stockholder  in  a  cor- 
poration a  capitalist  ?  Should  this  term  carry  an  unpleasant  mean- 
ing to  the  average  person  ?  If  you  owned  a  share  of  stock  in  a  glass 
factory,  would  you  feel  differently  about  child  labor?  Do  firm 
names  signify  the  type  of  organization  which  is  employed?  Why 
did  Julius  Rosenwald  not  substitute  his  own  name  for  that  of  Sears, 
Roebuck,  and  Company  when  he  became  the  controlling  spirit  in  the 
concern  ?  What  conditions  are  required  in  your  state  for  a  corpora- 
tion to  obtain  a  charter  ? 

138.  Trusts.  —  Another  form  of  business  organization  which 
is  not  now  supposed  to  exist  is  the  trust.  We  say  it  is  not 
supposed  to  exist  because  laws  have  been  passed  to  break  up 
trusts  and  prevent  their  formation.  Yet  there  have  been 
attempted  several  notable  trusts  since  the  passage  of  the  Anti- 
Trust  Laws.  Corporations  now  usually  try  to  secure  the 
same  objects  by  private  agreement,  rather  than  by  changing 
their  business  organization. 


284         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

But  what  is  a  trust?  It  is  a  combination  of  corporations 
which  aims  to  secure  such  control  of  some  business  that  it  can 
regulate  the  production  or  price  of  some  commodity.  The 
Standard  Oil  Company  was  the  first  great  trust.  The  orig- 
inal idea  was  to  have  a  group  of  "  trustees  "  selected  which 
would  administer  the  affairs  of  several  companies  which  had 
been  in  competition  with  each  other.  The  forming  of  "  pools  " 
by  railroads  was  an  application  of  the  same  idea.  A  later 
scheme  was  to  have  a  new  corporation  chartered  for  no 
other  purpose  than  to  hold  stock  (perhaps  51  per  cent)  in  the 
corporations  which  were  to  be  brought  together.  Such  a 
special  corporation  was  known  as  a  '^  holding  company.'^ 
When  both  these  methods  were  outlawed,  the  system  of  the 
''  interlocking  directorate  "  was  invented.  By  this  means 
the  same  men  might  be  directors  of  several  corporations,  and 
of  course  would  see  to  it  that  one  corporation  of  which  they 
were  directors  would  do  nothing  to  harm  any  others  with 
which  they  were  similarly  connected.  Our  laws  now  forbid 
such  a  process,  but  the  restriction  is  difficult  to  enforce,  for  a 
private  secretary  or  clerk  may  serve  almost  as  well  as  his 
employer  on  the  board  of  directors  of  a  corporation. 

Be  sure  that  the  terms  "  trust "  and  "  corporation  "  do  not 
mean  the  same  to  you.  A  trust  is  a  combination  of  corpora- 
tions. A  corporation  is  a  perfectly  proper  and  reasonable 
method  for  carrying  on  business.  It  may  carry  on  business 
on  a  large  scale  and  still  not  be  a  trust.  Trusts  have  not 
always  been  highly  successful.  The  law  of  diminishing  re- 
turns applies  in  some  measure  to  every  industry,  and  a  busi- 
ness can  be  too  big  to  be  managed  with  perfect  efficiency. 

Could  we  have,  if  the  laws  permitted,  a  wheat  trust?  a  watch 
trust?  a  biscuit  trust?  a  school  book  trust?  a  celery  trust? 
Show  how  one  man,  by  owning  51  per  cent  of  all  the  stock  of 
some  corporation,  might  be  able  to  dominate  several  corpora- 
tions. Imagine  yourseK  going  into  business.  Trace  the  steps 
you  might  follow  in  the  process  of  getting  funds  and  in  the  exten- 
sion of  your  business,  assuming  that  your  business  is  reasonably 
successful. 


Making  America  Prosperous 


285 


139.  Large-scale  Production.  —  We  have  already  referred 
to  large-scale  production  as  an  important  feature  of  modem 
business.  To  obtain  its  benefits  is  one  of  the  reasons  for  the 
formation  of  corporations  and  trusts.  Some  of  its  advan- 
tages are  the  following : 

(1)  The  larger  the  business,  the  larger  are  the  quantities  of 
material  that  can  be  purchased  at  once,  and  the  more  readily 


Courtesy  Ford  Motor  Co. 
A  Department  in  a  Big  Manufacturing  Plant. 

This  is  the  crank-shaft  grinding  department  of  the  Ford  Motor  Co.  Each 
department  contains  all  of  the  necessary  machinery  to  complete  every  opera- 
tion on  every  part  or  piece  it  produces.  Each  workman  has  a  particular 
step  or  process  to  attend  to  and  the  whole  organization  of  the  plant  is  based 
upon  this  principle  of  specialization. 

can  the  product  be  disposed  of.     This  results  in  a  much  re- 
duced cost  of  production. 

(2)  Division  of  labor  and  specialization  of  work  can  be  car- 
ried out  in  great  detail.  This  should  result  in  a  higher 
quahty  of  goods  and  in  a  greater  amount  of  product  than 
otherwise. 


286         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

(3)  The  by-products  of  large-scale  industries  can  be  made 
useful  and  add  to  the  profits  of  the  business.  The  paraffin  of 
the  Standard  Oil  Company,  the  glue  and  the  buttons  from  the 
meat-packing  concerns,  which  have  been  often  said  to  use 
everything  in  the  animal  except  the  squeal,  and  the  cleanable 
collars  sold  by  the  Du  Pont  powder  works,  are  examples  of 
by-products  of  which  one  might  never  think. 

(4)  Much  improved  machinery  can  be  used.  Scientific  in- 
vestigations can  be  made  and  new  inventions  attempted 
which  a  small  business  could  not  undertake. 

(5)  Factories  can  be  established  in  different  places  where 
some  particular  raw  material  is  available  or  where  there  is 
some  special  advantage  in  the  shipment  of  the  finished 
product. 

(6)  Competition  is  likely  to  be  less  dangerous,  since  small- 
scale  producers  will  not  be  able  to  meet  the  prices  which  the 
large-scale  factory  can  profitably  charge. 

What  industries  are  best  adapted  to  large-scale  production? 
Name  some  industries  that  are  not.  In  what  respects  is  a  large 
school  better  or  worse  than  a  small  school  ?  Do  the  same  principles 
apply  to  business  corporations? 

140.  Special  Features  of  Modern  Organization.  —  Large- 
scale  production  has  introduced  many  new  features  into  busi- 
ness. Particularly  it  has  developed  an  extensive  system  of 
middle  men  —  because  hardly  any  large  producers  deal  di- 
rectly with  the  users  of  their  goods.  The  broker,  whole- 
saler, jobber,  and  retailer  may  all  come  between.  They  do 
not  seem  to  do  any  actual  producing ;  they  all  take  their  prof- 
its and  seemingly  must  raise  the  consumer's  prices. 

Do  they  do  anything  really  worth  while?  Yes,  they  save 
the  consumers  the  trouble  of  hunting  for  some  one  who  sells  the 
goods  he  wants  to  buy,  or  waiting  for  shipment  from  a  dis- 
tance. The  middle  men  give  time  and  place  utility  to  goods, 
and  in  that  sense  are  producers,  after  all.  They  handle  goods 
in  large  quantities,  reduce  expense  in  shipping,  and  save  the 
individual  the  trouble  and  worry  of  handling  freight.     No 


Making  America  Prosperoiu 


287 


doubt  we  have  too  many  people  claiming  pay  for  doing  things 
that  some  one  else  could  do  with  less  cost  to  us,  but  if  the 
middle  men  did  not  render  any  service  to  anybody  they  would 
never  have  come  into  existence. 

The  department  store,  the  city's  general  store,  is  a  feature 
of  modern  business  which  succeeds  because  it  can  get  rid  of 
some  of  the  middle  men.  One  store's  motto  is  this  :  ''  Buy- 
ing more,  we  buy  for  less;  selling  more,  we  sell  for  less." 
It  can  really  benej&t  its  customers  if  it  does  not  pass  off  second- 
rate  goods  to  them  under  cover  of  lower  prices. 

The  chain  store  is  another  result  of  large-scale  business. 
The  same  corporation  may  have  stores  in  many  cities.     The 


Courtesy  Swift  and  Co. 
A  Train  of  Refrigerator  Cars. 

This  train,  loaded  with  the  products  of  this  one  company,  represents  an 
important  feature  in  the  modern  meat-packing  business.  With  the  use 
of  this  kind  of  car  meat  products  can  be  safely  shipped  long  distances  in 
good  condition. 


five-and-ten-cent  stores  make  a  big  business  of  little  things. 
Small  articles  handled  on  a  small  scale  at  small  prices  would  be 
unprofitable.  A  chain  of  stores  can  buy  and  ship  whole  fac- 
tory lots  at  a  time  and  do  it  at  a  marvelously  cheap  rate. 
They  also  usually  sell  for  cash  only,  and  thus  avoid  the  cost 
and  risk  of  carrying  book  accounts. 

The  mail-order  house  also  seeks  to  displace  the  middle  man, 
for  the  customer  may  order  almost  directly  from  the  factory 


288         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

through  catalogues.  Such  a  system  often  seems  a  boon  to 
farmers,  since  they  need  not  come  to  the  city  for  their  goods. 
Rural  retailers,  however,  object  strenuously.  They  say  that 
they  offer  the  customer  better  service,  because  he  can  see  the 
goods  and  need  not  order  a  misfit  from  a  picture  in  a  cata- 
logue. Moreover,  they  are  helping  to  support  their  own 
community  and  think  that  they  should  receive  their  neigh- 
bor's business. 

Any  form  of  large-scale  business  calls  for  a  high  order  of 
management.  The  proprietor  or  manager  must  be  able  to 
judge  how  great  the  demand  will  be  for  his  product  and  to 
meet  that  demand  as  nearly  as  possible.  A  manufacturer 
must  not  put  on  the  market  a  greater  supply  of  the  commod- 
ity than  there  is  a  demand  for.  A  retail  dealer  must  not 
load  his  shelves  with  things  he  can  hardly  sell  at  all  or  only  at 
rare  intervals.  And  yet  both  must  be  ready  to  serve  the 
public  promptly  when  it  wants  something.  Successful  ad- 
vertising also  plays  a  big  part  in  the  prosperity  of  many  a 
modern  business. 

Find  statistics  of  the  number  of  men  who  failed  in  business  in  the 
United  States  in  some  year.  If  you  are  familiar  with  any  who  did 
not  make  a  success  in  some  business  enterprise,  try  to  determine  why 
they  failed. 

The  successful  business  man  must  be  able  to  get  good  work 
from  his  employees.  The  advocates  of  '*  scientific  manage- 
ment "  believe  that  there  is  some  one  best  way  to  do  almost 
everything,  whether  it  is  pushing  a  wheelbarrow,  laying 
bricks,  or  keeping  a  record  in  an  office.  They  assert  that,  if 
this  best  way  can  be  found,  work  can  be  done  in  a  much 
greater  amount  and  with  less  wear  and  tear  on  the  worker 
than  otherwise.  Unquestionably  much  good  from  the  em- 
ployer's viewpoint  has  come  from  the  application  of  this 
principle,  but  the  average  union  worker  does  not  take  kindly 
to  it,  mistakenly  thinking  that  the  only  object  of  the  employer 
is  to  get  as  much  work  out  of  him  as  possible.  Improved 
methods  ought  to  benefit  both  parties. 


Making  America  Prosperous  289 

Class  Study  : 

Modern  Advertising :  objects  ;  forms  —  billboard,  magazine,  win- 
dow display,  circular,  follow-up  letters,  special  stories ;  expense  and 
who  pays  it ;  value,  to  producer  and  to  buyer. 

Make  a  list  of  ten  familiar  advertisements.  Which  of  those  are 
good  and  which  ineffective  as  far  as  making  any  impression  on  you  is 
concerned  ?     Can  farmers  advertise  successfully  ? 

To  what  extent  does  insurance  play  a  part  in  a  business  man's 
budget  ?  Against  what  kinds  of  misfortunes  might  he  wish  to  carry 
insurance?  Is  insurance  a  form  of  gambling?  Do  we  have  more 
fires  or  less  because  of  fire  insurance  ?  What  emergencies  other  than 
destruction  of  property  might  a  business  man  need  to  guard  against  ? 

141.  Dangers  in  Big  Business.  —  Not  all  the  results  of 
large  production  are  necessarily  beneficial.  As  we  have  al- 
ready noted,  business  may  become  too  big  to  handle  effi- 
ciently ;  and  the  extreme  specialization  which  is  required  from 
the  workers  may  be  detrimental.  If  large-scale  production 
does  nothing  more  than  help  a  few  rich  men  and  women  to  be- 
come richer,  it  is  hard  to  see  wherein  the  people  are  better  off. 

A  few  unscrupulous  men  can  gain  the  control  of  a  large 
business  and  dominate  it  for  their  personal  gain.  Small 
stockholders  may  be  either  "  frozen  out  "  or  ignored,  for  even 
the  corporation  is  subject  to  the  disadvantage  that  the  stock- 
holder may  be  far  removed  from  the  actual  management  of 
the  business.  "  Promoters  "  sometimes  cause  the  organiza- 
tion of  a  new  corporation,  and  usually  demand  their  returns 
in  the  form  of  a  considerable  amount  of  stock,  which  is,  of 
course,  wholly  or  mostly,  "  water."  This  becomes  a  fixed 
charge  on  the  corporation  and  reduces  the  returns  to  the 
other  stockholders  by  so  much.  Especially  in  corporations 
dealing  with  railroads,  gas  and  electric  light  companies,  and 
the  like,  there  has  been  a  considerable  amount  of  ''high 
finance  "  which  results  in  added  costs  today  to  those  who  are 
trying  to  make  the  business  pay.  This  is  sometimes  the 
reason  why  such  concerns  demand  higher  prices  and  fares 
from  the  public  than  their  services  deserve. 

The  tremendous  financial  power  of  big  business  is  a  source 


290         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

of  temptation  and  peril.  The  big  concern  raises  prices  in  one 
place  and  lowers  them  in  another,  to  crush  small  competitors 
and  then  raise  prices  permanently.  People  used  to  say, 
**  Let  there  be  free  competition  and  may  the  best  man  win." 
But  did  he  ?  More  often  the  most  crooked  and  unscrupulous 
prevailed.  As  he  grew  stronger  he  sought  to  annihilate  his 
rivals.  Personal  morals  and  business  morals  seemed  to  be 
wholly  different.  Men  who  would  not  think  of  stealing  a 
stick  of  candy  or  a  rose  boasted  of  wrecking  a  railroad  or 
ruining  a  rival.  Businesses  went  into  bankruptcy  and  paid 
what  they  could  to  their  creditors,  or  else  sold  out  to  their 
conqueror  on  his  terms. 

We  have  also  seen  big  business  in  politics  to  no  good  end. 
Railroads  have  built  and  ruined  individual  communities,  and 
have  used  their  money  to  elect  legislatures  and  governors, 


The  Greatest  Steel 
This  plant  is  at  Duquesne,  Pennsylvania,  in  the  Pittsburgh  district. 

and  to  control  political  parties.  Franchises,  instead  of  being 
obtained  so  that  the  holders  might  serve  the  people,  were 
bought  from  legislatures  by  almost  open  gifts  of  stocks,  bonds, 
or  other  favors.  Especially  in  city  government,  instance  after 
instance  occurred  when  contracts  were  awarded  and  priv- 
ileges were  granted,  not  to  the  most  deserving,  but  to  the  one 
who  made  it  most  profitable  for  the  city  council. 

Certain  business  interests  are  always  active  in  trying  to 
secure  special  favors  when  new  tariff  laws  are  being  made. 
They  have  contributed  to  the  campaign  funds  of  Congress- 


Making  America  Prosperous 


291 


men.  They  demanded  their  men's  vote  on  matters  which 
concerned  themselves  and  their  friends.  Looking  at  the 
matter  only  from  a  selfish  standpoint,  we  cannot  blame  them 
for  supporting  the  political  party  whose  platform  suited  them 
best.  But  our  government  does  not  exist  for  the  purpose  of 
giving  favors  to  anybody ;  and  if  the  interests  of  all  the  people 
are  to  be  preserved,  the  government  must  control  industry, 
big  or  little,  and  not  be  controlled  by  it. 

142.  Forms  of  Monopolies.  —  When,  as  a  result  of  business 
conflict,  small-scale  producers  are  eliminated,  will  the  rivalry 
between  a  few  large-scale  producers  be  more  intense  and  bur- 
densome than  before  ?  If  so,  they  will  endeavor  to  get  to- 
gether and  put  a  stop  to  such  struggles  which  are  a  constant 
source  of  worry  and  expense.     If  that  is  the  case,  large-scale 


Courtesy  United  States  Steel  Corporation. 

Mill  in  the  World. 

Does  it  give  you  some  idea  of  the  enormous  size  of  such  an  establishment  ? 


production  has  a  tendency,  if  carried  far  enough,  toward 
monopoly.  By  monopoly,  we  mean  a  state  of  affairs  where 
one  person  or  corporation,  or  a  combination  of  them,  has 
command  over  the  production  or  sale  of  a  commodity.  The 
regulation  of  prices  is  the  real  test.  No  matter  how  large  a 
business  any  person  or  corporation  operates,  a  monopoly  does 
not  exist  unless  the  producer  is  free  to  fix  the  price  of  his 
product  at  any  point  he  pleases.  There  are  several  differ- 
ent kinds  of  monopolies. 

(1)   A  monopoly  of  organization  exists  when  several  nro- 


292         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

ducers  control  through  combination  the  output  of  their  com- 
modity. Trusts  were  formed  to  obtain  this  form  of  monopoly. 
The  policy  of  some  labor  unions  is  of  exactly  this  kind,  when 
they  demand  the  closed  shop,  in  which  none  except  members 
of  the  union  can  be  employed. 

(2)  Another  kind  of  monopoly  which  is  also  usually  con- 
ducted on  a  large  scale  is  the  governmental  monopoly.  By 
this,  we  mean  an  activity  which  is  carried  on  entirely  by 
public  officers.  In  the  United  States,  the  post  office  is  a  govern- 
mental monopoly ;  in  some  European  countries  the  sale  of  salt 
or  tobacco ;  in  practically  all  countries  the  coining  of  money. 

(3)  Private  legal  monopolies  are  granted  by  the  govern- 
ment to  persons  or  groups  of  people  to  enable  them  to  engage 
in  some  activity,  generally  for  a  limited  time,  without  danger 
of  competition.  Patents,  good  for  seventeen  years,  and 
copyrights,  for  twenty-eight  years,  are  considered  incentives 
and  rewards  for  inventors  and  composers.  Franchises  that 
carry  monopoly  privileges  are  often  granted  to  street  rail- 
ways, gas  companies,  and  the  like,  because  such  public  utili- 
ties are  expected  to  serve  the  public  best  as  monopolies. 

(4)  Monopolies  of  situation  owe  their  monopoly  power  to 
the  control  of  the  only  location  in  which  some  industry  can 
profitably  be  carried  on.  The  best  example  of  this  kind  of 
monopoly  is  a  railroad  which  occupies  a  mountain  pass  or  a 
river  valley  that  is  so  much  better  than  any  other  route 
that  it  entirely  prevents  competition. 

(5)  Personal  monopolies  occur  when  only  one  person  in  a 
community  possesses  a  particular  talent  or  training.  The 
country  doctor  or  printer  or  dentist  often  controls  his  pro- 
fession completely  in  his  neighborhood.  This  kind  of  mo- 
nopoly seldom  causes  any  industrial  problem. 

143.  Monopoly  Prices.  —  Many  people  think  that  when 
some  fine  of  production  is  monopolized,  the  inevitable  result 
is  very  high  prices.  In  one  sense  it  is  true  that  monopolists 
may  charge  whatever  they  will.     But  what  will  they  charge? 


Making  America  Prosperous  293 

When  the  price  of  an  article  is  raised,  the  demand  for  it  be- 
comes less;  if  it  is  lowered,  the  demand  increases.  The 
monopolist  wants  the  greatest  returns  possible,  and  these  may 
result  from  a  small  number  of  sales  at  a  very  high  price  or  a 
large  number  of  sales  at  a  low  cost.  The  latter  is  more  likely, 
for  it  is  most  often  the  case  that  the  cost  of  production  per 
unit  in  large  quantities  is  much  less  than  in  small  quantities. 
The  monopolist  is  therefore  likely  to  keep  his  price  within 


Courtesy  United  States  Steel  Corporation. 
Ore  Boats  at  Loading  Docks. 

This  Corporation  owns  the  mines  from  which  it  gets  its  ore,  the  great  docks, 
the  boats  on  which  the  ore  is  loaded,  and  the  factories  in  which  the  ore 
is  transformed  into  all  kinds  of  steel  products. 

reason,  though  probably  not  as  low  as  he  could  fix  it  and  still 
get  a  respectable  return  for  his  services  in  production. 

The  two  chief  restraining  factors  in  fixing  monopoly  prices 
are  competition  and  svbstitution.  A  competitor  may  enter 
the  same  field  as  a  monopolist  who  charges  extremely  high 
prices,  and  be  able  to  make  reasonable  profits  by  charging  a 
lower  price.  By  substitution  we  mean  that  people  will  simply 
stop  using  a  commodity  for  which  an  exorbitant  price  is 
charged,  or  use  something  else  in  its  place.     If  too  much  were 


294         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

charged  for  wheat  flour,  people  would  substitute  corn  or  rye 
flour  for  it.  Butter  at  a  dollar  a  pound  would  force  many 
people  to  use  oleomargarine.  The  Great  War  showed  us  what 
we  can  do  in  this  respect  if  we  have  to. 

As  a  last  resort  there  is  still  a  third  possibility,  government 
restriction.  When  the  monopohst  controls  a  necessity  of  life, 
substitution  may  be  impossible.  Then  a  government  would 
be  grossly  neghgent  which  did  not  lay  its  restraining  hand 
upon  high  prices  in  the  same  way  that  we  have  already  done 
upon  railroad  rates. 

Why  does  not  this  book  cost  $10  a  copy  ?  Suppose  the  maker  of  a 
patented  pencil  discovers  or  estimates  that  at  a  selling  price  of 
$.50  he  sells  80,000  a  year  with  a  production  cost  of  $.25  each ;  at 
$1  apiece  he  sells  40,000  with  a  production  cost  of  $.30;  at  $1.50 
apiece  he  sells  25,000  with  a  production  cost  of  $.40  each.  What 
price  is  he  likely  to  charge? 

144.  Public  Opinion  about  Big  Business.  —  A  large  part 
of  the  public  has  developed  an  intense  dislike  for  big  business. 
If  a  suit  is  brought  in  court  against  a  large  corporation,  an 
average  jury  will  generally  decide  against  the  corporation. 
To  obtain  fair  settlements  insurance  companies  and  other 
large  concerns  make  every  attempt  to  reach  agreements  out- 
side of  court.  Wealthy  men  are  disliked  and  censured  for 
everything  they  do,  merely  because  they  are  wealthy.  The 
public's  memory  recalls  what  happened  when  railroads  and 
other  forms  of  big  business  did  just  what  they  pleased.  No 
matter  how  hard  the  Chicago  meat  packers  try  to  convince 
the  public  that  they  are  not  acting  as  the  possessors  of  monop- 
oly power,  they  get  very  little  sympathy  from  the  pubhc  in 
general. 

Yet  there  are  times  when  monopolies  may  be  distinctly 
helpful  to  the  people.  If  the  monopolist  passes  on  to  the 
public  some  of  the  advantages  of  low  cost  in  production  and 
the  saving  that  comes  from  absence  of  competition,  most  of 
the  people  may  be  benefited.  Besides,  it  is  often  a  matter  of 
distinct  convenience  in  the  case  of  agencies  such  as  the  tele- 


Making  America  Prosperous  295 

phone  or  street  railway  to  have  the  entire  service  in  one  com- 
munity under  one  management.  Six  street  car  Unes  in  Bos- 
ton which  did  not  transfer  to  one  another  would  be  an  unen- 
durable nuisance.  Even  two  telephone  lines  in  a  large  city 
may  also  cause  considerable  inconvenience  when  some  of  the 
people  of  a  neighborhood  have  the  phone  of  one  company 
and  others  a  different  one. 

Under  what  conditions  would  you  consent  to  the  existence  of  a 
monopoly  in  the  sale  of  flour  or  milk  ?  street  car  service  ?  the  work 
of  barbers  or  physicians  ? 

States  have  granted  charters  to  corporations  to  do  almost 
anything,  and  under  cover  of  these  they  have  engaged  in  ac- 
tivities which  are  open  to  serious  question.  The  tendency 
now  in  the  majority  of  states  is  to  be  much  more  strict  in  the 
requirements  demanded  when  a  charter  is  asked  for.  The 
states  which  are  still  lenient  in  this  respect  are  often  sought  by 
people  in  other  states  who  wish  to  get  charters  on  easy  terms. 
When  such  charters  are  secured  corporations  have  the  right 
to  do  business  in  other  states,  because  the  United  States  Con- 
stitution declares  that  no  state  shall  pass  any  law  impairing 
the  obligations  of  a  contract,  and  the  Supreme  Court  has  said 
that  a  charter  is  a  contract.  Some  believe  that  the  Federal 
government  should  require  corporations  to  take  out  Federal 
charters,  if  the  business  to  be  done  will  require  commerce  be- 
tween the  states.  Perhaps  such  a  law  would  make  it  easier 
to  secure  regulation  and  control  of  corporations  and  would 
promote  the  public  interest. 

But  let  us  not  think  that  big  business  is  always  wrong. 
When  the  great  controversy  over  gold  and  silver  was  at  its 
height  in  1896,  big  business  was  right  and  its  money  probably 
saved  the  country  from  a  great  mistake.  During  the  Great 
War,  which  tested  the  patriotism  of  men  of  all  classes,  business 
that  was  really  big  played  its  part  nobly.  Profiteering  and 
such  performances,  which  the  unpatriotic  practiced  under 
cover  of  the  nation's  necessity,  are  to  be  charged  not  against 
big  business  so  much  as  against  the  fellows  who  saw  their 


296         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

first  chance  to  make  easy  money.  Even  organized  labor 
needs  to  be  careful  to  avoid  doing  the  same  kind  of  thing 
which  we  so  often  berate  big  business  for  doing. 

If  you  were  a  millionaire,  would  you  be  likely  to  favor  or  oppose 
laws  which  would  control  big  business?  What  is  your  attitude 
now?     Why? 

145.  Theories  of  the  Government's  Relation  to  Business. 
—  When  we  spoke  of  the  gild  system  (§  100)  we  noticed  a  very 
close  connection  between  government  and  industry ;  then  as 
time  went  on,  this  connection  became  weaker  and  weaker, 
until  finally  the  gilds  in  England  were  declared  illegal.  Dur- 
ing the  last  century,  we  have  seen  the  reverse  of  this  process 
working  out. 

Wben  the  19th  century  came  in,  the  favorite  industrial 
theory  was  that  of  the  Englishman  Adam  Smith  and  the 
American  Thomas  Jefferson.  **  That  government  governs 
best  that  governs  least,"  said  Jefferson.  That  theory  is 
called  the  laissez  faire  theory.  These  two  French  words 
may  be  freely  translated,  *'  Let  things  alone."  It  is  the  doc- 
trine of  the  ''survival  of  the  fittest."  In  practice,  how- 
ever, the  fittest  survived  only  if  by  '*  fittest  "  is  meant  the 
most  powerful.  The  strongest  prevailed  and  the  weaker 
went  to  the  wall.  The  interests  of  the  poor  workers  and  of 
the  people  who  were  not  directly  concerned  with  any  par- 
ticular industry  received  no  consideration  whatever. 

Events  have  forced  us  to  adopt  a  different  policy,  and  we 
now  proceed  on  the  basis  of  the  social  or  regulative  theory. 
This  proposes  that  the  government,  representing  the  people, 
has  not  only  the  right  but  the  duty  to  interfere  in  industry, 
when  such  interference  will  promote  the  well-being  of  either 
the  workers  in  the  industry  or  the  community  which  depends 
upon  it.  The  state,  for  instance,  may  compel  the  factory 
owner  to  provide  decent  conditions  for  his  workers.  It  may 
supervise  the  actions  of  the  monopolist  and  restrict  them  if  it 
is  necessary.  Courts  almost  always  recognize  the  state's  police 
power  as  sufficiently  elastic  to  permit  a  wide  range  of  regulation. 


Making  America  Prosperous  297 

Those  who  are  still  not  satisfied  set  forth  the  socialistic 
theory.  This  declares  that  all  essential  phases  of  production, 
transportation,  and  exchange  should  be  carried  on  by  the 
government.  The  government  should  own  all  public  activ- 
ities. All  monopolies  would  be  government  monopolies. 
Only  time  will  tell  whether  we  shall  ever  accept  the  sociaUstic 
idea  as  the  next  forward  step  in  industry.  But  it  is  certain 
that  we  will  never  go  back  to  the  laissez  faire  policy. 

146.  Restrictive  Legislation.  —  The  first  attempts  at  regu- 
lation of  industry  were  mild.  State  legislation  is  only  partly 
effective,  because  the  business  of  monopolies  usually  extends 
beyond  the  limits  of  one  state.  The  first  federal  legislation 
was  the  Sherman  Anti-Trust  Act  of  1890.  It  was  passed 
largely  for  political  reasons,  because  public  opinion  demanded 
some  legislation  against  the  rapid  development  of  trusts. 
There  was  no  serious  attempt  made  to  enforce  it  until  the 
Roosevelt  administration,  when  a  number  of  spectacular  and 
successful  prosecutions  were  started. 

This  law  was  too  indefinite.  It  declared  that  every  con- 
tract, combination  in  the  form  of  a  trust  or  otherwise,  or  con- 
spiracy in  restraint  of  trade  between  the  states  was  illegal. 
In  practically  every  case  that  came  before  the  courts  this  law 
had  to  be  specially  interpreted.  People  complained  that  they 
did  not  know  what  they  had  a  right  to  do  and  what  they  did 
not  have  a  right  to  do.  To  remedy  this  difiiculty  the  Clayton 
Act  of  1914  was  passed.  It  makes  clearer  what  shall  be 
considered  illegal  acts.  It  forbids  price  discrimination  and 
"  tying  "  contracts.  These  are  contracts  made  between  a 
wholesaler  and  the  retailers  who  handle  his  goods,  preventing 
the  retailers  from  selling  any  other  company's  products  on  the 
penalty  of  the  wholesaler's  withdrawing  his  goods.  It  also  for- 
bids holding  companies  and  interlocking  directorates,  and  does 
not  permit  one  corporation  to  buy  up  the  stock  of  a  competitor. 

The  Federal  Trade  Commission  was  also  estabhshed  in 
1914.     It  is  composed  of  five  members  appointed  by  the 


;298         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

President  in  different  years  for  seven-year  terms.  It  inves- 
tigates industrial  conditions,  calls  for  reports,  and  aids  the 
courts  in  decrees  of  dissolution.  It  attempts  to  prevent  un- 
fair  methods  of  competition  in  commerce  and  it  may  initiate 
proceedings  in  the  courts  against  offenders. 

Laws  of  1921  establish  a  system  of  supervisory  control  over 
the  meat-packing  business  and  over  grain  exchanges. 

Many  states  have  "  blue  sky  "  laws  to  prevent  fraud  on  the 
part  of  corporations.     These  laws  prevent  corporations  put- 


CouTtcsy  Carnegie  Steel  Co. 
An  Inside  View  in  a  Steel  Mill, 

An  open  hearth  furnace  is  being  charged  with  hot  metal  from  a  "mixer." 
There  is  something  profoundly  impressive  in  the  vastness  and  somberness 
of  a  great  steel  mill,  even  though  its  appearance  can  hardly  be  otherwise 
than  dark  and  unattractive.     How  would  you  like  to  work  there? 


ting  any  stock  on  the  market  which  does  not  represent  a 
substantial  business  investment.  Many  states  now  require 
the  permission  of  a  state  commission  before  stocks  or  bonds 
can  be  issued  by  public  service  corporations.     These  public 


Making  America  Prosperous  299 

utilities  commissions  or  public  service  commissions,  as  they  are 
variously  called,  are  bodies  which  have  general  power  of  regu- 
lation and  supervision  over  railroads,  street  railways,  tele- 
phone Unes,  gas,  Ught,  and  power  companies,  and  the  like, 
which  do  business  under  a  franchise  from  a  state  or  local 
government.  They  usually  have  power  to  pass  judgment  on 
rate  changes,  as  well  as  on  many  other  features  of  business 
policy.  Upon  the  efficiency,  ability,  and  honesty  of  these 
commissions  much  depends,  for  the  welfare  of  both  the  pubUc 
and  the  agencies  which  serve  them. 

Coupling  these  regulative  agencies  with  the  Interstate 
Commerce  Commission  and  the  other  bodies  which  have  au- 
thority over  transportation  and  communication,  we  find  a 
fairly  extensive  system  of  public  supervision.  Have  we  gone 
far  enough  in  this  matter? 

Can  you  suggest  any  further  means  of  controlling  big  business  if 
that  should  seem  to  be  desirable  ? 

147.  Public  Ownership  and  Operation.  —  Many  people  who 
would  not  adopt  the  socialistic  theory  for  full  industrial  con- 
trol by  the  government  are  sympathetically  inclined  toward 
government  ownership  and  operation  of  such  pubhc  utilities 
as  the  railroads,  lighting  systems,  gas  systems,  and  water 
systems.  Except  in  supplying  water  and  to  some  extent  the 
furnishing  of  light,  we  have  had  very  httle  actual  exercise  of 
such  power  in  this  country,  but  steam  railroads  and  street 
railways  operated  by  the  government  are  common  in  Europe. 

Among  the  arguments  offered  for  government  ownership  of  public 
utilities  are  these : 

(1)  It  is  the  only  way  to  control  disputes  between  labor  and 

capital.  As  long  as  private  management  exists  there  will 
always  be  constant  danger  of  controversies  and  interrup- 
tion of  the  service. 

(2)  Government  ownership  should  give  better  service  at  lower 

rates,  because  it  will  either  be  conducted  at  cost  or  else  v;ill 
have  its  income  devoted  to  improvements  in  the  system 
or  to  paying  other  expenses  of  the  government. 


300         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

(3)  Government  ownership  will  take  out  of  the  hands  of  a  small 

number  of  great  moneyed  interests  the  large  amount  of 
wealth  invested  in  these  activities  and  put  it  into  the  hands 
of  the  representatives  of  the  people.  This  would  do  away 
with  the  corrupting  influence  of  big  business  upon  govern- 
ment and  would  make  it  possible  to  maintain  a  higher 
standard  of  service. 

(4)  Government  operation  would  help  to  set  standard  prices  for 

the  service  rendered,  and  these  would  be  based  on  the  cost 
of  operation,  and  not  on  the  amount  of  dividend  which  pri- 
vate stockholders  wish  to  receive. 

Now  for  some  negative  arguments.  In  the  summer  of  1919,  the 
Chambers  of  Commerce  of  the  various  cities  went  strongly  on  record 
against  government  ownership  of  the  railroads.  Since  their  reasons 
will  apply  to  almost  any  kind  of  government  ownership,  we  shall 
summarize  them  briefly: 

(1)  Under  government  ownership,  development  of  railroad  serv- 

ice would  depend  upon  appropriations  by  Congress. 
These  would  usually  be  late  and  would  often  be  made  or 
refused  because  of  political  reasons. 

(2)  To  take  over  the  title  of  the  roads,  the  government  would 

have  to  incur  an  enormous  debt  in  addition  to  its  present 
burden. 

(3)  Government  operation  is  seldom  as  efficient  as  private  man- 

agement. The  roads  could  not  be  conducted  at  a  profit 
without  increasing  fares  and  freight  rates.  Government 
operation,  therefore,  would  be  more  expensive  than  pri- 
vate operation. 

(4)  Though  the  selection  of  officers  and  men  for  the  system  would 

probably  be  made  under  civil  service  rules,  political  influ- 
ence could  not  be  kept  out. 

That  the  Chamber  of  Commerce  represents  the  sentiment 
of  the  business  men  of  the  country  is  very  probable.  But 
among  farmers,  railroad  employees,  and  laboring  men,  gov- 
ernment ownership  is  generally  popular.  The  government's 
experience  in  war-time  operation  of  the  railroads  hardly  fur- 
nishes any  fair  basis  for  forming  an  opinion  of  its  success  as  a 
permanent  policy.  What  we  had  then  was  government  oper- 
ation with  private  ownership,  which  is  about  as  unsatisfactory 
a  situation  as  we  could  imagine.     Private  owners  now  have 


Making  America  Prosperous  301 

another  chance  to  make  good.     "  We  shall  see  what  we  shall 


Why  should  the  raih'oad  employees  and  the  Chamber  of  Com- 
merce look  at  things  so  differently  ?  Hardly  anybody  would  ask  to 
have  the  public  water  system  or  the  post  office  put  into  private 
hands.  Why  should  not  people  feel  the  same  way  about  other  public 
utilities  ? 

.*.  Business  is  carried  on  to  serve  the  public  in  some  way,  because 
otherwise  it  could  not  exist.  Big  business  organizations  may  acquire 
such  control  of  an  industry  as  to  make  the  public  virtually  depend  on 
them  rather  than  they  upon  the  public.  The  public  interest,  under 
such  conditions,  not  only  justifies  but  demands  the  regulation  or  super- 
vision of  it  by  agencies  representing  the  public.  Whether  such  super- 
vision will  lead  to  operation  of  all  or  many  public  utilities  by  the 
government  is  still  an  open  question. 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 

The  Organization  and  Management  of  a  Corporation. 
The  Administrative  Organization  of  a  Large-Scale  Business. 
The  United  States  Steel  Corporation. 
The  Standard  Oil  Company. 
Scientific  Management. 
The  Work  of  Insurance  Companies. 
Industrial  Cooperation  during  the  War. 
Types  of  Business  Organizations  in  Our  Community. 
The  Farmer  as  a  Business  Manager. 
Advertising,  Good  and  Bad. 
The  Mail-Order  House. 
The  Chain  Store. 
Adam  Smith  and  His  Views. 
Anti-Trust  Legislation. 
The  Federal  Government  and  the  Packers. 
Public  Ownership  in  Practical  Operation. 

Resolved,  that  the  United  States  government  should  own  and  oper- 
ate all  interstate  railroads. 

REFERENCE   READINGS 

Marshall  and  Lyon  —  Our  Economic  Organization,  Chapters  9-23, 

25. 
Burch  —  American  Economic  Life,  Chapters  25-27. 


302         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Laing  —  Introduction  to  Economics,  Chapters  7-9,  12. 

Carver  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapter  12. 

Thompson  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapters  8,  10,  11,  13,  14. 

Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapters 

35, 36. 
Beard  —  American  City  Government,  Chapter  8. 
Young  —  New  American  Government,  Chapters  6-10. 
Haworth  —  America  in  Ferment,  Chapter  8. 
Tufts  —  The  Real  Business  of  Living,  Chapters  16,  17,  23. 
Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  A -6,  A-7,  A-20,  A-25» 

A-26,  B-25. 
A  dams  —  Description  of  Industry,  Chapters  3,  13,  14. 


XIII.   SAFEGUARDING  THE  WORKERS 


Rightly  or  wrongly,  we  usually  connect  with  our  thought  of  the 
activities  of  capital  and  management  a  supposition  that  they  need 
restraint.  How  should  we  feel  toward  those  who  contribute  their 
labor  ?  Are  they  more  in  need  of  restraint  or  of  protection  ?  What 
are  the  specific  needs  of  the  workers  and  what  is  being  done  to  sat- 
isfy them  ?  How  can  we  hope  to  make  their  condition  of  life  and 
work  worthy  of  their  industrial  importance  ? 


148.  Do  They  Need  Special  Protection?  —  We  need  not 
disparage  the  economic  value  of  other  factors  in  order  to 
realize  how  important  a  factor  in  industry  is  labor.  It  is 
labor  that  makes  land  and  capital  do  things.  It  is  labor  that 
thinks.  We  must  therefore  recognize  the  absolute  neces- 
sity of  a  labor  force  that  is  sufficiently  large  and  sufficiently 
intelligent  to  make  land  and  capital  as  useful  as  possible. 

In  a  controversy  between  capital  and  labor  the  general 
public  is  likely  instinctively  to  sympathize  with  labor.  Capi- 
tal and  land  do  nothing  themselves.  The  worker  contributes 
his  energy  and  his  hfe.  The  human  factor  makes  up  society. 
The  great  mass  of  human  beings  are  workers,  and  our  coun- 
try's welfare  depends  upon  their  well-being. 

Under  at  least  four  conditions  workers  can  justly  claim 
special  protection.  (1)  When  they  are  too  weak  to  protect 
themselves,  or  when  they  are  engaged  in  occupations  that  are 
inherently  hazardous  or  require  some  dangerous  operations  or 
make  unhealthful  conditions  possible,  society  by  law  and  pub- 
lic sentiment  should  throw  safeguards  about  them.  (2)  When 
by  cooperation  they  can  look  out  for  their  own  interests,  they 
may  rightly  demand  the  privilege  of  doing  so.  (3)  If  employers 
do  not  or  cannot  pay  large  wages,  they  at  least  can  provide 
reasonable  facilities  for  their  employees'  health,  comfort,  and 
happiness.     (4)  For  its  own  sake  society  should  endeavor  to 

303 


304         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

have  every  citizen  able  to  do  something  useful,  so  that  he  may 
not  be  a  burden  to  himself  or  his  community.  —  And  all  this 
is  not  sentimental  sympathy,  but  plain  common  sense.     The 


Courtesy  U.  S.  Steel  Corporation. 

Undercutting  Coal  in  the  Interior  of  a  Mine. 
Notice  the  cramped  position  in  which  the  miner  must  work. 

conservation  of  human  resources  and  the  conservation  of 
natural  resources  are  alike  sound  business  and  fine  morality. 

A.  Protection  through  Legislation 

Upon  the  health  and  intelligence  of  women  and  children  depends  in 
a  peculiar  sense  the  future  welfare  of  our  country.  They  are  not 
able  to  look  out  for  themselves  as  well  as  men  are.  Men  too  can- 
not always  assure  themselves  of  complete  safety  in  industry.  One 
worker  killed  every  sixteen  minutes  is  entirely  too  high  a  toll  for  any 
civilized  country  to  permit.  Problems  such  as  these  call  for  solu- 
tion in  part  by  law. 

149.    Child  Workers.  —  In  a  country  as  enlightened  as  we 
think  we  are,  can  there  be  any  argument  about  child  labor? 


Making  America  Prosperous  305 

Yet  there  are  probably  two  million  child  workers  in  the  coun- 
try. How  can  this  be  explained?  The  unscrupulous  greed 
of  the  manufacturer  to  gain  by  cheap  labor,  the  selfishness, 
laziness,  and  poverty  of  parents,  their  ignorance  of  the  benefit 
of  schools,  the  child's  dislike  for  school,  the  introduction  of 
machine  methods  into  business,  and  the  scarcity  of  laborers 
have  all  been  given  as  reasons. 

The  factory  system  as  it  grew  under  laissez  faire  made 
this  a  fearful  problem  in  England  a  century  and  more  ago,  but 
it  did  not  become  such  a  serious  matter  in  this  country  until 
much  later.  Child  labor  is  more  common  in  the  South  than 
in  the  North  and  today  more  common  in  agriculture  than  in 
manufacturing.  Work  for  children  on  the  farm  is  not  so 
harmful,  and  though  it  cannot  readily  be  stopped  need  not 
cause  any  great  worry. 

A  child  ten  or  twelve  years  old  working  in  a  factory  ten  or 
twelve  hours  a  day  is  a  detriment  to  every  one  concerned. 
Steady  work  at  a  machine  with  no  play  or  fresh  air  makes  him 
a  weak  and  underdeveloped  man.  The  constant  grind  of  work 
without  schooling  makes  him  narrow-minded  and  ill-disposed 
to  all  better  situated  than  he  is.  Being  thrown  in  among 
adults  of  all  kinds  at  the  learning  age,  he  learns  all  forms  of 
vice  and  immorality.  He  may  keep  older  men  from  positions 
they  should  fill.  With  the  children  out  at  work  family  life  is 
broken  up.  Children  cannot  do  as  good  work  for  the  em- 
ployer as  adults,  so  that  even  he  in  the  long  run  loses  rather 
than  gains. 

In  view  of  the  attitude  of  the  Supreme  Court  it  is  virtually 
impossible  for  the  national  government  to  restrain  child  labor. 
The  Keating-Owen  bill  of  1916  forbade  the  transportation  be- 
tween the  states  of  the  products  of  child  labor.  Another  act 
in  1919  imposed  a  10  per  cent  tax  on  such  products.  But 
both  acts  were  declared  unconstitutional  on  the  ground  that 
child  labor  was  within  the  domestic  jurisdiction  of  the  states. 

The  most  effective  means  of  prevention  through  law  must 
be  applied  locally.     Massachusetts  was  the  first  state  to  leg- 


306         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

islate  against  child  labor.  Now  all  states  have  some  laws 
about  the  matter.  The  general  trend  is  to  forbid  a  child's 
working  regularly  for  wages  under  the  age  of  fourteen.  Be- 
tween fourteen  and  sixteen  he  may  work  if  his  family  needs 
the  money  and  if  he  goes  to  a  continuation  school  several 
hours  a  week  in  addition.  Some  states  forbid  child  employ- 
ment more  than  forty-four  or  forty-eight  hours  a  week,  or  at 
other  hours  than  between  six  in  the  morning  and  seven  at 
night.  But  any  law  is  useless  unless  accompanied  by  effec- 
tive inspection  and  enforcement. 

As  the  public  understands  more  about  this  vital  question, 
it  seems  likely  that  we  are  on  the  way  toward  a  reasonable 
settlement  of  the  child  labor  difficulty.  A  Children's  Bu- 
reau in  the  national  Department  of  Labor  is  always  gathering 
and  publishing  information  that  will  help  to  enlighten  us.  In 
some  homes  conditions  so  near  poverty  exist  that  it  may  be  nec- 
essary for  children  to  work  at  an  earlier  age  than  is  desirable. 
For  that  reason,  no  doubt  we  cannot  absolutely  prevent  the 
employment  of  children  in  factories  and  stores.  But  at  least 
we  are  sufficiently  awake  to  prevent  a  return  to  the  conditions 
which  once  existed. 

Can  you  think  of  any  industry  in  which  child  labor  is  necessary? 
Should  a  school  child  work  before  or  after  school  hours  ?  Should  a 
child  have  special  home  duties  of  his  own  ?  How  early  should  a  child 
have  his  own  money  ?  How  should  he  get  it  ?  What  are  the  child 
labor  laws  of  your  state  ? 

150.  Women  Workers.  —  There  was  no  **  woman  prob- 
lem "  in  industry  until  the  factory  appeared.  Girls  from 
both  farm  and  town  then  found  work  there  by  the  thou- 
sands. In  recent  years,  almost  every  business  and  profession 
has  been  opened  to  them.  Why  they  have  gone  out  of  the 
home  to  find  work  we  shall  see  later  (§  164).  At  first  women 
did  not  seem  out  of  place  in  the  factory,  for  they  had  operated 
the  loom  at  home.  But  it  was  a  far  different  thing  in  reality, 
and  we  are  now  convinced  that  it  is  necessary  to  lay  down  cer- 
taui  requirements  concerning  the  work  of  women  in  industry. 


Making  America  Prosperous 


307 


In  order  to  get  employment,  women  will  often  work  for 
pay  that  is  not  a  decent  living  wage.  Long  hours  of  labor 
may  cause  serious  physical  harm.  If  women  are  not  paid 
enough  to  live  on,  they  are  sometimes  tempted  to  add  to  their 
income  by  means  that  are  detrimental  to  health  and  morality. 
Competition  with  poorly  paid  women  may  cut  down  men's 
wages  or  even  keep  them  out  of  work. 

For  some  of  the  same  reasons  which  caused  the  regulation 
of  child  labor,  women's  work  in  industry  calls  for  legislation. 


Underwood  &  Underwood. 
A  Kind  of  Work  Not  Often  Done  by  Women. 

During  the  Great  War  women  undertook  a  great  amount  of  work  which 
they  never  undertook  before  and  for  which  they  were  not  particularly  fitted. 
This  is  said  to  be  the  first  picture  of  women  section  hands  working  on  the 
railroad. 

They  are  weaker  physically  and  show  less  ability  to  protect 
themselves  through  organization.  Besides,  their  health  and 
general  welfare  are  of  special  importance  to  the  future  strength 
of  our  people.  Many  states  permit  fifty-four  hours'  work  a 
week,  but  do  not  allow  women  to  work  at  night.     There  ar-e 


308        Problems  of  American  Democracy 

also  laws  requiring  good  conditions  of  light,  heat,  and  ventila- 
tion and  the  provision  of  seats  wherever  this  is  possible. 
A  Women's  Bureau  in  the  Department  of  Labor  gathers 
statistics  and  makes  investigations  of  value. 

Minimum  wage  laws  for  women  are  also  common.  They 
may  apply  to  minors  as  well.  In  some  states  they  refer  to  all 
industries,  in  others  just  to  specified  work.  The  usual  mini- 
mum is  $8  or  $9  a  week,  but  may  vary  according  to  the  age  of 
the  worker.  Such  laws  assure  at  least  a  living  wage,  though 
it  is  not  often  any  more  than  sufficient  to  provide  the  mere 
necessaries  of  life. 

If  your  state  has  a  minimum  wage  law,  what  are  its  terms? 
The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  declared  such  a  law  for  the 
District  of  Columbia  unconstitutional.  What  arguments  could  it 
have  used? 

151.  Improved  Conditions  of  Labor.  —  In  an  American 
factory  about  1840,  from  sun-up  to  sun-down  was  the  usual 
working  day.  Accidents  were  regarded  as  an  inevitable  toll 
of  the  factory  system,  a  "  sad  but  true  "  story  not  to  be  al- 
tered. Wages  were  seldom  better  than  a  dollar  a  day.  Any 
kind  of  place  was  good  enough  to  work  in. 

We  have  already  referred  to  notable  improvements  in  con- 
ditions affecting  health  and  safety  in  industry  (§§42,  43). 
Sweat  shops,  where  women  and  children,  and  sometimes  men, 
worked  long  hours  at  starvation  pay,  have  been  either  abol- 
ished or  partly  reformed.  Perhaps  equal  to  this  in  impor- 
tance is  the  shortening  of  the  working  day. 

Working  from  twelve  to  sixteen  hours  day  after  day  pro- 
duces complete  physical  and  mental  exhaustion.  After  such 
a  day's  toil,  a  worker  is  in  no  condition  to  enjoy  his  home  or 
to  make  his  company  pleasant.  Reaction  from  the  gloomy 
routine  of  the  factory  may  lead  him  to  the  demoralizing  asso- 
ciations found  in  places  of  unhealthful  recreation.  He  is 
in  no  condition  to  study  or  put  himself  in  the  way  of  mental 
improvement.  Besides,  he  has  no  chance,  if  he  is  a  factory 
worker,  for  the  outdoor  activity  which  such  a  person  needs  so 


Making  America  Prosperous 


309 


much.  Moreover,  the  physical  weariness  of  the  last  hours  of 
a  long  day's  work  is  responsible  for  an  enormous  number 
of  accidents  and  an  impairment  of  the  quality  of  work  and 
product. 

The  first  gain  was  a  reduction  to  a  ten-hour  day,  but  a  still 
further  cut  followed.     Now  the  eight-hour  day  is  generally 


Courtesy  of  Pillsbury  Flour  Mills. 
Attractive  Surroundings  for  Labor. 
Notice  how  clean  everything  is.     The  man  is  inspecting  flour  as  it  passes 
through  a  bolting  machine  in  which  the  flour  is  sifted  through  fine  silk. 

accepted  as  a  desirable  standard,  though  many  thousands, 
especially  in  the  steel  mills,  work  longer.  One  of  the  last 
stands  of  the  long  working  day  was  broken  in  1916,  when 
Congress  under  the  threat  of  a  general  railroad  strike  passed 
the  Adamson  Act,  which  established  eight  hours  as  the  basis  of 
reckoning  for  a  day's  work  on  the  railroads.  On  the  other 
hand,  a  Saturday  half -holiday  taken  out  of  this  time  is  not 
uncommon,  and  some  workers  are  talking  about  a  forty-hour 


310         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

week.  We  must  surely  stop  somewhere,  or  else  a  serious  re- 
duction in  output  and  consequent  increase  in  cost  of  pro- 
duction will  be  inevitable.  But  any  reasonable  concession 
to  the  welfare  of  workers  will  usually  result  in  social  benefit. 

Are  there  any  industries  which  really  need  a  working  day  longer 
than  eight  hours  ?  What  tests  can  you  suggest  that  will  decide  when 
people  are  overworking?  Is  it  correct  to  speak  of  "wastes"  of  overwork? 

Since  some  accidents  are  bound  to  occur  under  even  the  best 
conditions,  today  all  large  concerns  provide  a  well  equipped 
hospital  to  care  for  the  injured  and  the  sick  among  their  work- 
ers. Capable  doctors  and  nurses  are  constantly  on  duty  at  the 
expense  of  the  employer.  Sometimes  these  measures  for  the 
safety  of  workers  have  to  be  forced  upon  them.  Perhaps  this 
will  always  be  necessary  until  ignorance  and  stupidity  are 
abolished.  Education  and  law  must  always  go  hand  in  hand 
to  make  both  effective. 

152.  Government  Agencies  to  Aid  Labor.  —  Governments, 
national,  state,  or  local,  may  aid  labor  in  three  ways :  by 
maintaining  bureaus  or  departments  to  collect  and  distribute 
information  and  aid  in  the  enforcement  of  labor  laws;  by 
free  employment  bureaus ;  and  by  establishing  various  forms 
of  social  insurance. 

The  national  Department  of  Labor  became  a  department  of 
the  Cabinet  in  1913,  though  for  many  years  some  of  its  present 
activities  had  been  conducted  by  other  departments.  Since 
labor  cannot  well  be  regulated  by  the  national  government, 
the  Department's  main  function  is  to  gather  and  give  out  all 
available  information  about  laboring  conditions,  and  offer 
advice  about  labor  problems.  Public  opinion  is  one  of  la- 
bor's surest  weapons,  and  information  is  necessary  to  the 
formation  of  sensible  public  opinion.  The  Bureaus  of  Immi- 
gration and  Naturalization  are  connected  with  this  depart- 
ment, as  are  the  Children's  Bureau  and  Women's  Bureau, 
which  we  have  mentioned,  a  Division  of  Conciliation,  and  a 
Bureau  of  Labor  Statistics. 


Making  America  Prosperous  311 

Free  employment  bureaus  are  largely  state  and  local  agen- 
cies, though  the  federal  government  maintained  several  during 
the  War.  They  save  much  time  and  trouble  by  making  it 
unnecessary  for  one  to  depend  upon  private  employment 
agencies  when  in  search  of  a  position.  Much  is  also  accom- 
plished by  getting  the  right  man  into  the  right  job. 

Social  insurance  has  many  phases.  One  of  these  is  the  enact- 
ment of  employer's  liability  or  workman's  compensation  laws. 
These  provide  that  the  employer  must  pay  the  workers  in- 
jured in  his  employ  certain  specified  amounts,  depending  on 
the  seriousness  of  the  accident.  Sometimes  such  laws  apply 
even  when  the  accident  is  due  to  pure  carelessness  on  the 
part  of  the  worker.  The  payment  usually  amounts  to  half 
the  salary  while  the  worker  is  incapacitated ;  or  if  he  can  later 
work  only  at  a  position  that  pays  less,  half  the  difference  be- 
tween his  earning  capacity  before  and  after  the  accident. 
If  the  workman  is  killed,  his  relatives  must  be  paid  a  speci- 
fied compensation. 

In  some  countries  an  old-age  pension  is  paid  by  the  gov- 
ernment to  those  who  have  little  or  no  income.  The  sum  is 
meant  to  be  only  just  about  enough  to  live  on.  Neither  our 
national  government  nor  the  states  have  yet  adopted  such 
a  program.  Some  states  and  cities,  however,  have  pension 
systems  for  judges,  teachers,  policemen,  firemen,  and  other 
public  officers.  Several  states  also  pay  pensions  to  mothers 
who  need  money  for  their  families,  and  have  no  sufficient 
means  of  support.  During  the  Great  War  the  United  States 
undertook  an  unheard-of  thing  in  establishing  a  system  of 
War  Risk  Insurance  for  its  soldiers. 

Such  measures  as  these  are  called  social  insurance,  because 
in  the  long  run  the  expense  goes  back  to  the  public  in  the  form 
of  increased  taxes  or  prices.  If  we  feel  like  grumbling  about 
the  matter,  let  us  remember  that  an  accident  with  its  doc- 
tor's bill  and  lessened  working  strength  has  often  broken  up 
homes,  taken  children  from  school,  sent  men  to  the  poorhouse 
or  death,  and  made  bitter  radicals  of  others.     By  averting 


312         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

this  kind  of  thing  and  spreading  the  expense  over  the  pubhc 
at  large  it  becomes  almost  neghgible. 

Is  there  any  excuse  for  pensioning  judges,  teachers,  policemen,  or 
firemen?  Might  an  old-age  pension  system  have  any  harmful  re- 
sults? Might  workmen's  compensation  acts  make  workers  care- 
less?    What  is  the  policy  of  your  state  in  these  matters? 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 

Resolved,  that  children  under  eighteen  years  oi  age  should  be  for- 
bidden to  work  regularly  for  wages. 

Child  Labor  Needs  and  Laws  of  My  State. 

Needs  and  Laws  of  My  State  about  Women's  Work. 

The  National  Department  of  Labor. 

The  Social  and  Industrial  Effects  of  Fatigue. 

Resolved,  that  a  forty-four-hour  working  week  is  desirable  for  work- 
ers in  factories  and  stores. 

Labor  Problems  Unknown  in  1850. 

Mexican  Peonage. 

REFERENCE   READINGS 

Towne  —  Social  Problems,  Chapters  4-6,  17. 

Adams  and  Sumner  —  Labor  Problems,  Chapters  1,  2,  4,  12. 

Burch  and  Paiterson  —  American  Social  Problems,  Chapter  14. 

Marshall  and  Lyon  —  Our  Economic  Organization,  Chapter  24. 

Burch  —  American  Economic  Life,  Chapters  14,  16,  17. 

Thompson  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapter  28. 

Haworth  —  America  in  Ferment,  Chapter  7. 

Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  A-5,  A-28,  A-29,  B-3, 

B-11,  B-28,  C-29,  C-30. 
Stelzle  —  American  Social  and  Religious  Conditions,  Chapter  4. 
Seager  —  Principles  of  Economics,  Chapters  30,  32. 
Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapter  37. 

B.    Efforts  at  Self-Protection 

If  it  were  necessary  to  wait  for  all  reforms  to  be  accomplished  by 
law,  many  of  them  would  be  a  long  time  coming.  By  organization 
workers  can  acquire  power  sometimes  even  to  the  extent  of  monop- 
oly, and  thus  effectively  insist  upon  measures  for  their  betterment. 
How  has  this  been  done,  and  to  what  results  has  it  led  ? 

153.  Unions  and  Their  Objects.  —  In  a  general  sense  a 
labor  union  is  an  organization  of  working  men  for  the  promo- 


Making  America  Prosperous  313 

tion  of  their  common  interests.  Although  we  use  the  term 
to  refer  to  any  organization  of  labor,  there  are  really  three 
kinds.  A  trade  union  is  one  made  up  of  workers  engaged 
in  the  same  trade,  such  as  bricklayers  or  locomotive  firemen. 
An  industrial  union  is  one  composed  of  men  employed  in  the 
same  industry,  such  as  the  United  Mine  Workers  of  America, 
and  may  include  several  trades.  The  labor  union  in  the  limited 
sense  is  an  organization  of  workmen  containing  men  from  any 
trade  or  industry.  It  might  accept  them  as  individuals,  as 
did  the  Knights  of  Labor,  or  it  might  be  formed  by  a  combi- 
nation of  many  trade  unions,  as  is  the  American  Federation  of 
Labor.  The  National  Trade  Union,  established  in  1856,  was 
the  name  of  the  first  association  of  this  kind.  It  existed 
only  six  years.  The  Knights  of  Labor  rose  up  in  its  place, 
and  grew  until  it  contained  730,000  members  in  1886.  But  it 
fell  into  difficulties  over  politics  and  other  matters  and  went 
to  pieces. 

The  American  Federation  of  Labor  was  organized  in  1881. 
Samuel  Gompers,  whom  it  elected  president  year  after  year 
until  his  death,  directed  its  policies  wisely  and  well.  It  in- 
cludes over  100  trade  and  industrial  unions,  with  a  total  mem- 
bership of  about  4,000,000.  The  Federation  is  organized 
much  like  our  national  government.  The  unions  which  com- 
pose it  have  their  separate  organization  and  rules,  and  the  Fed- 
eration unites  them  into  an  effective  national  association. 

Capital  and  management  are  highly  organized.  Labor 
believes  that  to  deal  with  such  organization  on  equal  terms 
it  also  must  organize.  We  may  therefore  summarize  the 
principal  objects  of  unions  briefly  as  follows : 

(1)  To  gain  the  bargaining  power  that  comes  through  or- 
ganization. One  worker  is  of  little  consequence  as  long  as  he 
is  one,  but  a  thousand  ones  acting  together  can  often  accom- 
plish much. 

(2)  To  obtain  improved  conditions  of  work,  shorter  hours  of 
labor,  and  higher  wages. 

(3)  To  supply  funds  which  a  member  can  draw  upon  in  case  of 


314         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

need,  either  when  out  of  work  or  during  a  strike,  or  when  sick 
or  disabled ;  and  to  provide  social  acquaintance  or  educa- 
tional advantages  somewhat  after  the  fashion  of  lodges  and 
clubs.     Not  all  unions  undertake  to  do  all  these  things. 

(4)  To  exert  influence  upon  pubhc  opinion  and  upon  law- 
making. 

154.    Demands  of  Unions.  —  To  attain  the  general  objects 
which  unions  seek,  certain  specific  demands  upon  employers 


International. 


A  Crowd  of  Strikers. 


Twelve  thousand  employees  of  the  Brooklyn  Rapid  Transit  Company 
quit  work  and  tied  up  the  city's  traffic.  Here  are  shown  some  of  their  ap- 
peals to  the  public. 


are  characteristic  and  common.  Sanitary  and  comfortable 
conditions  of  labor,  and  the  eight-hour  day  or  less,  we  have 
already  mentioned. 

The  abolishment  of  piecework  payment  is  often  sought. 
The  laborer  claims  that  in  paying  by  the  amount  of  work  done 
the  employer  sets  the  standard  by  his  best  workers.     If  this  is 


Making  America  Prosperous  315 

done  the  average  worker  and  poor  worker  will  have  to  exert 
themselves  beyond  their  endurance  to  make  a  living  wage. 
Time  payment  discourages  the  speeding  up  of  workers,  es- 
pecially if  it  is  coupled  with  the  requirement  that  '*  time-and- 
a-half  "  or  "  double-time  "  pay  shall  be  given  for  work 
beyond  regular  hours.  Unions  sometimes  seek  the  same 
end  by  arbitrary  rules  limiting  the  amount  of  work  that 
a  member  may  do  in  a  day  or  an  hour.  This  amount  is  sup- 
posed to  represent  what  a  fair  worker  can  do  without  hurting 
himself,  but  it  is  generally  considerably  below  the  capacity  of 
the  best  workers. 

To  prevent  such  competition  as  would  tend  to  keep  wages 
down,  imions  oppose  child  labor  and  desire  restriction  of  im- 
migration. They  also  desire  to  set  a  standard  of  wages  for 
all  workers  of  a  certain  class.  They  generally  represent  this 
to  be  a  minimum  standard,  but  in  practice  it  is  commonly  so 
high  that  it  becomes  uniform  for  all  workers  of  that  type,  good 
or  poor.  Besides,  they  claim  the  right  to  limit  the  number 
of  apprentices  to  trades,  and  sometimes  even  oppose  trade 
schools.  Such  a  policy  needs  to  be  pursued  with  great  cau- 
tion, lest  it  ruin  the  social  value  of  the  industry  in  even  the 
immediate  future,  and  cause  a  harmful  reaction  against  the 
whole  union  movement. 

Most  other  xmion  demands  center  around  what  is  sometimes 
referred  to  as  ''  recognition  "  of  the  union  —  that  is,  a  definite 
admission  that  union  officials  have  the  right  to  act  in  behalf 
of  the  employees  of  a  concern.  Fundamental  to  the  whole 
union  program  is  collective  bargaining.  The  unions  hold  that 
if  the  men  have  to  contract  as  individuals  they  will  be  at  the 
mercy  of  organized  capital.  They  assert  that  the  employer 
shall  deal  with  his  employees  through  "representatives  of  their 
own  choosing,"  who  shall  make  contracts  and  working  ar- 
rangements in  behalf  of  all  the  union  members.  Employers 
are  frequently  willing  enough  to  do  this  if  the  representatives 
are  actual  employees,  but  they  usually  dislike  to  deal  with  out- 
siders who  are  paid  by  the  unions  to  carry  on  their  business, 


316         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

but  do  no  other  work.  These  "  business  agents  "  have 
sometimes  been  nothing  but  trouble-makers,  who  brought 
unnecessary  ill-will  upon  the  unions  which  gave  them  au- 
thority. 

A  frequent  development  of  collective  bargaining  is  the 
closed  shop  —  that  is,  an  understanding  that  all  workers  in 
an  establishment  must  be  union  members.  Unions  prefer  to 
call  such  a  place  a  "  union  "  shop.  Most  employers  prefer  the 
open  shop,  where  both  union  men  and  non-union  men  may  be 
employed,  though  some  of  them  go  so  far  as  to  refuse  to  em- 
ploy union  men  at  all.  Sometimes,  through  no  fault  of  an 
employer,  an  open  shop  becomes  a  non-union  shop  because  of 
the  refusal  of  union  members  to  work  with  non-union  men. 
A  detail  which  sometimes  is  troublesome  is  the  demand  of 
unions  for  the  ''  check-off  "  —  an  arrangement  by  which  the 
employer  deducts  the  union  dues  from  the  workers'  pay  be- 
fore giving  it  to  them  and  then  turns  the  dues  over  to  the 
union  officers  directly. 

Should  overtime  be  paid  a  higher  rate  than  regular  time? 
Are  there  any  industries  in  which  the  time  worked  cannot  serve 
as  a  fair  basis  for  payment?  any  in  which  no  other  basis  is  possi- 
ble? What  do  you  think  of  the  sliding  scale  as  the  basis  of  pay- 
ment —  an  arrangement  by  which  wages  move  up  or  down  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  market  price  of  the  commodity  which  they  pro- 
duce ?  Is  the  closed  shop  policy  harmful  to  the  worker  in  any  way  ? 
Where  would  you  prefer  to  work,  in  a  union  shop,  in  an  open  shop, 
or  in  a  non-union  shop?  Why?  Would  collective  bargaining  be 
possible  if  a  shop  were  not  unionized? 

155.  Methods  of  Unions.  —  Collective  bargaining  is 
both  an  object  which  unions  seek  and  a  means  by  which 
other  objects  may  be  gained.  If  carried  on  in  good  spirit 
it  may  be  helpful  to  both  employer  and  employee  and  pro- 
mote mutual  understanding  between  them.  But  less  pleas- 
ant and  more  radical  weapons  are  also  in  the  hands  of 
unions,  to  use  when  collective  bargaining  alone  fails  to  ob- 
tain what  they  want. 

A  strike  or  a  walkout  is  an  organized  or  deliberate  cessa- 


Making  America  Prosperous 


317 


tion  of  work  on  the  part  of  the  laborers.  If  an  employer 
attempts  to  continue  business  with  men  who  have  not 
struck  or  by  using  strike-breakers,  the  strikers  may  picket 
his  works.  That  is,  they  may  station  men  near  the  plant 
to  tr}^  to  prevent  others  from  working. 

Some  radicals  have  indulged  in  a  most  unjust  and  inex- 
cusable practice,  called  sabotage.     This  consists  in  the  will- 


itRCUSOi, 


HAIR   CUTT 


imm$sm 

vsrmi 


ushed'by 
achimery 


A  "Picket"  on  Duty. 
The  picture  explains  the  circumstances  under  which  it  was  taken  in  Dub- 
lin.    The  policemen  evidently  are  not  going  to  interfere  as  long  as  the  man 
does  nothing  but  stand  there.     If  you  were  the  employer  in  this  case  what 
do  you  think  you  would  do  about  it? 

ful  destruction  of  machinery  and  supplies  to  harm  the  em- 
ployer. It  is  a  coward's  trick.  A  far-reaching  though 
not  necessarily  disorderly  policy,  used  in  prolonged  strug- 
gles, is  the  hoycott.  The  workers  themselves  and  all  who 
sympathize  with  them  unite  in  agreeing  to  have  nothing  to 
do  with  an  employer  or  to  use  any  of  his  products.  Occa- 
sionally a  sympathetic  strike  is  worked  up,  when  workers 


318         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

who  have  no  grievance  of  their  own  leave  work  with  the 
idea  of  bringing  pressure  to  bear  indirectly  upon  another 
employer,  whose  men  are  already  out  on  strike. 

A  union  label  or  trademark  is  always  attached  to  union- 
made  goods  so  that  people  who  sympathize  with  unions  can 
refuse  to  use  any  others.  Some  unions  also  publish  an  un- 
fair list,  on  which  they  place  the  names  of  employers  against 
whom  organized  labor  has  some  kind  of  grievance.  In 
"  labor "  papers  such  names  may  be  printed  under  the 
title,  "  We  don't  patronize." 

In  what  way  would  any  of  the  above  methods  operate  to  bring 
an  employer  to  terms?  To  how  many  of  them  could  there  be  no 
possible  objection,  from  the  viewpoint  of  a  disinterested,  impar- 
tial person  ? 

156.  Their  Accomplishments.  —  When  we  look  over  the 
demands  made  by  unions  a  half-century  ago,  or  even  less, 
we  are  astonished  to  see  how  many  of  them  have  been  ob- 
tained. For  such  accomplishments  no  one  can  tell  how 
much  credit  is  due  to  the  union  and  how  much  to  an  awak- 
ened public  conscience  and  humane  spirit.  But  much  un- 
doubtedly is  due  to  the  efforts  of  labor,  especially  in  keep- 
ing these  matters  before  the  public  until  action  was  ob- 
tained. The  eight-hour  day  is  general;  good  pay  is  fre- 
quent ;  child  labor  and  undesirable  work  for  women  are 
limited  by  law.  Foreign  contract  laborers  are  forbidden 
entrance  to  the  country  and  a  limit  is  set  to  ordinary  immi- 
gration. Better  working  conditions  are  universal  and 
many  employers  are  themselves  trying  to  find  ways  of  mak- 
ing them  still  better.  Collective  bargaining  is  recognized 
as  just  and  reasonable.  In  all  these  reforms  organized 
labor  has  had  a  part. 

Now  what  has  been  the  effect  on  the  workers  themselves 
and  upon  the  communities  in  which  they  live?  They  have 
more  leisure  to  spend  with  their  famihes,  m  recreation,  or 
in  improving  themselves  mentally  and  spiritually.  Their 
families  can  have  more  of  the  comforts  of  life.     The  workers 


Making  America  Prosperous  319 

have  acquired  more  confidence  in  themselves  and  an  en- 
hanced realization  of  their  own  power  and  importance. 
They  are  no  longer  content  to  look  upon  their  service  as  a 
thing,  like  pig  iron  or  baled  cotton.  They  have  seen  it 
written  into  our  national  laws  that  labor  shall  not  be  con- 
sidered a  mere  commodity. 

In  fairness  we  must  recognize  that  some  evil  has  come 
along  with  the  good,  but  fortunately  it  is  in  such  form  that 
the  unions  themselves  can  remove  it  if  they  will.  Too  often 
there  has  seemed  to  be  a  desire  to  create  situations  so  that 
pay  could  be  charged  for  overtime  or  for  unnecessary  w^ork. 
Some  men  loaf  otf  their  jobs  and  employers  do  not  dare  to 
discharge  them  for  fear  of  causing  a  strike.  They  willfully 
do  less  than  they  might,  so  as  to  *'  make  work  "  for  some 
other  union  man.  They  do  not  take  pride  in  doing  a  good 
job  but  rather  in  seeing  how  httle  they  can  do  and  **  get 
away  with  it."  No  honest  union  man  can  observe  with 
pride  the  low  morals  which  some  unions  display. 

Worst  of  all  is  the  failure  of  some  unions  to  stand  by  their 
agreements.  If  collective  bargaining  is  to  mean  anything, 
it  must  be  binding  upon  both  parties  to  the  bargain.  An 
employer  cannot  be  blamed  for  refusing  to  bargain  with 
union  leaders  who  cannot  or  will  not  hold  their  men  to 
their  pledged  word.  Fortunately  the  ablest  union  leaders 
reahze  this.  When  President  Lewis  of  the  United  Mine 
Workers  caused  the  removal  from  office  of  the  president  of 
the  Kansas  union  for  calling  a  strike  in  violation  of  the  law 
of  the  state,  he  did  one  of  the  best  things  for  the  cause 
of  unionism  that  could  occur. 

Is  the  enforcement  of  collective  bargaining  with  unions  inevitably 
difl&cult?  Does  greed  or  tyranny  on  an  employer's  part  excuse 
dishonorable  conduct  by  a  union? 

157.  Unions  and  the  Government.  —  When  unions  first 
appeared  in  England  they  were  made  illegal  and  member- 
ship in  them  was  criminal.  What  a  tremendous  difference 
today,  when  from  90  to  95  per  cent  of  Enghsh  workers  are 


320         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

unionized  and  a  separate  Labor  party  competes  in  elections 
for  the  House  of  Comnaons  ! 

When  our  national  Constitution  and  early  state  consti- 
tutions were  made,  modern  labor  problems  were  unknown 
in  the  United  States.  Not  a  word  that  relates  directly  to 
such  matters  do  we  find  in  these  early  documents.  Those 
very  convenient  beasts  of  burden,  the  interstate  commerce 
clause  in  the  powers  of  Congress  and  the  police  power  of 
state  governments,  have  to  bear  the  responsibihty  for  much 
present-day  legislation.  Some  of  our  more  recent  state 
constitutions,  however,  do  have  a  few  general  provisions 
that  concern  labor. 

Now  to  what  extent  do  our  laws  apply  to  acts  done  by  or 
against  a  union  in  a  labor  controversy?  In  some  states 
employers  are  forbidden  to  maintain  blacklists  (§166)  or 
to  discharge  any  worker  because  he  belongs  to  a  union.  In 
other  cases  boycotting  is  illegal.  Courts  have  sometimes 
issued  ''  injunctions  "  forbidding  union  members  to  inter- 
fere with  the  operation  of  some  business,  on  the  ground 
that  such  an  act  would  lead  to  violence  and  the  destruc- 
tion of  property.  And  recently  when  some  New  York 
employers  failed  to  abide  by  the  terms  of  a  labor  contract, 
the  union  officials  obtained  a  court  injunction  against  such 
disregard  of  agreements.     Verily,  turn  about  is  fair  play. 

One  other  matter  was  formerly  a  cause  of  contention. 
Are  unions  subject  to  prosecution  as  trusts?  They  surely 
might  acquire  monopoly  power  and  commit  acts  "  in  re- 
straint of  trade."  But  after  some  cases  had  arisen  in  which 
our  courts  sustained  their  liability  to  prosecution  under 
the  Sherman  Act  of  1890,  the  Clayton  Anti-trust  Act  of 
1914  specifically  exempted  them  from  any  further  liability 
of  that  kind.  The  passage  of  the  Adamson  eight  hour  law 
in  1916  under  the  threat  of  a  strike  by  the  railroad  brother- 
hoods was  another  notable  victory  for  union  labor.  Some 
believe  that  all  unions  should  be  required  to  organize  under 
the  law  as  corporations,  so  that  they  could  be  subject  to  the 


Making  America  Prosperous  321 

same  obligations  that  are  imposed  on  similar  organizations 
of  capital. 

Several  attempts  have  been  made  to  form  labor  parties 
in  this  country.  But  because  of  a  tendency  toward  radical 
platforms  and  of  a  lack  of  funds  they  have  never  become 
strong.  There  have  been  numerous  cases  in  local,  state, 
or  congressional  elections  when  the  vote  of  union  mem- 
bers has  elected  or  rejected  a  candidate.  A  tricky  politi- 
cian will  often  have  himself  elected  an  honoi'ary  member  of 
some  union,  and  then  to  get  the  votes  of  the  working  men 
will  boast  that  he  has  a  union  card.  President  Gompers 
of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor  always  let  the 
country  know  his  choice  among  national  candidates,  and  in 
1924  the  Federation  officially  endorsed  La  Follette's  candi- 
dacy, but  there  is  no  evidence  that  the  members  of  the  Federa- 
tion have  felt  under  obligation  to  vote  as  a  unit  at  elections. 
On  the  whole,  labor  questions  are  distinctly  economic  and 
social,  and  not  suitable  for  settlement  along  party  lines. 

What  harm  or  benefit  might  come  to  a  labor  group  if  it  sought  to 
gain  its  objects  by  forming  a  separate  political  party?  Some  at- 
tempts have  been  made  to  unite  farmers  and  union  laborers  in  one 
political  organization.    Are  they  likely  to  be  successful?    Why? 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

The  History  of  Labor  Unions. 

The  Knights  of  Labor. 

The  American  Federation  of  Labor. 

Great  Strikes  in  American  History. 

Legislation  Affecting  Labor. 

The  Effects  of  the  Industrial  Revolution  upon  Labor. 

Labor  Problems  in  Other  Lands. 

Methods  of  Wage  Payment. 

Resolved,  that  the  use  of  the  injunction  in  labor  disputes  should 

be  forbidden. 
Resolved,  that  the  steel  industry  should  be  unionized. 
Resolved,  that  boycotts  and  sympathetic  strikes  should  be  severely 

punished. 


322         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Adams  and  Sumner  —  Labor  Problems,  Chapters  6,  7,  13. 

Burch  —  American  Economic  Life,  Chapter  46. 

Carlton  —  History  and  Problems  of  Organized  Labor. 

Carver  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapter  32. 

Bliss  —  Encyclopedia  of  Social  Reform,  Index. 

Bogart  —  Economic  History,  Chapters  18,  30,  31. 

West  —  American  History  and  Government,  pp.  475-491,  706-720. 

Beard  —  American  Labor  Movement. 

Towne  —  Social  Problems,  Chapter  7. 

Seager  —  Principles  of  Economics,  Chapter  29. 

Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  B-29. 

C.   The  Employer's  Interest  in  the  Worker 

To  discuss  labor  problems  or  any  others  from  only  one  view- 
point would  be  unfair.  What  does  the  employer  think  about 
them?  Does  he  take  any  interest  in  his  workers?  If  so,  how 
does  he  show  it? 

158.  The  Employer's  Viewpoint.  —  Certain  notions  are 
perfectly  natural  for  an  employer  to  entertain.  He  usually 
feels  that  the  business  is  hi\s  business,  that  he  founded  it  or 
acquired  it  honestly,  and  that  his  wealth  or  that  of  his 
friends  is  risked  in  its  operation.  Therefore,  he  believes 
that  the  control  of  it  should  always  remain  in  his  hands, 
that  he  should  be  free  to  "  hire  and  fire  "  as  he  pleases,  and 
that  he  must  decide  the  policies  to  be  followed.  In  prac- 
tice, however,  we  find  at  least  three  groups  of  employers. 

One  group  holds  tenaciously  to  an  extreme  interpreta- 
tion of  these  ideas.  The.y  object  on  one  hand  to  govern- 
ment regulation  —  ''  meddling,"  they  call  it  —  and  on  the 
other  to  any  suggestions  from  their  employees  about  run- 
ning the  business.  They  want  nothing  to  do  with  unions, 
and  object  to  hiring  union  men.  They  have  no  confidence 
in  the  intelligence  or  honor  of  the  ordinary  workman.  "  If 
the  workers  run  the  business,"  they  say,  ''  the  first  thing 
they  would  do  would  be  to  vote  higher  wages,  the  second, 
to  vote  still  higher  wages,  and  the  next,  to  abolish  w^ork." 

A  second  group  of  employers  conscientiously  believe  in 


Making  America  Prosperous  323 

the  right  of  the  employer  to  run  his  own  business,  but  are 
convinced  that  it  pays  to  have  their  workers  satisfied. 
They  therefore  consent  to  union  agreements  if  the  em- 
ployees wish  to  belong  to  a  union,  and  by  such  methods  as 
profit-sharing,  the  payment  of  bonuses,  and  welfare  work 
endeavor  to  make  the  employees  contented  and  interested 
in  the  success  of  the  business.  It  would  not  be  fair  to  as- 
sume that  they  do  these  things  only  because  it  pays  them, 
but  that  is  an  important  consideration. 

A  third  group,  less  numerous,  but  including  some  very  suc- 
cessful employers,  have  largely  abandoned  the  *'my  business  ". 
attitude  and  look  upon  industry  as  a  sort  of  partnership 
venture,  depending  for  its  prosperity  upon  the  well-being  of 
both  workers  and  employer.  They  want  to  treat  their  workers 
not  only  fairly  but  generously.  They  pay  much  attention  to 
every  form  of  welfare  work  and  even  admit  representatives 
of  the  workers  to  a  share  in  the  administration  of  the  busi- 
ness. They  are  sincerely  interested  in  their  w^orkers,  not 
only  as  employees,  but  as  human  beings. 

In  dealing  with  any  particular  labor  situation  w^e  must 
remember  that  there  are  selfish  employers  and  generous 
emplo3^ers,  as  well  as  unions  greedy  for  power  and  unions 
seeking  only  to  protect  the  rights  of  their  members. 
Neither  the  outsider  nor  any  party  in  an  industry  is  justi- 
fied in  presuming  that  they  are  all  alike.  Now  what  are 
some  of  the  measures  by  which  the  w^ell-meaning  emplo3^er 
tries  to  promote  the  interests  of  his  workers? 

159.  Profit-Sharing.  —  Profit-sharing  is  a  plan  w^hereby 
employees  receive  in  addition  to  their  regular  wage  a  speci- 
fied portion  of  the  net  profits  of  the  concern.  It  may  take 
one  of  three  forms :  a  cash  payment  at  the  end  of  a  specified 
time,  usually  a  year;  a  deferred  payment,  such  as  a  fund 
accumulated  year  by  year,  to  be  given  to  the  employees  in 
time  of  need  or  at  the  end  of  a  certain  period  of  service ;  or 
shares  of  the  company's  stock. 


324         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Sometimes  employers  have  not  gone  so  far  as  to  share 
their  profits,  but  they  have  adopted  other  systems  that  are 
based  on  a  similar  idea.  Many  companies  give  bonuses  to 
their  employees.  These  are  money  gifts,  separate  from  the 
wages,  and  may  be  given  unexpectedly  at  vacation  time  or 
because  of  a  holiday,  but  are  sometimes  given  regularly 
every  six  months  or  every  year.  The  system  of  giving 
bonuses  is  not  so  fixed  as  profit  sharing,  but  where  the  class 
of  workers  is  not  so  intelligent,  it  may  even  be  more  popu- 
lar, for  a  bonus  seems  like  a  present,  something  given  for 
nothing. 

Another  way  to  reward  faithful  service  is  by  a  pension 
system.  This  provides  a  fixed  sum  given  every  week  or 
month  to  employees  who  because  of  age,  sickness,  or  acci- 
dent, are  no  longer  able  to  work.  The  First  National  Bank 
of  Chicago  puts  three  per  cent  of  the  wages  and  salaries  of 
its  workers  away  as  part  of  a  pension  fund.  Then  when 
the  employees  reach  the  age  of  sixty,  if  they  have  worked 
for  the  bank  fifteen  years,  they  are  given  a  sum  based  on 
their  wages.  The  Pennsylvania  Railroad  Company  gives 
to  its  employees  when  they  retire,  at  an  age  of  from  65  to 
70,  a  pension  of  1  per  cent  of  their  average  monthly  wages 
for  the  ten  years  preceding  their  retirement,  multiplied  by 
the  number  of  years  they  have  been  in  the  company's 
service.  The  Procter  and  Gamble  Company's  pension 
fund  is  supported  by  both  the  company  and  the  men. 
It  gives  a  pension  in  case  of  old  age,  disability,  or  acci- 
dent. If  the  worker  is  killed,  the  pension  is  supposed  to 
go  to  his  dependents. 

Profit-sharing  sounds  good.  It  has  worked  successfully 
in  a  large  number  of  instances.  It  is  an  incentive  to  do 
good  work.  It  gives  the  worker  an  interest  in  the  concern, 
so  that  it  is  in  a  way  his  business.  When  this  is  the  case, 
he  will  want  to  do  all  he  can  to  make  it  profitable.  And 
the  more  he  does  the  more  he  is  paid.  Why  don't  we  have 
more  of  it? 


Making  America  Prosperous  325 

Some  labor  unions  are  opposed  to  profit-sharing,  because 
they  want  the  employees  to  look  to  the  union  for  their  bene- 
fits, not  to  the  emploj^er.  Employers  also  sometimes  ob- 
ject to  the  plan  because  the  employees  share  in  the  profits 
when  business  is  good,  but  they  do  not  have  to  help  make 
up  deficits.  Sometimes,  too,  for  an  employee  to  get  any 
benefit  from  some  profit-sharing  schemes,  he  must  virtu- 
ally tie  himself  down  to  one  industry  or  even  one  fac- 
tory for  the  best  part  of  a  lifetime.  Employers  are  usually 
glad  to  have  skilled  workers  stay  with  them  indefinitely, 
but  the  w^orker  may  or  may  not  be  benefited  by  such  an 
arrangement. 

Can  profit-sharing  be  applied  in  every  industry?  Mention  some 
in  which  its  application  would  be  difficult,  some  in  which  it  would 
be  easy.  How  would  profit-sharing  affect  your  attitude  toward  a 
job? 

160.  Welfare  Work.  —  Another  means  of  keeping  workers 
in  industry  is  through  welfare  work.  By  this  we  mean 
services  rendered  to  employees  beyond  their  regular  wages, 
such  as  the  establishment  of  rest  rooms,  gymnasiums, 
recreation  rooms  and  libraries.  Athletic  teams  are  often 
promoted  by  the  employer.  And  during  the  reign  of 
high  prices  lunch  rooms  and  stores  were  established  where 
goods  were  bought  up  by  the  concern  in  large  quantities 
and  sold  at  cost  price  to  the  employees.  Sometimes  wel- 
fare work  even  extends  to  improving  the  home  conditions 
of  the  laborers. 

At  first  there  was  some  uncertainty  as  to  how  the  worker 
would  take  to  such  improvements,  and  whether  he  would 
reject  them  as  "  paternal,''  but  the  American  laborer  has 
usually  shown  his  sense  in  this  way  and  has  received  them 
in  the  friendly,  man-to-man  way  they  were  offered.  He 
has  shown  his  appreciation  for  httle  things,  like  fresh  air 
through  the  factory,  an  opportunity  to  change  clothes  and 
wash  up  before  leaving,  as  well  as  for  the  bigger  improve- 
ments, by  his  loyalty  to  such  employers  and  by  greater 


326         Problems  of  American  Democracy 


care  and  faithfulness  at  his  work.  Some  unions,  however, 
declare  that  employers  should  express  any  brotherly  love 
they  may  have  for  their  workers  by  raising  their  wages 
instead  of  spending  the  money  on  a  restaurant  or  a  gymna- 
sium —  that  such  a  scheme  is  merely  a  camouflaged  way  of 
keeping  the  workers  in  their  power. 

A  kind  of  w^elfare  work  sometimes  abused  in  practice  is 
the  company  store.     This  is  a  store  carried  on  by  the  com- 


liousES  IN  A  Company  Town, 

These  dwellings  were  built  by  the  Lever  Company  in  their  "Modei 
Village"  called  Port  Sunlight.  They  are  rented  to  their  employees  virtually 
at  cost.  Notice  that  the  company  has  tried  to  avoid  the  discouraging  mo- 
notony of  style  that  we  often  find  in  mining  towns  in  this  country. 

pany  where  goods  are  sold  to  employees  supposedly  at  a 
little  above  cost.  But  if  a  worker  is  forced  to  buy  there  or 
if  charge  accounts  are  encouraged,  the  store  may  lead  to 
extravagance,  and  use  up  all  a  man's  wages  before  pay-day. 
Sometimes  a  corporation,  especially  if  its  factory  is  in  an 
out-of-the-way  place,  realizing  that  married  men  are  more 
steady  workers,  builds  houses  for  workers  and  their  fami- 
lies. Sometimes  these  houses  are  all  built  exactly  alike,  a 
practice  which  creates  an  unpleasant  uniformity  and  ugli- 


Making  America  Prosperous  327 

ness ;  but  this  is  not  at  all  necessary.  The  houses  may  be 
either  rented  or  sold  to  the  employees  on  easy  terms.  A 
company  has  been  known  to  construct  a  whole  town,  such 
as  Pullman,  near  Chicago,  built  by  the  Pullman  Car 
Company,  and  Vandergrift,  near  Pittsburgh,  built  by  the 
Apollo  Iron  and  Steel  Company. 

Why  are  some  people  so  ready  to  impute  selfish  motives  to 
employers  who  perform  a  service  to  their  employees?  With  how- 
many  forms  of  welfare  work  are  you  familar?  What  is  meant  by 
**  labor  turnover"?  Why  do  employers  like  to  keep  good  men 
with  them  permanently? 

SPECIAL    STUDIES 

Systems  of  Profit-sharing. 

The  National  Cash  Register  Company  (or  Procter  and  Gamble, 

or  some  other  concern  famous  for  welfare  work). 
Resolved,  that  *'  hiring  and  firing  "  is  exclusively  the  employer's 

right. 
Welfare  Work  of  the  United  States  Steel  Corporation. 
Henry  Ford  and  His  Employees. 

REFERENCE   READINGS 

Burch  —  American  Economic  Life,  Chapters  44,  45. 

Cleveland  and  Schaf  er  —  Democracy  in  Reconstruction,  Chapter  14, 

Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  C-32. 

Seager  —  Principles  of  Economics,  Chapter  31. 

Laing  —  Introduction  to  Economics,  Chapter  28. 

Carlton  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapters  17,  24. 

Adams  and  Sumner — Labor  Problems,  Chapter  9. 

D.   Fitting  the  Worker  and  the  Job 

Unemployment  produces  poverty,  suffering,  ignorance,  ineffi- 
ciency, vice,  and  crime,  on  the  part  of  the  unemployed  and  of  those 
dependent  upon  them.  To  see  that  the  worker  has  something  to 
do  is  surely  therefore  a  necessary  way  to  safeguard  his  interests. 
Moreover,  we  should  try  to  qualify  everybody  to  do  something  and 
keep  the  square  pegs  out  of  the  round  holes.  How  may  this  de- 
sirable end  be  attained? 

161.  Why  People  Are  Out  of  Work.  —  Before  trying  to 
find  a  remedy  for  unemployment,  let  us  examine  the  most 


3£8         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

common  causes  of  it.     They  are  often  classified  in  three 
groups,  personal,  industrial,  and  social. 

Among  the  personal  causes  are  sickness,  improper  or  in- 
sufficient food  or  clothing,  and  accident.  It  has  been  es- 
timated that  for  these  reasons  the  average  loss  of  time  from 
work  per  year  for  each  person  is  thirteen  days.  Sometimes 
such"  unemployment  is  onl}^  temporary,  but  frequently  a 


Help  for  the  Jobless. 
Institutions  in  the  poor  sections  of  our  large  cities  are  often  conducted 
by  social  workers  to  relieve  those  who  are  unable  to  get  work.     At  such 
places  as  this  the  men  can  get  food  and  lodging  either  free  or  at  a  very  low 
price. 

worker's  place  is  filled  while  he  is  away;  and  if  his  illness 
or  accident  is  serious,  he  may  never  be  able  to  do  as  good 
work  again.  Another  group  of  xmemployed  are  the  indus- 
trially incapable.  This  may  mean  that  they  are  mentally 
below  grade  or  that  they  have  not  had  preparation  suffi- 
cient to  fit  them  to  do  anything  well.  Child  laborers  be- 
come stunted  in  mind  and  body,  and  those  who  start  in 
early  on  so-called  "  blind  alley  "  occupations  are  often  un- 
fitted for  any  kind  of  permanently  profitable  work.     Still 


Making  America  Prosperous  329 

other  personal  reasons  for  unemplojnnent  are  intemperance, 
restlessness,  and  plain  laziness. 

Industrial  causes  may  be  immediately  responsible  at 
some  one  time  for  more  imemployment  than  personal  de- 
fects, though  probably  not  in  the  long  run.  These  include 
seasonal  trades,  labor  troubles,  and  business  depressions. 
In  many  occupations  the  big  demand  for  workers  comes 
only  at  certain  seasons  of  the  year.  Farming,  lumbering, 
canning,  the  building  trades,  ice  gathering  or  manufacture, 
for  example,  all  employ  many  more  workers  at  one  season 
than  another.  Strikes  and  lockouts  may  throw  thousands 
out  of  work  at  one  time,  and  a  strike  in  one  trade  may  com- 
pletely^ tie  up  other  trades  which  depend  upon  its  products. 
Industrial  depressions  close  down  mills,  factories,  and  work- 
shops, and  sometimes  cause  bankruptc3^  Such  disturb- 
ances are  not  so  numerous  nor  so  regular  as  the  seasonal 
interruptions,  but  they  are  serious  while  they  last.  Sub- 
stituting machinery  for  hand  labor  and  introducing  new 
methods  of  production  are  also  occasional  causes  of  unem- 
ployment. 

The  chief  social  cause  is  the  immobility  of  labor.  Men 
who  have  the  capacity  and  knowledge  to  do  good  work  are 
sometimes  unwilling  to  go  to  a  new  community  or  different 
section  of  the  country,  even  though  their  chances  of  getting 
employment  would  be  much  better  there.  If  they  or  their 
families  have  always  lived  in  a  certain  neighborhood,  they 
hate  to  break  away  from  old  friendships  and  relations. 
They  are  willing  to  stay  where  they  are,  living  on  moderate 
wages  and  sometimes  going  without  employment,  rather 
than  move  to  a  new  place.  This  fact  has  much  to  do  with 
the  crowding  of  workers  in  cities,  and  is  an  important  rea- 
son why  in  some  neighborhoods  the  standard  of  wages  is 
low.  Another  social  hindrance  is  ignorance  of  oppor- 
tunity; for  sometimes  when  a  worker  is  perfectly  willing 
to  go  wherever  he  can  find  employment,  he  does  not  know 
where  there  is  a  demand  for  his  trade  or  profession. 


330         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Make  a  list  of  cases  within  your  knowledge  of  present  or  recent 
unemployment,  explaining  why  in  each  case.  If  certain  ones 
were  laid  off  while  others  in  the  same  occupation  were  not, 
what  was  the  reason?  From  what  you  read,  does  unemployment 
seem  a  more  or  less  serious  problem  in  your  community  than  else- 
where? Why?  Must  we  expect  always  to  find  a  considerable 
amount  of  unemployment  ? 

162.  Providing  Employment.  — "  To  correct  an  evil, 
remove  the  cause,"  is  always  good  advice  —  if  it  can  be 
carried  out.  Can  we  remove  the  causes  of  unemployment? 
Some  personal  causes  nobody  can  remedy  except  the  loafer, 
the  drug  fiend,  or  the  criminal  himself.  Sickness,  poor  food, 
and  accident  are  also  in  many  cases  the  individual's  fault. 
What  the  community  can  do  in  preventing  such  misfor- 
tunes has  been  mentioned  in  our  discussion  of  the  problem 
of  Protecting  Health.  Preventing  unemployment  due  to 
inefficiency  is  now  recognized  as  a  proposition  serious 
enough  to  call  for  special  activity  in  our  schools,  as  we  shall 
see  in  the  next  section.  Trade  unions  also  give  some  assist- 
ance at  this  point  through  their  training  of  apprentices. 

The  removal  of  the  industrial  causes  of  unemployment  is 
probably  no  more  important  than  the  removal  of  other 
causes,  but  the  need  is  more  evident  to  the  public.  Sea- 
sonal trades  will  always  be  seasonal  trades  in  much  oi  our 
country.  But  to  meet  some  of  these  seasonal  demands 
there  has  grown  up  a  class  of  *'  migrant  workers  "  who  go 
from  wheatfield  to  wheatfield,  or  from  cannery  to  cannery,, 
or  from  mill  to  lumber  camp,  and  work  a  little  while  at  a 
time.  Some  are  ready  to  say  that  in  this  case  the  remedy 
is  worse  than  the  disease,  for  among  these  migrant  workers 
ignorance,  immorality,  and  lack  of  responsibility  are  almost 
inevitable.  The  conditions  in  which  such  workers  live  are 
often  frightful,  and  their  children  grow  up  in  almost  the 
worst  possible  surroundings. 

But  suppose  a  man  really  wants  a  permanent  job? 
Where  can  he  look  for  it?     He  can  answer  "  ads  "  in  the 


Making  America  Prosperous  331 

newspapers,  of  course.  He  can  go  to  the  *'  personnel  de- 
partment "  of  shops  or  factories.  He  can  register  in  an  em- 
ployment agency  and  by  promising  to  pay  them  part  of  his 
first  earnings  secure  the  names  of  people  who  want  workers. 
Such  agencies,  however,  have  sometimes  been  so  dishon- 
estly or  incompetently  managed  that  now  many  states  and 
cities  maintain  public  employment  agencies  to  do  such 
work,  and  demand  that  private  agencies  be  licensed.  Pub- 
lic bureaus  have  special  advantages  in  learning  of  demands 
for  workers  in  different  places,  so  that  a  worker  who  is  will- 
ing to  move  is  less  hkely  to  need  to  remain  idle.  The  prob- 
lem of  employment  becomes  much  more  serious  in  a  period 
of  business  depression  such  as  followed  the  Great  War. 
Then  philanthropic  societies  such  as  the  Salvation  Army 
try  particularly  to  secure  positions  for  applicants.  Some 
employers  try  to  reUeve  a  slack  season  by  employing  many 
of  their  workers  part  of  the  time  instead  of  laying  off  a  large 
number  entirely. 

It  has  been  urged,  too,  that  cities  and  other  local  govern- 
ments should  plan  street  construction,  or  other  civic  im- 
provements so  as  to  be  done  at  times  when  work  is  scarce. 
But  communities  which  attempt  such  a  program  must 
guard  against  the  extravagance  of  making  unnecessary 
improvements  just  to  hire  men.  Public  insurance  against 
unemployment  has  also  been  proposed.  Such  a  plan  calls 
for  very  careful  management  lest  it  should  encourage  in- 
difference and  laziness  on  the  part  of  those  little  inclined  to 
work. 

Is  the  labor  turnover  likely  to  be  greatest  among  skilled  or  un- 
skilled workers?  If  you  were  a  laborer  out  of  work  in  your  own 
community,  but  looking  for  a  job,  what  course  of  action  would  you 
probably  follow?  Would  you  do  any  differently  if  you  were  a 
skilled  worker?  a  college  graduate  who  had  specialized  in  some 
particular  line?  What  does  your  state  or  community  do  to  re- 
lieve unemployment  ?     What  more,  if  anything,  could  it  do  ? 

To  what  extent  does  the  responsibility  for  unemployment  rest  on 
employers  ? 


332         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

163.  Preparing  for  a  Life  Work.  —  If  inefficiency  is  the 
cause  of  unemployment  or  of  poor  employment,  the  remedy 
is  preparation.  Preparation  must  come  through  experi- 
ence. Some  of  it  can  be  gained  only  in  the  ''  University 
of  Hard  Knocks,"  but  much  of  it  can  be  acquired  by  study- 
ing the  experience  of  others.  This  is  why  the  average  col- 
lege graduate  beats  out  the  high  school  graduate  and  the 
eighth-grade  graduate,  even  though  he  is  four  years  or  eight 
years  later  beginning  his  earning  period  —  he  knows  so 
much  more  when  he  begins. 

Trade  unions  like  to  control  the  preparation  for  trades, 
but  since  they  generally  limit  the  number  of  apprentices 
they  will  accept  and  since  in  many  cases  they  are  qualified 
to  teach  only  the  manual  part  of  the  trade,  some  educa- 
tional agency,  pubhc  or  private,  must  undertake  it.  Every 
up-to-date  local  school  system  now  gives  some  attention 
to  vocational  training  or  study.  Many  states  lay  special 
stress  on  this  phase  of  education.  The  national  govern- 
ment has  aided  education  more  along  this  line  than  any 
other,  perhaps,  for  it  has  for  over  fifty  years  given  help  to 
state  agricultural  colleges,  and  the  Smith-Hughes  Act  of 
1917  (§  14)  provided  assistance  for  other  forms  of  voca- 
tional instruction  as  well.  There  are  also  a  number  of 
private  technical  schools  and  colleges. 

Now  how  much  should  and  can  the  school  do  in  training 
for  a  life  work?  For  those  who  think  they  know  what  they 
want,  commercial  and  technical  courses  can  be  provided. 
Even  the  small  rural  school  can  make  much  of  its  work  di- 
rectly helpful  on  the  farm.  In  some  cases,  such  as  in  Cin- 
cinnati and  Fitchburg,  a  high  degree  of  cooperation  has 
been  planned  l^etween  the  public  schools  and  the  leading 
industries  of  the  place,  so  that  in  their  part-time  courses 
practical  experience,  with  pay,  is  afforded  in  the  shops, 
alternating  with  class-room  instruction.  It  is  too  bad  that 
not  everybody  can  have  the  benefit  of  a  sound,  general  high 
school  course,  for  these  special  courses  give  only  a  limited 


Making  America  Prosperous  333 

and  specialized  type  of  education ;  but  it  is  surely  better 
for  them  to  get  something  than  nothing. 

But  what  shall  we  do  for  those  who  do  not  know  their 
own  minds?  The  general  run  of  high  school  freshmen  do 
not,  even  though  they  may  think  they  do.  Here  is  the 
opportunit}'  for  vocational  guidance.  In  a  large  school 
one  or  more  teachers  may  give  their  entire  time  to  the  work, 
either  by  giving  class  instruction  or  by  personal  tests  and 
interviews.  They  need  not  and  usually  should  not  try  to 
force  a  pupil  into  a  particular  occupation,  but  can  give  him 
some  acquaintance  with  the  needs,  opportunities,  and 
methods  of  preparation  for  various  trades  and  professions, 
and  help  him  to  make  a  choice. 

To  make  such  a  decision  hastily  or  prematurely  is  a  great 
mistake,  but  it  is  perhaps  even  worse  folly  never  to  think 
about  one's  life  work.  To  find  the  qualities  which  we  pos- 
sess most  fully,  to  learn  the  demands  of  various  occupa- 
tions and  compare  our  talents  with  these  demands,  so  that 
our  life  work  may  be  both  joyous  and  efficient,  is  a  duty 
that  we  owe  to  our  community  and  should  form  a  vital  part 
of  our  education,  whether  we  get  it  privately  or  by  formal 
instruction.  Above  all,  let  us  not  make  money  the  only 
goal  in  our  life-work.  A  titled  snob  once  said  to  the 
English  statesman,  John  Bright,  "  I  am  worth  one  miUion 
pounds  sterhng."  *'  Yes,"  replied  Mr.  Bright,  "  and  that's 
all  you  are  worth." 

In  a  class  of  114  high  school  seniors,  59  thought  they  knew  when 
they  entered  high  school  what  their  life  work  was  to  be,  but  38  of 
these  changed  their  minds  before  graduation.  How  do  these  fig- 
ures compare  with  the  facts  for  your  own  class?  If  you  have  set- 
tled on  your  occupation,  why  did  you  adopt  it?  If  you  changed 
your  mind  about  it,  why  did  you  do  so  ?  If  you  have  not  decided 
yet,  why  haven't  you?  Make  a  list  of  the  trades  or  professions 
which  the  members  of  your  class  are  seriously  considering,  and 
study  the  qualities  and  extent  of  preparation  demanded  by  each. 

164.  Women  in  the  Industrial  World.  —  Woman  in  in- 
dustry is  no  new  feature.     In  primitive  times  she  did  a  large 


334         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

part  of  the  work.  Before  the  time  of  factories  she  made 
the  clothing  for  the  family,  and  she  has  always  done  con- 
siderable factor}^  work.  But  now  her  industrial  activities 
are  so  numerous  that  we  give  them  special  consideration. 
About  10,000,000  women  are  now  wage-earners,  and  they 
are  found  in  nine-tenths  of  all  the  occupations.  Why  has 
woman  left  the  home  to  take  up  outside  employment? 

In  many  cases,  it  is  because  she  desires  to  work.  Per- 
haps she  dislikes  housework,  or  has  little  or  none  to  do. 
It  may  be  because  she  dislikes  to  be  dependent,  or  wishes 
certain  luxuries  which  she  would  not  feel  like  demanding  from 
the  rest  of  the  family.  Perhaps  she  h  as  unusual  talent  in  some 
art  or  profession  and  would  be  unhappy  and  less  useful  out 
of  it.  The  transfer  of  many  forms  of  production  from  the 
home  to  the  factory  created  a  demand  for  woman's  work 
which  has  met  a  ready  response.  It  is  no  longer  a  disgrace 
for  a  girl  to  earn  her  own  hving. 

Often  she  works  because  she  must.  Many  unmarried, 
orphaned,  or  widowed  women  refuse  to  live  on  charity  — 
and  more  power  to  them !  The  increased  cost  of  living,  or 
some  misfortune  to  the  husband  or  father,  may  make  his 
income  insufficient  and  the  woman  must  work  to  support 
the  family.  During  the  Great  War,  when  there  was  much 
work  to  be  done  and  fewer  than  usual  to  do  it,  women 
heroically  filled  many  positions  out  of  their  ordinary 
sphere. 

What  are  the  results  of  women's  "  invasion  "  of  indus- 
try? Good,  in  some  respects,  we  must  admit.  They  can 
do  some  things  even  better  than  men,  and  many  things 
just  as  well.  At  least  one- third  of  the  office  work  is  done 
b}^  women,  and  four-fifths  of  the  teaching,  especially  below 
the  high  school.  They  have  contributed  a  new  labor  force 
to  industry.  iSome  of  them  have  been  transformed  from 
helpless  idlers  or  parasites,  waiting  for  some  man  to  come 
and  get  them,  into  self-respecting  competent  workers,  able 
to  look  out  for  themselves     Besides,  if  a  girl  learns  some 


Making  America  Prosperous  335 

special  work  before  she  marries,  she  has  less  reason  to  fear 
or  worry  if  some  emergency  or  trouble  arises  later. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  standard  of  women's  wages  is 
low,  and  this  may  react  unfavorably  on  the  wages  of  men. 
Sweat  shop  workers  were  largely  women  and  children. 
Low  wages,  too,  may  lead  to  insufficient  food  or  clothing 
or  to  immoral  living.  But  sometimes  the  "  lure  of  the  big 
wage  "  or  the  desire  for  a  "  career  "  takes  w^omen's  interests 
out  of  the  home,  makes  them  unwilling  to  marry,  and 
keeps  them  dissatisfied  with  the  home  if  they  do  many.  A 
woman  who  is  in  the  house  only  nights  and  Sundays  can 
not  be  much  of  a  home-maker.  If  there  are  children  in 
such  a  home,  the  result  may  be  disastrous.  Society  can 
afford  to  pay  mothers'  pensions  to  keep  homes  together; 
but  it  is  hard  to  justify  taking  a  poodle  to  Palm  Beach  while 
a  hired  maid  looks  out  for  the  children. 

Home-making  is,  after  all,  the  big  ''  career  "  to  which 
most  girls  should  look  forward.  If  present-day  parents 
do  not  teach  girls  how  to  cook  and  sew  and  handle  the  other 
home  duties,  the  school  must  do  it,  so  that  the  next  line  of 
mothers  may  do  better  than  the  present.  It  is  too  bad 
that  house-work  has  been  taboo  among  American  white 
girls  as  a  means  of  earning  a  living.  There  is  no  reason 
why  that  valuable  service  should  be  passed  over  to  black 
Dinah  or  Swedish  Inga  or  Polish  Mary. 

Make  a  list  of  10  occupations  for  which  women  are  better  fitted 
than  men ;  10  for  which  they  are  equally  fitted ;  10  for  which  they 
are  less  fitted;  10  which  they  should  avoid.  Does  the  working 
girl  have  a  better  or  poorer  opportunity  to  marry  than  the  one  who 
stays  at  home  ?  What  has  done  most  to  equalize  the  status  of  men 
and  women,  —  education,  religion,  industry,  or  something  else? 

.*.  To  safeguard  the  priceless  human  element  in  industry,  we  must 
have  cooperation  from  every  interested  party.  The  workers  may 
unite  to  protect  themselves  by  any  reasonable  method.  Employers 
must  get  a  broader  vision  than  to-day*s  payroll.  The  community 
through  laws  must  protect  those  who  cannot  protect  themselves 
and  through  education  must  direct  preparation  for  one's  life  work 


336         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

into  proper  channels.    Each  individual  must  feel  his  responsibility 
for  becoming  a  useful  member  of  society. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

Unemployment  in  Our  Community. 
Private  Employment  Agencies. 
Vocational  Guidance. 
The  Problem  of  Domestic  Service. 
Part-time  and  Cooperative  Schools. 
Women  Workers  from  the  Employer's  Viewpoint. 
Woman's  Rise  toward  Equality. 
Women  as  a  Factor  in  Labor  and  the  Professions, 
Women's  Political  and  Legal  Rights. 
Resolved,  that  community  kitchens  are  a  benefit. 
Resolved,  that  for  work  of  equal  character  and  quality  women 
and  men  should  receive  the  same  pay. 

REFERENCE  READINGS 

Adams  and  Sumner  —  Labor  Problems,  Chapter  II. 

Davis  —  Vocational  and  Moral  Guidance. 

Gowin  and  Wheatly  —  Occupations. 

Abbott  —  Woman  in  Industry. 

Burch  and  Patterson  —  American  Social  Problems,  Chapter  15. 

Towne  —  Social  Problems,  Chapter  8. 

Adams  —  Description  of  Industry,  Chapter  7. 

Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapter  112. 

Wolfe  —  Readings  in  Social  Problems,  Book  III. 

Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  B-8,  B-30,  B-31. 


XIV.   ASSURING  INDUSTRIAL  PEACE 


The  employer  and  the  laborer  seem  to  see  everything  from  dif- 
ferent viewpoints  and  through  different-colored  glasses.  At  point 
after  point  their  interests  seem  to  conflict.  Can  peace  and  harmony 
be  established  between  them?     If  so,  how? 


165.  Who  Are  Interested?  —  We  often  speak  of  the 
struggle  between  capital  and  labor  as  a  conflict  between 
two  forces  of  humanity.  True,  practically  every  one  is 
either  an  employer  or  an  employee;  but  in  any  given  dis- 
pute one  may  have  no  part  whatever.  There  is  always  a 
third  factor  —  the  public,  which  uses,  but  does  not  pro- 
duce, any  particular  commodity  or  service.  Does  this 
third  factor  have  any  concern  in  the  fight? 

After  a  strike  there  is  usually  a  rise  in  prices  to  pay  the 
workmen  higher  wages  or  to  pay  for  the  loss  suffered  during 
the  strike.  Who  must  pay  these  prices,  or,  in  other  words, 
pay  the  cost  of  the  strike?  Necessarily  the  public,  those 
who  are  said  to  have  no  interest  in  the  matter.  Frequently  a 
necessity  of  life,  such  as  milk  or  street  car  service,  is  tied. up 
or  interrupted  by  a  labor  disturbance.  Is  it  the  few  people 
in  that  industry  or  all  the  people  at  large  that  suffer  most? 
During  the  pohce  strike  in  Boston,  was  it  the  city  or  state 
officials  or  the  policemen  that  suffered  from  the  inrush  of 
thieves  and  crooks,  or  was  it  the  ^' third  party,"  the  public? 

Suppose  there  is  a  strike  in  the  steel  industry.  Trace  out  fully 
every  other  activity  which  would  be  affected. 

Could  the  same  individual  have  the  interests  of  a  capitalist  in 
one  affair,  of  a  laborer  in  another,  and  of  the  public  in  a  third  ? 

If,  as  is  often  the  case,  a  labor  dispute  leads  to  violence, 
public  property  and  that  of  outsiders  are  endangered  as 
well  as  the  employer's.     Moreover,  for  any  harm  done  to 

337 


338         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

the  employer's  property  the  pubUc  must  pay  in  higher 
prices  or  in  taxes ;  for  if  the  city  or  county  does  not  afford 
proper  protection  the  owner  will  demand  payment  for  the 
damages.     The  public  must  pay  for  the  police  and  soldiers 


Copyright,  Keystone  View  Co.   \ 
Drilling  and  Loading  Anthracite  Coal. 

Anthracite  coal  is  found  almost  exclusively  in  that  part  of  Pennsylvania 
in  which  Scran  ton  is  the  largest  city.  Do  you  think  you  would  enjoy  this 
kind  of  work?  Do  you  imagine  that  it  would  be  healthful?  Scranton 
and  other  places  have  suffered  much  from  cave-ins  due  to  careless  mining. 

necessary  to  keep  the  peace.  The  strikers'  families  suffer, 
and  the  creditors  of  these  families  suffer,  when  no  money  is 
being  earned.  The  employer  may  be  forced  to  break  con- 
tracts, which  will  handicap  if  not  bankrupt  other  concerns. 
Industrial  groups  are  coming  to  realize  that  their  quarrels 


Making  America  Prosperous  339 

are  not  their  own.  There  can  be  no  such  thing  as  a  "  private 
war"  between  capital  and  labor.  Not  to  mention  the  class 
jealousy  and  ill-will  created  by  labor  troubles,  which  break 
up  social  unity,  we  all  have  something  at  stake  in  every  siza- 
ble industrial  controversy.  Interdependence  of  individuals 
is  universal.    Any  dispute  may  have  nation-wide  effects. 

166.  What  is  Wrong  in  Industry  ?  —  There  was  a  time 
when  an  employer  had  eight  or  ten  **  hired  help,"  with 
whom  he  had  an  intimate  personal  acquaintance.  He  was 
the  "boss,"  but  each  of  his  men  could  hope  to  become  a 
boss  himself  some  day.  Probably  the  employer  himself 
made  his  way  up  from  the  ranks  and  knew  just  how  the 
''man  in  the  overalls"  felt  about  things.  " 

But  the  factory  system  and  large-scale  production  have 
completely  changed  all  this.  They  have  made  **  imper- 
sonality "  the  distinguishing  feature  of  modern  big  busi- 
ness. The  employer  and  emplo^^ed  lose  their  character- 
istics as  men  and  become  "  agents  in  production."  Mis- 
understanding is  inevitable,  and  not  wholly  the  fault  of 
either.  The  employer  of  hundreds  or  even  thousands  of 
men  can  not  hope  to  know  John  Czernski  except  as  number 
1216,  if  at  all.  John  is  hired  and  fired  by  the  "  boss  "  of 
his  department.  Men  come  and  go,  but  the  head  of  the 
business  has  no  time  to  inquire  who  or  w^hy. 

The  high  degree  of  specialization  brought  about  by  large- 
scale  production  intensifies  this  impersonality.  These  are  not 
weavers,  and  those,  tailors  —  they  are  "  processes  "  twelve 
and  eighteen.  A  man  who  does  nothing  but  tighten  bolt  15 
in  the  body  of  an  automobile  cannot  feel  any  pride  in  the 
finished  product.  And  what  can  be  the  effect  of  doing 
nothing  but  stabbing  hogs  in  the  neck  day  after  day !  The 
worker  becomes  narrowminded,  or  mechanical,  dead  in  soul. 

When  laborers,  feehng  hopeless  to  help  themselves  with- 
out organization,  form  unions  and  demand  changes  from 
employers,  the  latter  may  simply  fight  back.     Their  ex- 


340         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

planation  of  the  formation  of  ''  employer's  associations  *' 
is  that  without  them  an  individual  employer  might  be  at 
the  mercy  of  a  union  directed  by  a  highly  paid,  unscrupu- 
lous "  agent  "  who  had  no  personal  interest  in  the  business. 
In  serious  cases  the  emploj^er  may  try  a  lockout  —  shut  down 
his  factory  and  refuse  to  permit  any  work  until  the  men 


Courtesy  Stvift  and  Co. 
Dressing  Sheep  in  a  Great  Meat-packing  Establishment. 

The  carcasses  are  hung  on  a  kind  of  gravity  trolley  system  and  pass  from 
one  workman  to  another  at  a  uniform  speed.  There  are  about  fifty  opera- 
tions in  dressing  sheep.  Would  the  relations  between  employer  and  em- 
ployees in  such  an  establishment  have  any  effect  upon  general  conditions 
in  the  industry? 

come  to  terms.  Employers  keep  records  of  undesirable 
workmen,  and  by  exchanging  blacklists  they  attempt  to 
keep  such  men  out  of  one  another's  shops. 

All  these  things  bring  an  industrial  war.  That  is  the 
right  word.  A  picture  from  the  scene  of  a  labor  dispute 
sometimes  looks  as  if  it  came  from  northern  France  in  1918. 
Yes,  there  is  much  in  modern  industry  that  is  wrongs  Too 
little  personal  relationship,  too  much  misunderstanding; 
too  little  sense  of  humanity,  too  much  class  consciousness; 


Making  America  Prosperous  341 

too  little  spirit  and  soul,  too  much  machinery;  too  httle 
regard  for  others'  rights,  too  much  greed  and  selfishness 
and  willingness  to  fight  for  oower  and  control. 

167.  The  ''Right"  to  Strike  and  to  Work.  —  Labor 
organizations  invariably  insist  upon  the  right  to  strike  as 
unquestioned  and  necessary.  In  theory  we  may  not  deny 
the  right  of  any  man  to  work  or  not  to  work  as  he  chooses, 
unless  his  action  involves  the  breaking  of  a  contract.  And 
as  a  general  statement  no  one  may  deny  the  t*ight  of  one 
thousand  men  to  act  similarly.  We  certainly  have  no 
right  to  prohibit  strikes  without  providing  other  suitable 
means  just  as  effective  to  secure  justice.  Yet  when  an  em- 
ployer "  strikes  "  by  means  of  a  lockout,  unions  are  some- 
times appalled  by  the  unfairness  of  it. 

Men  who  are  out  on  a  strike  frequently  try  to  prevent 
others  from  w^orking.  It  is  under  such  circumstances  that 
trouble  most  often  occurs.  If  picketing  is  nothing  more 
than  peaceful  argument,  it  is  surely  within  a  citizen's  rights ; 
but  sometimes  clashes  occur  between  pickets  and  guards 
hired  by  the  employer,  and  personal  encounters  result  be- 
tween strikers  Or  their  sympathizers  and  those  who  wish 
to  work.  Yet  has  not  one  man  the  same  right  to  work  that 
another  has  to  decline  to  work?  The  professional  strike- 
breaker or  "  scab  "  is  not  popular,  and  we  cannot  wonder 
at  the  fact ;  but  the  case  seems  to  be  different  when  some 
of  the  regular  emploj^ees  of  an  establishment  prefer  to  con- 
tinue working,  or  when  others  are  willing  to  take  permanent 
jobs.  The  chief  reason  why  unions  usually  desire  the 
closed  shop  is  to  make  it  possible  for  them  to  control  as  a 
unit  the  entire  labor  force  in  an  establishment. 

If  you  had  been  employed  in  a  factory  twenty  years  when  a  strike 
was  ordered  there,  what  course  of  action  would  you  probably  pur- 
sue? If  a  family  were  dependent  upon  your  daily  earnings,  and 
your  union  officers  ordered  you  to  strike,  would  your  first  obliga- 
tion be  due  to  your  family  or  to  the  union? 


342         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  general  public  is  inclined  to  believe  that  there  are 
certain  conditions  when  the  absolute  right  to  strike  must  be 
denied.  First,  when  it  is  in  violation  of  a  contract,  and  the 
employer  has  not  violated  his  share  of  it.  Second,  when  it 
prevents  the  production  or  transportation  of  a  necessitj^ 
of  life.  The  harm  a  railroad  strike  might  do  to  a  nation 
would  be  greater  in  most  cases  than  any  possible  injustice 
to  the  employees,  if  other  means  of  settlement  of  a  contro- 
versy were  available.  Third,  when  it  concerns  government 
employees,  such  as  policemen  and  firemen,  who  have  taken 
oath  to  serve  the  public.  Fourth,  when  all  other  available 
means  of  settlement  have  not  been  tried.  The  effects  of 
a  strike  are  so  serious  and  far-reaching  that  it  must  be  kept 
as  a  last  resort.  And  public  sentiment  will  not  long  be  on 
the  side  of  strikers  if  they  resort  to  violence  to  gain  their  ends. 

The  state  has  the  right  to  say  that  you  shall  go  to  school  whether 
you  like  the  teacher  or  not.  Why?  Should  it  have  the  same  right 
to  say  that  certain  industries  must  be  carried  on  whether  every- 
body connected  with  them  is  satisfied  or  not?  Here  is  the  oath 
taken  by  the  policemen  of  Boston  upon  becoming  members  of  the 
force :  "  I  do  solemnly  swear  that  I  will  bear  allegiance  to  the  United 
States  and  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts,  and  will  sup- 
port the  Constitution  and  laws  thereof,  so  help  me  God.  I  do  sol- 
emnly swear  that  I  will  faithfully  and  impartially  perform  all  the 
duties  incumbent  upon  me  as  a  police  officer  of  the  city  of  Boston." 
Was  a  person  who  had  taken  such  an  oath  justified  in  leaving  his 
post  whether  he  had  a  grievance  or  not  against  his  superior  offi- 
cers, knowing  the  results  which  must  follow  such  action?  Is  there 
any  difference  between  public  employees  and  employees  of  pri- 
vate organizations  in  regard  to  the  right  to  strike?  Are  unions 
correct  in  asserting  that  the  right  to  strike  is  essential  to  the  free- 
dom of  labor  and  the  assurance  of  justice  ?  Is  the  closed  shop  neces- 
sary to  the  life  of  the  union  ?  Do  strikers  have  the  right  to  march 
in  the  streets  or  on  sidewalks  whenever  they  please?  What  ob- 
ject could  they  have  in  doing  so  ? 

168.  Agencies  for  Settling  Disputes.  —  No  doubt  strikes 
would  be  far  more  common,  and  surely  would  be  more  gen- 
erally justifiable  if  they  were  the  only  means  of  forcing  an 


Making  America  Prosperous 


343 


employer  to  do  justice  by  his  men.  But  the  pubhc's  con- 
cern about  essential  industries  is  so  great  that  it  has  caused 
the  setting  up  of  numerous  agencies  to  aid  in  settling  dis- 
putes. Sometimes  conferences  are  arranged  between  the 
two  contending  parties,  but  usually  these  accomplish  Uttle 
because  both  sides  are  unyielding.  Sometimes  arbitrators 
representing  the  public  are  called  into  such  conferences. 
In  such  cases  their  opinion  usually  decides  the  issue. 

Most  of  the  states  now  have  a  bureau  or  board  of  con- 
ciliation or  mediation  with  the  right  to  investigate  any  in- 


Covvright,  Harris  &  Ewtng. 
An  Industrial  Conference  in  Session. 

This  is  one  of  the  numerous  conferences  that  have  been  held  in  Washington 
in  recent  years.  Representatives  of  business  interests,  labor,  and  the  public 
at  large  were  all  represented  here. 

dustrial  controversy,  and  publish  their  findings.  But  their 
most  valuable  service  is  in  acting  as  mediators  or  arbitra- 
tors. Seldom  do  they  have  any  power  to  conmiand  em- 
ployers or  employees  to  listen  to  them  or  to  accept  their 
offers  of  help.     But  such  offers  are  frequently  accepted,  and 


344         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

if  a  labor  board  or  mediation  officer  has  acquired  a  repu- 
tation for  intelligence  and  fairmindedness,  their  opinions 
are  likely  to  be  accepted  by  both  parties. 

The  federal  government  also  has  a  Board  of  Mediation 
and  Conciliation,  which  has  the  kind  of  power  just  referred 
to,  and  the  Railroad  Labor  Board  must  consider  all  requests 
for  changes  in  wages  or  working  conditions  before  they  go  into 
effect,  if  there  is  any  controversy  about  them.  During  the 
Great  War  the  War  Labor  Board  was  set  up,  to  consider 
industrial  disputes,  and  settled  dozens  of  them  in  a  reason- 
ably satisfactory  manner. 

On  several  notable  occasions  mayors  and  governors  have 
intervened  to  bring  about  settlements.  President  Roose- 
velt did  likewise  in  the  anthracite  coal  strike  of  1902  and 
President  Wilson  in  the  still  more  far-reaching  coal  strike 
of  1919.  Not  even  a  president,  however,  has  any  legal 
authority  in  such  a  matter.  He  can  simply  urge  whatever 
action  he  believes  public  interests  require,  and  the  measure 
of  his  success  will  depend  upon  the  extent  to  which  public 
opinion  is  back  of  him. 

Formerly,  more  often  than  to-day,  one  side  or  the  other 
would  say,  "  We  have  nothing  to  arbitrate."  Such  an  at- 
titude, however,  usually  antagonizes  public  opinion,  for  if 
one  party's  case  is  so  sound  that  there  could  be  no  honest 
disagreement  with  it,  surely  it  could  not  suffer  by  being 
submitted  to  impartial  arbitrators.  Labor  unions  some- 
times oppose  public  arbitration  boards,  asserting  that  they 
are  made  up  of  people  prejudiced  on  the  side  of  capital,  or 
that  at  best  their  decision  will  be  a  compromise  —  a  vain 
attempt  to  try  to  please  both  sides.  But  since  labor  has 
more  votes  than  capital,  even  a  politically  appointed  board 
would  probably  not  decide  everything  against  labor.  Be- 
sides, even  a  partly  unsatisfactory  decision  might  mean 
less  hard  feelings  and  loss  of  wages  than  a  prolonged  strike. 

Does  your  state  support  a  board  of  conciliation  or  something 
like  it?     If  so,  study  some  cases  with  which  it  has  dealt. 


Making  America  Prosperous  345 

169.  Is  Compulsory  Arbitration  Desirable  ?  —  Many 
people  think  that  when  two  parties  do  not  settle  an  indus- 
trial dispute  between  themselves,  they  should  be  forced  to 
submit  it  to  a  public  board  of  arbitration  and  that  the  de- 
cision of  this  board  should  be  binding.  New  Zealand,  Aus- 
tralia, and  Norway  have  adopted  systems  of  compulsory 
arbitration  based  on  this  idea.  Strikes  and  lockouts  are 
made  illegal,  though  they  sometimes  occur. 

Canada  has  a  system  which  virtually  requires  the  arbi- 
tration of  disputes,  but  not  compulsory  adherence  to  its 
decisions.  A  public  board  investigates  disputes,  renders 
its  opinion  and  then  leaves  the  matter  to  public  opinion, 
thinking  that  the  people  will  demand  the  enforcement  of 
the  decision.  Indeed,  that  is  often  all  it  really  can  do,  for 
it  is  virtually  impossible  to  force  every  one  of  several  hun- 
dred or  thousand  strikers  to  go  to  work  if  they  do  not  wish 
to,  or  even  a  majority  of  them. 

The  nearest  thing  to  compulsory  arbitration  thai  we  have 
in  this  country  is  the  Kansas  Court  of  Industrial  Relations. 
It  is  made  up  of  three  judges  appointed  by  the  governor. 
Controversies  involving  transportation,  mining,  or  other 
essential  industries,  must  be  submitted  to  its  consideration, 
and  strikes  or  lockouts  before  its  decision  is  announced 
are  forbidden.  One's  opinion  as  to  its  success  will  depend 
upon  his  prejudices  or  the  source  of  his  information,  but 
its  object  is  laudable  —  that  essential  industries  shall  not 
be  interrupted  merely  because  the  parties  connected  with 
them  disagree  about  something.  Through  putting  the 
facts  before  a  supposedly  impartial  board  a  reasonable  de- 
cision is  possible.  The  pubUc  gets  information  on  the  basis 
of  which  it  may  demand  justice.  Both  sides  have  a  chance 
to  cool  off  before  breaking  relations  —  a  fact  which  may  in 
itseK  bring  about  settlement.  The  chief  arguments  against 
compulsory  arbitration  are  that  forcing  a  person  to  work 
against  his  wishes  is  really  "  involuntary  servitude  "  and 
therefore  un-American,   and  that  the  enforcement  of  de- 


346         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

cisions  will  often  be  impossible.  But,  in  the  words  of  a 
New  York  editor,  ''  The  American  public  does  not  long 
tolerate  the  idea  that  it  is  a  beast  of  burden  to  be  driven 
now  by  one  private  class  and  now  by  another  for  selfish 
gain."  It  does  not  see  why  it  must  suffer  just  because  one 
or  two  groups  are  stubborn  or  unreasonable. 

170.  Industrial  Democracy.  —  For  some  time  we  have 
had  a  considerable  measure  of  political  and  social  democ- 
racy, but  we  did  not  carry  it  over  into  industry.  Large- 
scale  industry,  at  least,  was  an  autocracy.  By  democracy 
in  industry  we  mean  the  organization  of  a  concern  so  that 
the  employees  have  a  voice  in  its  management,  as  far  as  it 
concerns  the  employees  in  any  way.  A  common  plan  is  to 
have  the  workers  elect  a  house  of  representatives,  the 
bosses,  foremen,  or  heads  of  departments,  elect  a  senate, 
and  the  management  constitute  a  cabinet.  The  whole 
system  then  operates  somewhat  like  a  state  or  national 
government.  Frequently  the  organization  is  not  quite  so 
formal  as  this.  The  representatives  of  the  workers  may  be 
known  as  a  shop  council,  but  the  principle  of  the  employee 
representation  is  the  same.  In  a  few  cases,  labor  repre- 
sentatives are  admitted  to  the  board  of  directors. 

In  numerous  instances  this  plan  works  a  marvelous  im- 
provement in  the  morale  of  the  establishment.  It  stimu- 
lates the  workers'  interest.  They  feel  that  they  have  a 
real  part  in  the  business,  and  they  work  harder  and  more 
conscientiously.  Production  is  increased,  and  waste  and 
inefficiency  are  decreased.  There  are  no  labor  controver- 
sies. All  parties,  having  full  acquaintance  with  the  facts 
about  the  business,  understand  the  others.  The  employer 
realizes  the  workers'  needs  and  the  employees  do  not  demand 
what  is  unreasonable.  The  workers'  representatives  are 
of  their  own  body,  not  outsiders  who  do  not  understand  con- 
ditions, and  a  spirit  of  friendliness  pervades  the  whole  plant. 

But  will  it  work  everywhere?     It  has  been  tried  in  every 


Making  America  Prosperous  347 

part  of  the  country  and  in  many  kinds  of  industries.  In- 
vestigators declare  that  it  fails  only  when  one  side  or  the 
other  has  not  entered  fully  into  the  spirit  of  the  thing. 
Sometimes  an  employer  permits  the  setting  up  of  a  form  of 
workers'  representation  but  pays  little  or  no  attention  to 
their  desires  or  suggestions.  In  industry,  as  in  govern- 
ment, the  form  of  democracy  without  the  spirit  of  coopera- 
tion will  gain  little.  But  even  in  factories  where  many 
workers  are  foreigners,  it  is  said  that  the  adoption  of  a  real 
industrial  democracy  has  helped  to  make  them  intelligent, 
interested,  and  efficient.  . 

Labor  organizations  often  oppose  industrial  democracy. 
They  say  that  labor  should  organize  as  labor  and  get  what 
it  needs  through  such  organization.  The  theory  of  indus- 
trial democracy  is  that  both  capital  and  labor  are  partners 
and  should  organize  for  cooperation,  not  conflict.  The 
welfare  of  one  promotes  the  welfare  of  the  other.  Indus- 
trial democracy  promises  a  great  deal  for  the  promotion  of 
common  understanding  and  the  general  weKare. 

Are  there  any  large-scale  occupations  in  which  this  kind  of  labor 
organization  could  not  be  expected  to  work?  Would  labor  unions 
of  the  usual  type  succeed  any  better  ?  Would  industrial  democracy 
destroy  labor  unions?  Should  the  union  be  regarded  as  simply  a 
means  of  securing  justice,  which  might  in  time  outlive  its  useful- 
ness, or  is  it  something  to  be  perpetuated  for  its  own  sake  ? 

171.  Industrial  Ideals.  —  People  sometimes  say,  usually 
in  excusing  themselves  for  laziness,  "  The  world  owes  every 
man  a  living."  On  that  philosophy  they  base  their  policy 
of  doing  as  little  as  they  can.  If  every  one  worked  on  that 
theory,  however,  there  would  be  little  progress  in  the  world,  for 
progress  depends  upon  people's  doing  more  than  merely  keep- 
ing alive  would  require  them  to  do.  It  would  be  much  truer 
to  say,  the  world  owes  every  man  what  he  earns.  What  he 
does  for  the  world,  rather  than  what  he  would  like  to  have, 
is  the  sound  basis  for  what  the  world  ought  to  do  for  him. 

But  wages  alone  are  not  enough  for  the  worker,  though 


348         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

sometimes  he  may  mistakenly  think  so.  A  hving  wage 
plus  an  interest  in  his  work  and  ideals  for  higher  things  for 
himself  and  his  associates  he  must  have,  if  he  is  to  be  any- 
thing more  than  a  part  of  a  machine.  If  his  daily  toil  must 
be  mechanical  routine,  his  employer  should  at  least  see  to 
it  that  his  leisure  moments  can  be  spent  comfortably,  and 
the  community  must  give  him  every  opportunity  for  up- 
lifting recreation  and  mental  and  spiritual  advancement. 

Must  we  forever  proceed  on  the  assumption  that  indus- 
try is  a  fight  between  capital  and  labor,  to  see  which  can 


Copyright,  Harris  cfc  Ewing. 
Labor  and  Capital  in  Conference. 
The  two  prominent  figures  in  the  picture  are  Samuel  Gompers,  late  Presi- 
dent of  the  American  Federation  of  Labor,  and  Charles  M.  Schwab,  famous 
as  a  financier  and  business  man. 


get  the  more  out  of  the  other?  "  Competition  is  the  life 
of  trade,"  they  used  to  tell  us.  But  in  practice  cut-throat 
competition,  whether  between  employer  and  employee  or 
between  employer  and  employer,  has  been  the  death  of 
happiness  and  the  curse  of  industry.  We  preach  now  a 
new  doctrine  of  cooperation.  Let  each  see  how  much  can 
be  done  by  working  with  the  rest.     "  Live  and  let  live." 


Making  America  Prosperous  349 

And  let  each  see  how  well  he  can  do  the  job,  not  how  much 
poor  work  he  can  "  get  away  with." 

We  cannot  reach  the  new  ideals  over  night.  Prejudice, 
the  memory  of  past  wrongs,  misunderstanding  —  all  these 
and  more  cannot  be  wiped  out  by  a  word.  The  sins  of 
past  injustice  and  tyranny  are  visited  upon  another  gen- 
eration of  employers,  most  of  whom  want  to  be  square; 
and  the  rascality  of  a  few  obscures  the  good  intentions  of 
the  many.  But  let  not  the  wage-earner  be  over-harsh  until 
he  can  atone  for  the  deeds  of  the  greedy,  the  slacker,  the 
willful  disturber,  the  destroyer  of  property  and  life,  in  his 
own  ranks.  These  evils  can  be  overcome  if  we  seek 
unitedly  the  better  things  instead  of  brooding  over  past 
wrongs. 

Both  employer  and  wage-worker,  too,  must  be  square 
with  the  public  that  supports  them  both.  There  can  be  no 
more  private  wars.  There  must  be  regard  for  the  interests 
of  all.  "  A  fair  day's  wage  for  a  fair  day's  work  "  is  a  "fine 
motto,  as  far  as  it  goes.  ^' Good  service  at  a  reasonable 
price "  supplements  it  admirably.  We  are  not  talking 
about  Utopia.  We  can  have  all  this  in  the  United  States 
of  America. 

.'.  Labor  and  capital  must  for  their  own  good  and  for  the  sake  of 
the  public  be  willing  to  allow  their  disagreements  to  be  settled 
without  interruption  of  service  to  the  people,  if  any  means  of  fair 
settlement  are  available.  Cooperation,  not  strife,  is  the  ideal  for 
both  elements  in  industry. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

Resolved,  that  every  state  should  maintain  an  industrial  court  pat- 
terned in  principle  on  that  of  Kansas. 

Compulsory  Arbitration  in  Australia  and  New  Zealand. 

Conciliation  and  Mediation  Agencies  in  Our  States. 

Resolved  that  the  best  interests  of  America  require  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  open  shop  in  industry. 

Industrial  Democracy  in  Operation. 

The  Federal  Government  in  Labor  Disputes. 

The  Whitley  Councils. 


350         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Bloomfield  —  Problems  of  Labor. 

Commons  —  Industrial  Government. 

Basset  —  When  the  Workmen  Help  You  Manage. 

Adams  and  Sumner  —  Labor  Problems,  Chapter  8. 

Rowe  —  Society,  Chapter  27. 

Cleveland  and  Schafer  —  Democracy  in  Reconstruction,  Chapters  12, 

14. 
Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  A-9,  B-12. 
Tufts  —  The  Real  Business  of  Living,  Chapters  25,  26. 
Bryce  —  Modern  Democracies,  Chapters  51,  55. 


XV.   USING   WISELY  THE   GIFTS   OF   NATURE 


Back  of  all  the  activities  of  capital  and  labor  are  the  gifts  of  Na- 
ture. Without  them  the  wealth  of  the  capitalist  and  the  brawn 
of  the  laborer  are  alike  helpless.  We  have  already  observed  hast- 
ily (§  2)  the  abundance  of  resources  with  which  Nature  endowed  us. 
How  have  these  been  used?  How  shall  we  use  them  to  make 
them  most  valuable  to  ourselves  and  our  successors? 


172.  How  Have  We  Used  Them?  —  When  the  colonists 
came  here,  they  found  fertile  lands,  great  forests,  minerals, 
and  water  power  in  abundance.  Here  before  them  were 
the  greatest  undeveloped  resources  in  the  world.  Almost 
half  the  total  area  of  the  country  was  covered  with  splen- 
did forests,  growing  on  some  of  the  most  fertile  land  in  the 
world.  To  this  was  added  a  climate  varied  enough  to  make 
almost  all  kinds  of  cultivation  possible.  Beneath  the 
ground  lay  untold  wealth  in  minerals. 

It  is  little  wonder  they  were  too  careless  to  think  of 
economy.  Many  had  come  in  search  of  wealth  and  better 
living  conditions.  Therefore  they  took  advantage  of  their 
opportunity  and  used  these  resources  in  whatever  way 
would  bring  them  most  immediate  wealth.  It  never  oc- 
curred to  them  that  there  might  be  a  limit  to  the  amount  of 
this  wealth.  Whole  forests  were  burnt  to  clear  the  land  — 
indeed,  they  had  little  other  use  for  them,  except  to  build 
cabins  and  as  fire- wood.  Coal  was  taken  out  only  where 
it  was  thickest  and  easiest  to  work.  The  few  far-sighted 
people  who  realized  the  evil  that  was  being  done,  had  less 
influence  with  governors  and  legislatures  than  those  whose 
greed  made  them  reckless  with  Nature's  bounty  or  whose 
blind  ignorance  concealed  their  folly. 

351 


352         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Finally,  in  the  administration  of  President  Roosevelt, 
conservation  was  brought  before  the  country  as  a  national 
problem.  He  called  a  conference  on  the  subject  which  as- 
sembled in  1908  at  the  White  House,  and  was  attended  by 
governors  from  the  states  and  territories.  Congressmen, 
and  other  delegates.  In  later  years  this  "  House  of  Gov- 
ernors "   assembled  under  its  own  management  and  con- 


CouTtesy  U.  S.  Forest  Service. 
Cleaning  Up  the  Forest. 
The  work  ought  always  to  be  done  as  well  as  this,  but  unfortunately  it  is  not. 


sidered  a  variety  of  matters.  From  this  time  on  conser- 
vation has  been  recognized  as  a  settled  policy  of  the  federal 
government,  and  the  only  questions  have  been  about  the 
means  to  carry  it  out.  In  connection  with  this  movement, 
praise  and  credit  must  be  given  to  Gifford  Pinchot,  chief  of 
the  National  Forest  Service,  whose  personal  friendship 
with  Roosevelt  was  probably  responsible  for  awakening  the 
latter's  interest,  and  to  President  Van  Hise  of  the  Univer- 


Making  America  Prosperous  353 

sity  of  Wisconsin,  whose  book,  '*  The  Conservation  of  Nat- 
ural Resources,"  received  a  wide  reading.  Others  less  fa- 
mous also  contributed  their  share  toward  arousing  the  coun- 
try to  its  danger. 

173.  Principles  of  Conservation.  —  The  Creator  doubt- 
less put  the  minerals  in  the  earth,  the  power  in  the  streams, 
and  the  trees  in  the  woods  to  be  of  some  use  to  man.  Con- 
servation does  not  require  us  to  refrain  entirely  from  using 
these  marvelous  gifts  of  Nature  or  to  hoard  up  unused  re- 
sources. Conservation  means  simply  such  wise  use  of  our 
resources  as  will  permit  them  to  be  preserved  or  replenished 
for  the  future.  It  means  more  thorough  and  careful  systems 
of  mining  and  forestry.  It  means  proper  cultivation  of  the 
soil,  protection  for  the  animals,  and  careful  use  of  water. 
It  means  keeping  under  the  care  of  the  government  those 
things  that  would  be  destroyed  or  wasted  by  greedy  private 
interests. 

Natural  resources  are  not  all  alike  and  therefore  different 
types  need  different  treatment.  Some  are  inexhaustible ; 
they  renew  themselves,  as  air  and  usually  water.  Others, 
such  as  coal,  gas,  oil,  and  the  metals,  are  not  only  exhausti- 
ble but  cannot  be  renewed  by  man.  A  third  group,  which 
includes  our  forests  and  soil-fertility,  can  be  exhausted 
but  also  in  time  renewed. 

To  make  conservation  successful  we  must  do  three 
things :  educate,  legislate,  and  cooperate.  Education,  to 
show  the  pubhc  how  to  get  and  use  our  resources  with  the 
least  possible  waste,  is  the  first  step.  Since  there  are  al- 
ways some  who,  in  spite  of  education  and  reason,  insist  on 
robbing  Nature  to  get  rich  quick,  laws  must  be  passed  to 
restrain  them  and  to  prohibit  the  waste  of  our  raw  ma- 
terials. To  make  education  and  legislation  effective,  we 
must  have  cooperation  between  citizens  to  respect  the  laws 
and  see  that  others  obey  them,  and  to  thwart  selfish  at- 
tempts to  take  advantage  of  public  property  for  private 


354         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

gain.  And  we  must  have  cooperation  between  state  gov- 
ernments and  the  national  government  lest  the  short- 
sighted policy  of  one  state  should  deprive  the  people  of  re- 
sources which  should  benefit  the  whole  nation. 

Does  conservation  mean  sacrifice?     If  so,  by  whom?     For  whose 
benefit? 

174.    Conserving   the   Forests.  —  When   the   timberlands 
of  our  country  were  first  used  to  serve  the  needs  of  men, 


Courtesy  U.  S.  Forest  Service. 
Forest  Rangers  at  Work. 

Building  bridges 


This  scene  is  in  the  Shasta  National  Forest,  California 
is  one  of  the  many  things  which  foresters  have  to  do. 


the  best  trees  were  selected.  They  were  cut  carelessly, 
the  stmnps  left  high  and  the  branches  lying  where  they 
fell.  The  young  trees  were  crushed  under  the  weight  of 
the  larger  ones.  To  clear  the  land,  a  great  deal  of  timber 
was  burned.  The  result  of  this  is  that  today  only  65  per 
cent  of  the  former  forest  area  remains.    Only  a  little  over 


Making  America  Prosperous  355 

one-fourth  of  our  total  area  is  forest  land.  Moreover  we 
are  cutting  timber  three  times  as  fast  as  it  grows. 

Until  1891  this  extravagance  was  allowed  to  go  on  un- 
checked. In  that  year  Congress  passed  a  law  giving  the 
President  power  to  set  aside  any  public  forest  lands  as  forest 
reservations.  This  power  has  been  exercised  by  various 
presidents,  especially  Roosevelt,  so  that  today  about  176,- 
000,000  acres  are  contained  in  reservations.  Wood  is  some- 
times cut  on  these  reservations  but  under  careful  regula- 
tions, and  on  some  of  the  land  pasturing  sheep  or  cattle  is 
permitted. 

In  1897,  a  Bureau  of  Forestry  in  the  Department  of  Agri- 
culture was  established.  This  Bureau  tries  to  promote 
the  wise  use  of  forest  resources  and  their  preservation.  It 
has  reforested  thousands  of  acres  of  land.  Its  "  rangers  " 
each  have  charge  of  a  district  of  forest.  They  help  to  build 
roads,  bridges,  and  trails.  If  from  their  *'  lookout  "  they 
see  a  fire  or  anything  else  that  is  wrong  they  can  summon 
help  by  wireless.  In  this  way  much  has  been  saved.  Even 
the  airplane  aids  them  in  their  work.  Nearly  all  state  col- 
leges and  those  the  government  helps  financially  give 
courses  in  forestry  where  men  may  learn  to  become  rangers 
and  may  learn  to  plant  and  care  for  trees. 

There  are  also  wastes  in  manufacturing;  almost  half  of 
the  entire  volume  of  logs  is  lost  in  milling.  In  obtaining 
tar,  pitch,  and  turpentine  from  pine  trees  the  cuts  are  often 
made  so  deep  that  the  tree  can  only  live  a  few  years. 
Waste  from  decay  and  disease  of  trees,  and  the  ravages  of 
insects  can  also  be  prevented  by  proper  treatment.  By- 
products have  been  wasted  in  milling  lumber,  such  as  tur- 
pentine, wood  alcohol,  and  wood  pulp  for  making  paper. 

But  by  far  the  greatest  loss  has  been  from  fire,  caused  by 
sparks  from  locomotives,  by  careless  campers,  and  in  other 
ways.  The  fire  loss  from  1880  to  1896  and  the  cost  of  re- 
foresting amounted  to  over  $100,000,000.  This  could  have 
been  prevented  by  the  expenditure  of  about  $20,000,000. 


356         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Half  the  states  now  have  estabhshed  forestry  departments. 
Some,  such  as  Pennsylvania  and  New  York,  are  doing  ex- 
cellent work.  Most  states  require  great  care  on  the  part 
of  railroads,  campers,  and  hunters.  But  privately  owned 
timber  land  is  not  nearly  well  enough  guarded,  and  when 
the  state  cannot  get  hold  of  it,  the  trees  are  ruthlessly  cut 
down. 

Few  people  realize  the  importance  of  forests  to  a  nation. 
We  think  too  often  merely  of  their  value  in  turning  out 


Courtesy  U.S.  Forest  Service. 
A  Forest  Fire  in  Colorado. 

This  was  started  by  a  logging  engine,  but  the  cause  of  many  such  fires 
has  no  excuse  whatever. 

chairs  or  toothpicks !  Forests  regulate  the  water  supply 
of  our  streams.  Without  trees,  excessive  evaporation 
would  soon  cause  our  water  supply  to  shrink.  Trees  are 
an  important  factor  in  keeping  the  land  fertile.  They  do 
much  to  lessen  the  danger  from  great  winds.  And,  by  no 
means  a  small  thing,  they  bring  a  beauty  into  our  lives  that 
would  be  sadly  missed.  Who  that  has  seen  the  great  red- 
woods of  California  can  ever  forget  them ! 


Making  America  Prosperous  357 

What  is  the  purpose  of  Arbor  Day?  Do  you  observe  it?  Is  it 
practical  ?     Is  it  sentimental  to  regret  cutting  down  a  great  tree? 

175.  Wise  Use  of  Water  Resources.  —  The  conserva- 
tion of  forests  and  of  the  water  supply  are  closely  linked 
together,  for  it  is  the  forests  that  retain  the  water  and  pre- 
vent floods  and  droughts.  Water  is  not  only  an  essential 
to  life,  for  health  and  cleanliness,  but  is  tremendously  im- 
portant industrially,  for  power,  for  transportation,  and  for 
irrigation.  The  problem  of  city  water  systems  we  have 
already  mentioned  (§§  40,  41).  As  the  coal  supply  dimin- 
ishes, the  value  of  water  as  a  source  of  power  becomes  con- 
stantly greater.  Many  railroads  are  now  using  electric 
power  to  some  extent,  and  cities  use  it  almost  to  the  ex- 
clusion of  anything  else  for  lighting.  The  industrial  value 
of  water  power  —  "  white  coal  "  —  is  so  great  that  many 
capitalists  have  tried  to  obtain  control  of  the  supply,  and 
have  bought  water  sites  for  private  gain.  At  the  present 
time  about  65  per  cent  of  the  water  power  of  our  country 
is  controlled  by  ten  groups  of  people  and  only  one-seventh 
is  in  the  hands  of  the  government. 

This  control  is  a  serious  menace  to  the  people  because  it 
takes  away  from  the  whole  people  what  of  right  belongs 
to  them,  and  bestows  Nature's  gifts  upon  a  few  individuals. 
Public  control  of  water  power  is  necessary  to  secure  rea- 
sonable charges,  to  develop  and  use  wisely  the  power  itself, 
to  promote  safety  through  careful  construction  of  dams, 
and  the  like.  To  keep  in  proper  control  water  power  on 
our  public  land,  a  Federal  Water  Power  Board,  consisting 
of  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
and  the  Secretary  of  Agriculture,  has  been  established,  to 
pass  judgment  on  any  apphcations  from  private  citizens 
for  the  use  of  it. 

Water  as  a  means  for  transportation  has  been  discussed 
earlier  (§105),  and  its  importance  in  agriculture  is  men- 
tioned below  (§180).  In  some  industries,  too,  water  is  one 
of  the  raw  materials  necessary  for  production.     It  is  esti- 


358         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

mated  that  the  economic  use  of  water  could  be  developed 
from  seven  to  ten  times  as  much  as  it  is  today.  Wise  use  of 
our  water  supply,  it  is  said,  will  (1)  reduce  freight  rates; 
(2)  relieve  railroad  congestion;  (3)  reduce  flood  damage 
and  soil  erosion ;  (4)  reclaim  flooded  and  swamp  lands  and 
irrigate  deserts;  (5)  increase  available  power;  (6)  save 
fuel.     But  we  must  be  sure  that  its  use  accrues  to  the  bene- 


White  Coal. 

This  is  said  to  be  the  highest  spillway  in  the  world.  It  is  at  Longlake 
Washington,  not  far  from  Spokane.  It  furnishes  light  and  power  for  several 
hundred  square  miles  of  territory.  The  dam,  which  is  150  feet  high,  backs 
up  the  water  of  the  Spokane  River  so  as  to  form  a  lake  21  miles  long. 

fit  of  the  public  and  not  merely  of  a  few  greedy,  if  far- 
sighted,  individuals. 

Flood  control  is  one  phase  of  the  problem  of  water  con- 
servation. Plans  are  under  way,  through  the  cooperation  of 
state  governments  and  the  national  government,  to  acquire 
land  near  the  heads  of  important  rivers.     By  constructing 


Making  America  Prosperous  359 

reservoirs  at  such  points,  surplus  water  may  be  stored  up  in 
rainy  seasons,  preventing  floods  at  such  times  and  drought 
later. 


176.  Preserving  Natural  Attractiveness.  —  One  phase 
of  conservation  is  not  so  important  economically,  but  its 
value  to  the  soul  and  mind  is  immeasurable.  Our  coun- 
try is  unsurpassed  by  any  in  beautiful  scenery.  We  have 
forests,  glaciers,  waterfalls,  lakes,  and  mountains  that  peo- 
ple travel  many  miles  to  see.  Are  they  to  be  destroyed 
merely  because  some  people  want  to  use  those  places  for 
selfish  financial  gain,  or  to  be  seized  as  private  pleasure 
grounds  which  the  pubhc  must  pay  to  enter? 

Mines  are  sunk  in  our  mountains,  the  trees  cut  and 
burned,  our  rivers  are  lined  with  unsightly  factories.  Nat- 
ural resources  must  by  all  means  be  used,  but  let  us  use 
them  in  such  a  way  as  to  least  destroy  their  beauty.  Many 
factories  can  be  reasonably  attractive.  Power  can  be  taken 
from  Niagara  Falls  without  ruining  its  majesty. 

In  order  to  prevent  land  containing  special  scenic  beauty 
from  being  denuded  and  made  ugly,  or  seized  for  private 
gain,  the  national,  state,  and  city  governments  have  set 
much  of  it  aside  as  parks.  The  most  important  national 
parks  are  Yellowstone,  Yosemite,  and  Glacier  National 
Parks.  They  are  open  to  the  public  and  cared  for  by  the 
National  Park  Service  in  the  Department  of  the  Interior. 
Other  wonder  spots  are  set  apart  as  National  Monuments. 
New  York  has  made  a  state  reservation  of  the  land  adjoin- 
ing Niagara  Falls,  and  similar  action  has  been  taken  by 
other  states. 

No  less  than  our  scenic  beauty,  we  must  try  to  preserve 
our  animal  life.  Fish  have  been  taken  by  the  netful.  One 
of  our  most  prolific  birds,  the  passenger  pigeon,  is  now  ex- 
tinct. Our  great  herds  of  bison  are  reduced  to  a  few.  Are 
our  descendants  only  to  see  these  animals  in  zoos,  and  to 
be  deprived  of  hunting  and  fishing?     Every  state  now  has 


360         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

its  fish  and  game  laws,  which  Hmit  the  length  of  the  fishing 
and  hunting  season  and  the  number  and  size  of  animals 
and  fish  that  may  be  taken  or  killed  by  any  one  person. 
Besides  restricting  the  killing,  the  government  has  started 
to  renew  the  supply.  States  have  built  fish  hatcheries 
where  young  fish  are  raised.  These  after  reaching  a  certain 
age  and  size  are  put  into  our  rivers  and  lakes.  Buffaloes, 
deer,  seals,  and  various  birds  have  also  places  reserved  where 
they  may  live  unmolested  by  man.  Bird  reserves  have 
been  established  in  the  South,  and  a  treaty  with  Great 
Britain  protects  migratory  birds  which  travel  between  this 
country  and  Canada.  Pubhc  sentiment  is  particularly  effec- 
tive in  matters  hke  these.  Education  must  create  it,  and 
then  laws,  enforced,  can  make  it  effective.  It  hes  with  us 
how  much  national  beauty  is  going  to  be  left  for  our  children. 

Are  any  harmful  living  creatures  protected  by  our  laws  ?  What 
are  the  principal  fish  and  game  laws  of  your  state?  Does  it  pay 
bounties  for  killing  anything?  What  animals  must  not  be  killed 
at  all?  Does  your  state  have  any  animal  reserves  or  scenic  spots 
set  aside  as  public  property? 

177.  Wealth  Underground.  —  While  denuded  areas  can 
be  reforested,  and  some  other  things  replaced,  it  is  not  so 
with  minerals.  Coal  mined  is  mined,  and  nothing  we  can 
do  can  put  it  back  in  the  ground  as  it  was.  So  the  conser- 
vation of  minerals  consists  in  care  in  their  mining. 

Coal  is  our  most  important  mineral  product.  Almost 
the  entire  supply  of  anthracite  coal  is  in  eastern  Pennsyl- 
vania. The  whole  coal  region  of  the  country  is  about 
13  per  cent  of  the  entire  area.  Comparatively  little  of 
the  whole  coal  supply,  about  one-tenth  in  all,  has  been 
mined,  so  that  if  carefully  used  this  resource  will  be  avail- 
able for  a  long  time.  If,  however,  the  wastefulness  and 
carelessness  that  have  been  shown  continue,  the  supply, 
it  is  estimated,  will  be  exhausted  in  a  century.  It  is  said 
that  for  many  years  from  half  a  ton  to  one  and  a  half  tons 
were  wasted  for  every  ton  mined.     Coal  was  taken  only 


Making  America  Prosperous 


361 


from  the  broad  veins,  and  a  great  deal  left  that  was  only  a 
little  harder  to  obtain.  Thousands  of  tons  of  "  slack  "  are 
thrown  away  every  year.  This  amount  could  be  greatly 
decreased  by  more  careful  methods  of  mining.  For  that 
reason  the  national  government  has  organized  a  Bureau  of 
Mines  to  study  safe  and  economical  methods  of  mining. 
It  also  does  much  to  educate  the  public  in  wise  use  of  fuels. 


Courtesy  Westinghouse  Electric  Co. 
A  Heavily  Loauku    Ikain"  of  Coal  Cars. 

Electric  engines  on  the  Norfolk  and  Western  Railroad  draw  these  heavy 
trains  up  steep  grades  without  difficulty. 


Some  states  also  have  a  department  of  mines  for  similar 
objects. 

A  great  deal  of  coal  is  wasted  in  use.  Tons  and  tons  of 
coal  go  up  the  chimney  yearly  in  smoke,  or  are  consumed 
in  ovens  where  imperfect  combustion  takes  place.  All 
these  things  can  be  remedied.  Already  the  use  of  smoke 
consumers  is  required  in  many  mills  and  factories  and  on 
railroads.     The  smoke  also  contains  bj^-products  of  value. 

Another  problem  of  coal  is  the  ownership  of  coal  lands. 
Thousands  of  acres  of  such  land  have  yielded  profit  to  in- 
dividuals when  it  should  have  gone  to  the  entire  pubUc. 


362         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

People  interested  in  conservation  urge  that  there  be  no  more 
sale  of  pubHc  coal  land,  but  that  the  lease  system  be  used, 
under  which  private  individuals  lease  a  certain  area  of  land, 
and  a  royalty  is  paid  to  the  government  on  every  ton  of  coal 
mined.  The  government  can  insist  on  proper  methods  of 
mining,  and  control  the  price  of  the  coal.  Particularly 
in  Alaska,  where  there  are  said  to  be  enormous  coal  fields,  some 
such  plan  seems  far  better  than  either  giving  away  the  coal 
lands  or  forbidding  their  development  at  all. 

Petroleum  is  found  in  different  parts  of  the  country,  but 
California  has  more  than  all  the  other  states  combined. 
Texas  and  Oklahoma  also  produce  large  quantities.  This 
mineral  is  being  wasted  even  more  than  the  coal.  It  is 
used  principally  for  power,  and  part  of  it  is  exported.  The 
supply  as  it  is  known  at  present  cannot  last  for  many  years 
at  the  present  rate  of  use,  but  of  course  new  fields  may  be 
discovered.  Natural  gas  has  also  been  shamefully  wasted. 
It  has  been  allowed  to  escape  from  the  wells,  and  when  gas 
has  been  found  in  digging  for  oil,  it  has  been  lighted  and 
allowed  to  burn.  Gas  escapes  from  imperfect  pipes.  All 
together  about  one  billion  cubic  feet  of  gas  are  wasted  every 
day.  The  supply  of  natural  gas  is  rapidly  diminishing, 
and  unless  something  is  done  this  wonderfully  convenient 
fuel  will  soon  be  exhausted. 

In  what  states  are  the  various  forms  of  natural  resources  found 
in  greatest  abundance?  How  much  is  produced  each  year  at  pres- 
ent? 

178.  Occupying  the  Land.  —  A  large  part  of  American 
history  is  really  the  story  of  the  pioneer  and  his  movement 
to  the  West.  What  took  him  from  his  home  and  associa- 
tions into  a  new  country,  to  live  a  life  of  crudeness  and  often 
of  loneliness  for  perhaps  years?  Sometimes  the  social  dis- 
tinctions and  lack  of  democracy  characterizing  the  "  old 
families";  sometimes  the  chance  to  get  a  new  start,  when 
things  had  gone  wrong,   financially  or  Qtherwise;    some- 


Making  America  Prosperous 


363 


times  the  tales  of  gold,  boundless  forests,  or  fabulously  fer- 
tile land  in  the  river  bottoms,  which  seemed  to  offer  rich 
opportunities;  sometimes  just  an  irresistible  urge  for  ad- 
venture and  the  thrill  of  conquering  the  unknown  —  all 
these  took  the  bold  and  hardy  into  the  new  lands.  The 
westerner  has  always  been  noted  for  independence,  think- 
ing for  himself,  willingness  to  try  new  things. 

From  almost  the  beginning  of  our  national  existence  our 
government  encouraged  western  occupation  by  its  generous 
policy  to  settlers.  It  gave 
much  to  Revolutionary 
soldiers.  It  passed  much 
over  to  the  states  for  the 
support  of  education  or 
for  constructing  canals 
and  railroads.  It  pre- 
sented enormous  amounts 
to  corporations  which 
planned  transcontinental 
railroads. 

It  sold  much  of  the 
land  for  $1.25  an  acre 
to  almost  anybody  who 
would  buy  it.  The  act  of 
1841  allowed  any  family 
living  on  the  land  for  six 
months  to  get  160  acres 
at  that  price.  The  Homestead  Act  of  1862  allowed  any  head 
of  a  family  to  obtain  160  acres  for  a  merely  nominal  fee, 
simply  by  Hving  on  the  land  for  five  years.  Later  this  time 
was  reduced  to  three  years.  Special  provisions  have  been 
enacted  with  reference  to  land  depending  upon  irrigation 
projects. 

There  was,  however,  a  great  deal  of  abuse  of  the  privi- 
lege extended  by  the  Homestead  laws.  They  were  meant 
to  encourage  bona  fide  home-builders.    But  many  people, 


6 

5 

4 

3 

2 

1 

7 

a 

9 

10 

11 

12 

16 

11 

i6^ 

15 

14 

13 

19 

20 

21 

St 

23 

24 

30 

29 

28 

21 

26 

25 

51 

52 

55 

54 

1 

55 

36 

A  Congressional  Township. 

This  diagram  shows  the  order  in  which 
the  sections  of  the  townships  are  num- 
bered. Two  sections  are  set  apart  for  the 
support  of  schools.  One  section  is  shown 
subdivided. 


364         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

working  in  the  interest  of  a  corporation,  would  build  a  sod 
house  on  a  claim,  pretend  to  live  there  for  the  required  time, 
and  sell  out  to  the  corporation  at  a  profit.  Tracts  of  valu- 
able timber  land  were  taken  as  agricultural  land.  It  is 
the  old  story  of  reckless  greed.  Sometimes  oil  or  other 
minerals  were  found  and  became  a  rich  source  of  profit. 
As  a  result  of  this  abuse,  special  regulations  have  been  made 


Courtesy  Reclamation  Service. 
The  Desert  before  It  Gets  Water. 
In  the  center  of  the  picture  is  a  strip  of  irrigated  land.     What  a  contrast 
it  forms  with  the  barrenness  on  either  side !    On  page  149  notice  the  small 
ditches  used  in  irrigating  a  ranch. 

SO  that  the  different  kinds  of  land  shall  be  taken  for  what 
they  really  are. 

.  Most  of  this  western  land  has  been  surveyed  as  provided 
in  the  Act  of  1785,  which  arranged  for  townships  six  miles 
square,  each  divided  into  square  *'  lots,"  later  called  '*  sec- 
tions," containing  one  square  mile  each.  A  quarter-sec- 
tion was  therefore  the  most  common  size  of  land  taken 
under  the  Homestead  laws.     The  surveying  and  disposal  of 


Making  America  Prosperous  365 

public  lands  is  under  the  General  Land  Office  in  the  De- 
partment of  the  Interior. 

Name  some  famous  early  pioneers.  Why  did  not  the  federal 
government  give  away  land  in  the  original  thirteen  states?  Look 
up  the  location  of  public  land  still  available  (World  Almanac). 
On  what  terms  may  it  now  be  obtained  ?  Would  you  care  for  any 
of  it?  Is  it  true  that  the  West  has  put  "  pep  "  into  American 
life?     Is  the  westerner  of  today  crude? 

179.  Methods  of  Cultivation.  —  Agriculture  has  always 
been  our  leading  occupation,  but  like  others  it  has  changed 
with  the  march  of  progress.  Scientific  methods  and  the 
use  of  machinery  have  found  a  big  place  in  it,  and  have 
made  up  in  part  for  the  steady  drain  of  boys  and  girls  from 
the  farm  into  the  city.  There  are  two  types  of  soil  culti- 
vation. 

Intensive  cultivation  is  the  use  of  a  great  deal  of  labor 
and  capital  on  a  small  amount  of  land.  We  find  this  kind 
of  farming  for  the  most  part  in  the  eastern  part  of  the 
United  States,  especially  in  New  England  and  the  Middle 
Atlantic  States,  near  the  large  cities,  where  there  is  not  a 
great  amount  of  room.  *'  Truck  gardens  "  are  also  nu- 
merous in  the  South  Atlantic  States.  Of  all  the  people  in 
the  world,  the  Japanese  are  said  to  be  the  most  proficient 
at  this  enterprise.  On  the  small  farms  crops  are  planted 
close  together  and  fertilizer  is  used  to  good  advantage. 
When  one  vegetable's  season  is  over,  another  is  ready  in 
the  next  row.  Rotation  of  crops  is  necessary  so  that  the 
chemical  elements  in  the  soil  may  not  be  exhausted  by  con- 
tinual planting  of  the  same  vegetable  in  the  same  spot. 

Extensive  farming  is  a  form  of  agriculture  which  calls 
for  the  cultivation  of  large  areas  of  land,  usually  for  one 
crop,  such  as  wheat  or  corn.  It  is  characteristic  of  much 
of  the  West,  where  single  farms  may  contain  up  to  even 
10,000  acres.  Most  of  the  work,  from  breaking  the  soil 
to  threshing  the  grain,  is  done  by  machinery.  Large 
tractors  even  take  the  place  of  horses. 


366         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

180.  Making  the  Desert  Grow.  —  The  desert  soil  is  rich 
from  long  idleness  and  requires  only  the  water  to  make  it 
yield  bountifully.  Twenty  inches  of  rainfall  annually  is 
necessary  to  cultivate  land  successfully.  Since  two-fifths 
of  the  area  of  our  country  has  less  than  that,  most  of  this 
land,  to  be  useful,  must  be  irrigated.  We  were  very  late 
in  our  realization  of  this  fact.  The  Mormons  were  the 
first  to  use  irrigation  on  a  large  scale,  after  moving  to  Utah 
about  the  middle  of  the  19th  century.  No  national  acts 
of  importance  in  regard  to  irrigation  were  passed  until  1894. 
The  Gary  Act  of  that  year  granted  certain  desert  regions  to 
the  states  on  condition  that  they  should  irrigate  them. 
The  Reclamation  Act  of  1902  provided  for  the  use  of  money 
obtained  from  the  sale  of  public  lands  to  build  irrigation 
works.  It  also  organized  the  Reclamation  Service,  in  the 
Department  of  the  Interior,  which  investigates  conditions 
and  constructs  and  operates  irrigation  projects.  The  Recla- 
mation Extension  Act  of  1914  provides  that  the  settlers 
shall  pay  the  cost  of  irrigation  in  the  form  of  a  very  light 
rent. 

There  are  about  thirty  irrigation  projects  serving  3,200,- 
000  acres  of  formerly  arid  or  semi-arid  lands.  The  Service 
has  built  over  12,000  miles  of  canals,  ditches,  and  drains. 
The  water  for  irrigation  is  obtained  from  the  streams  and 
lakes  in  the  regions  where  the  work  is  being  done.  In  order 
to  store  the  water  until  it  is  needed  for  crops,  over  a  hun- 
dred dams  have  been  built.  To  fulfill  the  vision  of  the  old 
prophet,  '*  The  desert  shall  grow  and  blossom  as  the  rose," 
is  a  wonderful  thing.  When  water  is  valuable  and  the  sup- 
ply limited,  difficult  questions  of  economy  and  good  distri- 
bution arise,  and  these  are  the  principal  problems  connected 
with  irrigation  today. 

We  must  not  get  the  idea  that  all  irrigation  projects  are 
public  ones.  A  large  number  of  them  are  private  enter- 
prises, and  many  are  much  older  than  any  government 
projects.     The  beautiful  cities  and  towns  of  southern  CaUfor- 


Making  America  Prosperous 


367 


DiPAKTtmn  or  the  dttbuor 

WnSO  (TATES  RECIAHATION  SERVICE' 

.  UXATlGit  OF  PROJECTS 


Courtesy  Reclamation  Service. 
Irrigation  Projects  in  Our  Western  States. 

Only  the  projects  in  which  the  national  government  is  directly  interested 
are  shown  on  this  map.  The  Arrowrock  dam  is  pictured  on  page  421 .  There 
are  many  smaller  irrigation  projects  privately  constructed  and  managed. 

nia  could  not  exist  without  them,  and  the  Imperial  Valley- 
project,  which  takes  water  from  the  Colorado  River  into 
a  district  below  sea  level,  is  one  of  the  most  ambitious 
of  all. 


368         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Read  the  story  of  the  Imperial  Valley  in  "  The  Winning  of  Bar- 
bara Worth."  What  kind  of  climate  does  the  southwestern  part 
of  our  country  have?     Would  you  like  to  live  there? 

Another  phase  of  making  the  desert  grow  is  the  practice 
of  dry  farming.  This  is  a  comparatively  new  form  of  agri- 
culture, suitable  for  crops  not  needing  great  quantities  of 
water.  Plowing  is  deep  and  the  top  soil  is  kept  as  finely 
broken  as  possible  to  prevent  the  evaporation  of  the  water 
in  the  ground.  In  some  sections  good  crops  are  raised  by 
this  method. 

By  way  of  contrast,  we  may  mention  the  reclamation  of 
swamp  lands.  Thousands  of  acres  of  land  have  been  made 
useful  and  healthful  by  draining  off  the  water.  It  is  es- 
timated that  about  77,000,000  acres  of  swamp  land  in  the 
country  are  recoverable.  These  lands  are  unusually  fertile 
and  make  fine  farms.  Many  districts  around  the  lower 
Mississippi  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  have  been  thus  made 
useful,  as  well  as  considerable  land  in  Florida.  Quite  a 
change  from  harmful  disease-breeding  swamps  to  produc- 
tive meadows ! 

181.  Protecting  the  Farmer's  Welfare.  —  To  promote 
the  general  prosperity  of  the  nation,  the  farmer  must  re- 
ceive consideration  as  well  as  the  city  man.  Almost  half 
the  population  of  the  United  States  still  live  in  rural  dis- 
tricts, and  the  city  man  cannot  live  without  the  things  the 
farmer  grows.  Farm  problems  therefore  mean  something 
to  everybody.  We  have  already  referred  to  the  program 
for  making  the  rural  school  and  church  more  effective,  and 
for  making  rural  roads  respectable.  Let  us  glance  at  some 
of  the  rural  problems  that  are  primarily  economic. 

Farmers  do  ilot  want  the  same  amount  of  labor  the  year 
around.  In  planting  time  and  harvesting  time  they  need 
much,  in  the  wmter  little.  They  cannot  pay  wages  high 
enough  during  the  rush  seasons  to  justify  a  worker  in  re- 
maining idle  when  the  farmer  has  no  use  for  him.     During 


Making  America  Prosperous 


369 


the  busy  season  on  a  farm,  long  hours  are  absolutely  neces- 
sary and  the  work  seems  hard  to  one  who  is  not  used  to  it. 
Since  the  wages  usually  include  meals  they  do  not  sound  as 
large  to  a  city  worker  as  they  may  be  in  reality,  and 
he  would  rather  loaf  in  the  city  than  work  in  the  country. 
The  city  worker,  too,  thinks  that  farm  life  is  dead,  that 
there  is  nothing  to  do  but  work  and  go  to  bed.     Many  of 


il 

4m 

%d 

w^-.. '                         .  -~'>i^|^H| 

...  M 

^E 

■s.-,^  ^^T^^-.,  ^^ ,..— *-^wj'*is*<r^^^«i^^E| 

Courtesy  Jnlernavlonal  Harvester  Co. 
Doing  Farm  Work  by  Machinery. 

The  gasoline  engine  and  other  forms  of  machinery  make  farm  labor  much 
easier  and  do  it  better  than  when  it  all  had  to  be  done  by  man-power. 


the  5,000,000  farm  laborers  in  the  country  are  of  the  un- 
steady, migratory  type  and  often  undesirable. 

If  crops  are  raised  and  then,  because  labor  cannot  be  ob- 
tained, the  grain  or  fruit  rots  in  the  field,  there  is  an  enor- 
mous and  real  money  loss  to  the  entire  country.  This  is 
one  of  the  reasons  why  the  cost  of  food  products  is  higher 
than  it  really  needs  to  be.  Some  means  must  be  found  by 
which  the  farmer  will  be  able  to  get  the  number  of  workers 


370         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

he  needs.  During  the  War  patriotism  was  sufficient  in 
some  cases  to  take  boys  into  the  country  for  the  summer, 
and  even  men,  women,  and  girls  gave  spare  time  to  work  on 
farms.  But  that  kind  of  patriotism  is  usually  not  suffi- 
cient to  cause  one  to  keep  at  such  work  in  times  of  peace. 
An  increase  of  the  standard  of  wages  on  the  farm  probably 
must  come  if  we  are  to  get  enough  workers  to  keep  things 
going.  Advertising  the  attractive  features  of  farm  hfe 
instead  of  the  constant  allusions  to  "  rubes  "  and  "  hay- 
seeds "  that  we  find  in  the  "  funny  pages  "  and  hear  from 
the  stage  would  be  of  some  assistance.  The  governments 
of  state  and  nation  can  render  no  more  important  service 
through  their  employment  bureaus  than  to  bring  the  worker 
to  the  farm. 

Why  do  you  or  do  you  not  like  farm  work?  Should  city  people 
be  willing  to  pay  high  prices  for  milk  and  other  farm  products  to 
enable  farmers  to  pay  good  wages  ? 

Another  disturbing  feature  is  the  tendency  toward  an 
increase  in  the  number  of  rented  farms.  As  an  occupation 
today  farming  requires  more  capital  than  some  people  are 
willing  to  spend,  so  that  people  rent  rather  than  buy  farms. 
During  hard  times  farms  are  usually  the  first  property  mort- 
gaged. The  small  profits  are  insufficient  to  pay  it  off,  the 
farm  is  lost  and  often  the  same  man  rents  it  from  the  one 
who  holds  the  mortgage.  Of  the  6,448,343  farms  in  the 
country  in  1920  about  38  per  cent  were  rented,  and  37  per 
cent  of  the  rest  were  known  to  be  mortgaged. 

But  why  is  this  a  problem?  As  a  general  rule  a  renting 
farmer  works  the  soil  much  less  carefully.  He  wants  pres- 
ent profit  and  does  whatever  will  bring  the  greatest  im- 
mediate return.  He  makes  few  -improvements,  and  does 
not  try  to  conserve  the  fertility  of  the  soil.  By  the  time 
his  lease  is  up  the  soil  is  so  poor  and  the  buildings  so  in  need 
of  repair,  that  a  small  fortune  is  needed  to  make  it  pay 
again. 

It  is  often  said  that  because  of  their  isolated  life,  and  the 


Making  America  Prosperous 


371 


nature  of  their  occupation,  farmers  are  very  independent. 
It  is,  indeed,  in  some  respects  true.  On  a  small  farm  the 
family  can  do  most  of  the  work;  they  can  raise  their  own 
food,  and  regulate  their  own  life.  But  for  his  profits  the 
farmer  is  almost  at  the  mercy  of  the  railroads  and  middle 
men,  unless  he  lives  close  to  a  city.     Even  then,  at  the  first 


Courtesy  BeclamatUm  Service. 
A  Grain  Farm  on  Irrigated  Land. 
Once  this  land  looked  like  that  on  page  364. 

sign  of  hard  times  in  the  city,  the  consumption  of  food  de- 
creases. Moreover,  the  farmer  is  dependent  upon  Nature, 
a  force  that  cannot  be  controlled  by  man.  To  protect  him 
as  much  as  possible,  the  national  government  makes  use  of 
the  Weather  Bureau,  now  in  the  Department  of  Agricul- 
ture. It  sends  out  warnings  of  coming  droughts,  storms, 
and  frosts.  It  tells  the  farmer,  and  many  other  interested 
people,  just  what  to  expect  a  few  days  in  advance.  Then 
whatever  preparation  is  possible  can  be  made.  Many 
people  think  that  almost  anybody  can  farm.     They  look 


372         Problem^  of  American  Democracy 

upon  it  somewhat  as  the  last  resort  of  a  man  who  has  not 
brains  enough  to  succeed  at  anything  else.  But  this  is  a 
wild  mistake. 

Successful  farming  is  a  science.  Colleges  and  universi- 
ties maintain  regular  courses  in  agriculture.  They  also 
offer  short  courses  which  many  farmers  take  during  the 
winter  months.  Agricultural  experiment  stations  do  very 
helpful  work.  Reports  and  bulletins  from  agricultural 
colleges  and  the  Department  of  Agriculture  are  often  ex- 
tremely valuable. 

The  modern  farm  is  a  business  enterprise.  The  farmer 
finds  out  the  quahty  of  his  land  and  the  crops  which  will 
bring  him  the  greatest  returns.  He  keeps  in  touch  with  the 
markets  and  their  prices.  He  demands  reasonable  profits. 
He  plans  budgets  and  keeps  accounts.  The  farmer  is  no 
mossback.  He  is  very  much  alive  and  very  progressive. 
He  wants  no  sympathy,  but  he  wants  a  square  deal.  The 
rest  of  us  cannot  afford  not  to  give  it  to  him. 

What  does  the  average  city  man  think  of  the  farmer?  What 
does  the  farmer  think  of  the  city  man?  Enumerate  the  pleasant 
and  the  unpleasant  things  in  farm  life.  What  particular  problems 
does  the  farmer's  wife  contend  with?  Why  were  most  farmers 
opposed  to  daylight  saving? 

.'.  Since  our  wonderful  natural  resources  have  been  used 
wastefuUy,  conservation  is  an  immediate  and  vital  necessity  with 
our  forests,  our  water,  our  metals  and  minerals,  our  native  animals, 
and  our  land.  The  farmer  and  others  who  work  with  these  natural 
resources  are  doing  a  service  so  fundamental  that  their  welfare 
must  not  be  ignored. 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 


The  Forest  Service,  State  and  National. 
White  Coal. 

Lumber  —  Its  Importance  and  Its  Problems. 
Coal  —  Its  Importance  and  Its  Problems. 
Wheat  —  Its  Importance  and  Its  Problems. 
Iron  —  Its  Importance  a;nd  Its  Problems. 
Federal  Land  Legislation. 


Making  America  Prosperous  373 

Managing  a  Big  Western  Farm. 

The  History  of  Irrigation. 

The  History  of  the  Conservation  Movement. 

The  Farm  Labor  Problem. 

Management  as  a  Farm  Problem. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Burch  —  American  Economic  Life,  Chapters  9-12,  22-24. 

Bogart  —  Economic  History,  Chapters  3,  10.  14,  19,  20,  23. 

Van  Hise  —  Conservation  of  Natural  Resources. 

Thompson  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapter  9. 

Marshall  and  Lyon  —  Our  Economic  Organization,  Chapter  23 

Carlton  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapter  18. 

Towne  —  Social  Problems,  Chapters  15,  16. 

Carver  —  Principles  of  Rural  Economics,  Chapters  3-6. 

Carney  —  Country  Life  and  the  Country  School,  Chapters  4,  5,  8. 

Gillette  —  Constructive  Rural  Sociology,  Chapters  8-10,  12. 

Young  —  New  American  Government,  Chapter  14. 

Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapter  33. 

Beard  —  American  Government  and  Politics,  Chapter  20. 

Hart  —  Actual  Government,  Chapter  18. 

Haskin  —  American  Government,  Chapters  7,  9-11. 

Ha  worth  —  America  in  Ferment,  Chapter  3. 

Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  B-5,  C-4,  C-5,  C-6. 


XVI.   CONTROLLING  THE   COST  OF   LIVING 


Now  that  we  have  worked  out  a  number  of  principles  that  ap- 
ply to  the  production  of  commodities,  we  can  profitably  turn  our 
attention  to  another  phase  of  the  elements  of  prosperity,  wise  con- 
sumption. Why  do  we  have  to  pay  so  much  money  to  get  the  things 
to  meet  our  desires?  How  much  is  it  reasonable  for  us  to  expect? 
How  may  we  get  the  most  satisfaction  out  of  the  use  of  the  income 
which  our  labor  brings  us? 


A.  Using  Our  Income  Wisely 

182.  What  Makes  Things  Cost?  —  Leaving  out  for  the 
present  the  variations  of  market  price,  what  are  we  paying 
for  when  we  buy  anything?  Only  a  very  small  part  of 
what  we  pay  for  an  article  goes  to  the  actual  producer  of 
the  original  material.  To  understand  what  becomes  of 
the  rest  of  it  demands  some  knowledge  of  a  tremendous 
number  of  business  activities.  It  goes  for  transportation, 
for  transforming  the  article  into  a  form  in  which  it  will  suit 
us  best,  and  for  profits  of  management  as  well  as  compensa- 
tion for  the  necessary  use  of  capital  and  labor. 

Make  a  list  of  all  the  elements  that  enter  into  the  cost  of  a  steak ; 
a  quart  of  milk ;  this  book ;  a  railroad  ticket. 

After  we  trace  things  down  we  may  wonder  not  so  much 
at  the  amount  we  pay  as  that  the  commodity  can  be  sold  at 
the  price.  Yet  we  cannot  help  feeling,  when  we  know  that 
we  pay  so  much  more  for  certain  articles  now  than  at  some 
other  time,  that  we  are  not  getting  all  we  are  entitled  to, 
after  all.  Now  what  are  some  of  these  cost  items  that  we 
are  tempted  to  consider  ** artificial"?  Why  may  there  be 
a  general  rise  in  the  standard  of  prices? 

One  cause  is  inflation  of  the  currency.  Gold  is  more 
abundant  than  it  used  to  be.     It  therefore  takes  more  of 

374 


Making  America  Prosperous  375 

it  than  it  formerly  did  to  obtain  a  certain  amount  of  wheat 
or  hats.  Thus  the  fact  that  prices  are  measured  in  gold 
would  itself  cause  prices  to  rise.  Suppose,  too,  that  for 
some  reason  an  unusually  large  amount  of  paper  money 
was  also  put  into  circulation.  The  effect  would  be  similar. 
It  would  then  take  still  more  money  to  obtain  the  same 
amount  of  goods  as  before.  As  the  amount  of  natural  re- 
sources available  for  production  becomes  less  and  less,  an- 
other cause  for  an  increase  in  the  price  of  commodities  is 
suggested.  If  people's  wants  increase,  their  greater  demand 
for  a  variety  of  articles  is  going  to  Hft  the  price  further. 

Sometimes  we  are  bothered  with  the  so-called  ''  profit- 
eer." If  an  unscrupulous  grocer  knows  that  the  woman 
who  hurries  in  for  flour  or  sugar  must  have  it  at  once,  he 
may  be  tempted  to  charge  her  an  excessive  price.  During 
the  Great  War  there  was  a  limited  supply  of  many  things 
which  war  needs  called  for  mmediately,  and  there  could  be 
little  haggling  with  people  who  could  supply  what  was 
wanted,  even  though  they  demanded  an  outrageous  price 
for  it.  People  have  to  have  shelter.  Since  they  prefer 
not  to  hve  in  tents,  they  may  have  to  pay,  if  houses  are 
scarce,  as  much  for  three  rooms  and  bath  as  once  would 
have  rented  a  mansion. 

When  harmful  living  conditions  exist  as  the  result  of  high 
prices,  three  possible  remedies  may  be  available.  We  may 
produce  more  of  the  things  we  need,  and  thus  cause  the 
price  to  come  down ;  we  may  try  to  obtain  more  wages  to 
meet  the  high  prices ;  or  we  may  adjust  our  standard  of 
living  to  agree  with  our  wages.  Wages  seldom  increase  as 
fast  as  prices ;  but  when  the  attempt  is  made  to  meet  rising 
prices  with  constantly  rising  wages,  an  effect  is  produced 
that  is  sometimes  called  "  the  vicious  circle."  For  a  crude 
illustration,  suppose  the  carpenters,  observing  an  increased 
cost  of  living,  demand  and  obtain  higher  wages.  The  cost 
of  building  then  goes  up  and  house  rents  are  raised.  Then 
the  grocer  and  the  clothing  dealer  and  the  shoe  dealer  must 


376         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

charge  more  for  their  goods  to  pay  the  high  rent.  The 
carpenters  then  say,  *'  Living  has  gone  up.  We  must  have 
another  raise."  Surely  the  thing  must  stop  somewhere. 
The  people  who  are  pinched  first  when  the  inflation  is 
squeezed  out  never  enjoy  it,  but  a  reasonable  standard  of 
costs  all  around  ought  to  suit  everybody.  The  method  we 
have  described  is  altogether  too  much  like  a  dog's  chasing 
his  own  tail. 

When  deflation  takes  place,  in  what  order  are  the  elements  of  cost 
likely  to  come  down? 

183.  Living  Expenses  Once  and  Now.  —  Few  people  are 
wilHng  to  live  today  as  people  in  a  similar  social  standing  would 
have  expected  to  live  a  hundred  or  even  fifty  years  ago. 
Country  people  never  have  spent  relatively  as  much  as  city 
people,  but  the  living  expenses  of  both  groups  have  increased. 

Here  is  a  list  of  quotations  from  the  day-book  of  a  grocer  in  west- 
ern Pennsylvania  in  1808  and  1809:  "2  lb.  coffee,  $.80;  2  lb. 
rice,  $.25 ;  2  qts.  salt,  $.25  ;  173  lb.  bacon,  $1.62  ;  1  gal.  whiskey, 
$.50;  1  pr.  stockings,  $1.00;  3  lb.  butter,  $.27;  1  doz.  cigars, 
$.06;  110  lb.  beef,  $3.96;  1  pr.  shoes,  $1.25 ;  5  bu.  wheat,  $2.50 ; 
1  ream  paper,  $3.92;  1  doz.  eggs,  $.06;  1  fur  bonnet,  $3.50;  3 
yds.  velvet,  $4.50;  1  doz.  plates,  $.53;  1  yd.  homespun,  $1.59; 
Webster's  spelling  book,  $.25 ;  2  lb.  sugar,  $.50." 

Compare  these  with  prices  prevailing  today  for  the  same  com- 
modities and  see  if  you  can  explain  the  differences.  Why  are  some 
prices  so  much  more  nearly  like  those  of  today  than  others  ? 

A  hundred  years  ago  a  family  with  an  income  of  $1500 
a  year  was  considered  "  well  fixed,"  and  thousands  of  work- 
ers never  expected  to  get  more  than  a  dollar  a  day  for  their 
labor.  How  did  they  get  along?  In  the  first  place  many 
families  produced  all  or  part  of  their  own  food  and  did  much 
of  their  own  manufacturing.  Much  of  what  they  needed 
from  outside  sources  was  obtained  by  barter  or  exchange 
rather  than  purchase.  Their  standard  of  living  was 
lower  —  less  was  used  and  less  was  wasted.  Then  there 
were  fewer  amusements  and  luxuries  on  which  to  spend 
their  income  and  more  of  it  could  be  used  for  necessities. 


Making  America  Prosperous  377 

In  1920  the  following  was  presented  by  the  Philadelphia  Bureau 
of  Municipal  Research  as  a  fair  list  of  reasonable  expenses  for  that 
year  for  a  family  of  five,  including  the  parents,  a  boy  of  13,  a  girl  of  10, 
and  a  boy  of  6 :  rent,  $336.00 ;  fuel  and  light,  $98.10 ;  food,  $681.82 ; 
clothing,  $439.37;  car  fare,  $35.40;  cleaning,  Supplies,  services, 
$44.24 ;  unspecified  items  (recreation,  insurance,  health,  house  fur- 
nishings, education,  reading,  taxes,  etc.),  $345,08.     Total,  $1,980.01. 

Subdivide  these  items  and  see  whether  they  impress  you  as  pos- 
sible or  reasonable.  What  do  you  suppose  a  similar  Philadelphia 
family  would  have  spent  in  1820  ? 

Why  are  living  expenses  in  the  country  less  than  in  the  city? 
How  does  the  small  town  compare  with  either?  Would  expenses 
be  the  same  in  all  cities  ? 

184.  Standards  of  Living.  —  What  constitutes  any  one's 
standard  of  living?  From  the  viewpoint  of  a  desirable  stand- 
ard, it  is  the  estimate  which  a  person  makes  as  to  the 
amount  of  comforts  and  necessities  which  he  must  have  in 
order  to  be  satisfied.  From  the  practical  viewpoint  it 
means  the  amount  of  material  goods  which  a  person  actually 
has  for  the  gratification  of  his  wants.  One's  actual  stand- 
ard of  living  may  be  far  below  his  ideal  standard.  A  uni- 
form standard  is  out  of  the  question.  Just  as  individuals 
differ,  so  their  idea  of  what  life  should  be  varies.  A  fisher- 
man's life  may  be  joy  to  one  person  but  to  another  little 
short  of  disgusting. 

Is  it  possible  to  maintain  equal  standards  of  living  for  all  ?  Sup- 
pose such  a  condition  were  brought  about ;  how  long  would  it 
last?  Are  equal  standards  for  everybody  desirable?  Would  a 
new  deal  make  it  possible  for  some  to  retain  permanently  a  higher 
standard  than  they  could  hope  to  achieve  without  it  ? 

Standards  have  been  raised  very  greatly  since  the  world 
began.  Primitive  man  wished  for  only  rough  food  and 
shelter.  Consider  by  contrast  the  great  assortment  of  de- 
sires we  have  today.  It  has  been  a  case  of  ''  the  more  you 
get,  the  more  you  want"  ;  luxuries  have  become  necessities ; 
and  our  progress  is  evidence  of  this  rising  standard.  Stand- 
ards of  living  are  higher  in  America  than  in  most  other 
countries.     Even  our  unskilled  laborers  are  seldom  content 


378         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

with  what  people  of  the  same  kind  in  other  countries  have. 
The  sounder  a  country  is,  morally  and  materially,  the  more 
generally  will  life  be  maintained  on  a  plane  of  comfort  and 
enjoyment.  To  secure  a  relatively  high  standard  for  as 
many  people  as  possible  is  much  to  be  desired,  and  that  is, 
after  all,  the  best  we  can  hope  to  accomplish. 

Are  the  standards  of  living  of  all  wealthy  people  the  same? 
May  a  street-cleaner  be  happy?  How  will  the  community  get 
such  work  done  if  nobody  in  the  community  is  satisfied  to  live  be- 
low decent  comfort?  To  what  extent  do  the  items  mentioned  at 
the  end  of  Section  11  permit  you  to  judge  a  family's  or  commu- 
nity's standard  of  living? 

Do  you  agree  with  the  standard  of  living  set  up  as  reasonable 
by  the  Court  of  Industrial  Arbitration  of  New  South  Wales,  Aus- 
tralia, in  1914  :  "  The  living  wage  is  standardized  as  the  wage  which 
will  do  neither  more  nor  less  than  enable  the  worker  of  the  class 
to  which  the  lowest  wage  would  be  awarded  to  maintain  himself, 
his  wife,  and  two  children  —  the  average  dependent  family  —  in 
a  house  of  three  rooms  and  a  kitchen,  with  food,  plain  and  inexpen- 
sive, but  quite  sufficient  in  quantity  and  quality  to  maintain  health 
and  efficiency,  and  with  an  allowance  for  the  following  other  ex- 
penses :  fuel,  clothes,  boots,  furniture,  utensils,  rates,  life  insurance, 
savings,  accident  or  benefit  societies,  loss  of  employment,  union 
pay,  books  and  newspapers,  train  and  tram  fares,  sewing-machine, 
mangle,  school  requisites,  amusement  and  holiday,  intoxicating 
liquors,  tobacco,  sickness  and  death,  domestic  help,  unusual  con- 
tingencies, religion,  or  charity." 

Does  this  list  omit  or  include  anything  which  in  your  opinion  it 
should  not  ? 

A  well-known  financier  of  New  York  has  proposed  this  list  of 
necessities  :  "  (1)  Food  that  is  healthful  and  nourishing.  (2)  Shel- 
ter that  is  hygienic.  (3)  Clothing  that  will  protect  us.  (4)  Fuel 
that  will  keep  us  warm.  (5)  Education  that  will  make  us  efficient 
and  philosophical,  and  thereby  happy.  (6)  Medical  attention  that 
will  preserve  our  vigor  while  we  live.  (7)  Transportation.  (8) 
Amusements  that  are  rational  but  not  demoralizing.  (9)  Tobacco, 
at  least  in  my  case." 

Does  this  sound  reasonable  as  a  general  ideal  ? 

Suppose  it  is  suggested  that  as  we  are  not  satisfied  with  our  stand- 
ard of  living  we  should  increase  our  income.  By  what  means 
might  this  be  done?     Upon  what  factors  do  the  incomes  of  the 


Making  America  Prosperous  379 

following  depend  :    clerks,  hod-carriers,  carpenters,  stenographers, 
teachers,  merchants,  ministers,  bankers,  waiters,  engineers? 

185.  Regulating  Our  Own  Expenses.  —  With  many  a 
person  the  immediate  problem  is  not,  ^'  What  standard  of 
living  ought  I  to  maintain?"  but,  ''What  standard  can  I 
maintain?  "  In  other  words,  "  How  can  we  make  both 
ends  meet?  "  One  answer  might  be,  **  Spend  less."  An- 
other might  be,  '*  Know  how  you  spend  it."  Long  ago, 
efficiency  became  the  watchword  of  the  office  and  factory, 
but  in  home  life  careless,  slipshod  habits  have  continued. 
Yet  the  home  is  the  most  important  factor  of  community 
life,  and  home  training  reaches  far  out  into  every  other 
phase  of  living. 

One  of  the  best  means  for  obtaining  efficiency  in  the  home 
is  the  family  budget.  No  government  or  business  that 
pretended  to  be  up  to  date  or  efficient  would  attempt  to  get 
along  without  a  budget  system.  By  a  budget  we  mean  a 
careful  estimate  of  the  probable  expenditures  during  a  given 
time,  worked  out  so  that  plans  may  be  laid  to  meet  them. 
By  planning  the  spending  of  our  income  as  far  in  advance 
as  possible  we  avoid  having  a  great  deal  just  after  pay  day 
and  then  living  on  bare  necessities  for  the  next  few  weeks. 
The  housewife  knows  the  definite  amount  she  has  to  spend. 
We  see  in  black  and  white  just  what  amount  we  should 
spend  for  various  things  before,  not  after,  it  is  spent.  We 
get  things  in  the  right  proportion;  if  we  have  spent  too 
much  on  one  item,  we  may  plan  a  wiser  arrangement. 

How  many  families  that  you  know  of  use  the  budget  plan?  Why 
or  why  not? 

Budget  items  are  often  arranged  in  five  groups  —  food, 
shelter,  clothing,  household  expenses,  and  development,  or, 
as  it  is  sometimes  called,  *'  higher  life."  This  last  includes 
education,  recreation,  church,  charity,  and  the  like.  The 
amounts  spent  for  each  of  these  groups  are  naturally  not 
equal.     Some    groups    vary    more    proportionately    than 


380         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

others  under  different  conditions  of  living.  The  outlay  for 
shelter  usually  runs  between  15  and  25  per  cent.  The 
family  with  a  small  income  may  spend  as  high  as  45  or  50 
per  cent  for  food.  The  rich  man  spends  much  less  in  pro- 
portion for  that  item,  for  unless  he  insists  on  having  a  great 
variety  of  food  and  many  things  out  of  season,  he  cannot 
eat  in  proportion  to  his  wealth. 

It  often  seems  that  the  so-called  middle  class  spends  the 
greatest  percentage  for  clothes.  Sensible  poor  people  know 
they  cannot  spend  lavishly  for  dress,  and  do  not  try  to, 
but  the  family  with  a  moderate  income  wishes  to  look  as 
well  dressed  as  the  rich.  Occupations  vary  greatly  in  the 
importance  attached  to  dress. 

The  greatest  variation  appears  in  the  item  headed  **  de- 
velopment "  or  *'  higher  life."  The  poor  man  must  use 
most  of  his  income  for  necessities.  The  rich  man  has  his 
automobiles,  costly  entertainments,  travel,  and  long  va- 
cations. He  may  also  contribute  generously  toward  church 
and  charity.  When  reverses  come  to  rich,  middle  class,  or 
poor,  this  section  of  the  budget  is  the  one  that  is  cut  first. 

Can  you  tell  the  income  or  expenditures  of  your  family  last 
year?  Do  you  imagine  that  there  could  be  any  improvement  in 
the  financial  management  of  your  home?  Make  out  a  budget 
showing  the  amount  needed  to  supply  the  mythical  "  average  " 
family  of  five  with  reasonable  and  healthful  food  for  a  month.  Do 
the  same  for  clothing,  and  for  the  other  expenses  which  a  well  dis- 
posed family  tries  to  provide  for.  Does  your  budget  come  within 
the  reach  of  the  ordinary  family's  income  in  your  neighborhood? 
If  it  does  not,  where  will  it  have  to  be  cut  down  ?  —  Remember 
that,  taking  the  country  as  a  whole,  $2,000  is  as  large  an  income  as 
the  average  family  can  hope  for.  Are  parents  ever  to  blame  for 
the  extravagance  of  children?  Should  children  be  fully  acquainted 
with  the  family's  financial  condition  ? 

186.  Spending  That  Is  Wise.  —  Most  of  us  need  to  have 
it  drummed  into  us  that  we  ought  to  save.  But  some 
spending  is  more  beneficial  than  some  saving.  There  can 
be  false  economy. 


Making  America  Prosperous  381 

One  of  the  things  for  which  we  should  spend  money  is 
health.  To  obtain  good  food  and  proper  clothing  and  shel- 
ter is  not  only  wise  but  profitable  in  the  long  run.  Ill 
health  brings  loss  of  work  and  doctor's  bills.  A  certain 
amount  of  recreation  and  pleasure  is  beneficial  to  health 
and  very  desirable  from  a  social  point  of  view.  Education 
is  another  wise  use  of  money.  It,  too,  richly  repays  its 
purchaser  in  the  end,  mentally  and  financially. 

What  advice  might  a  poor  boy  working  his  way  through  college 
or  a  young  man  just  starting  for  himself  in  business  need  with  ref- 
erence to  food,  clothing,  and  social  affairs?  Would  either  one  be 
in  danger  of  spending  too  little  on  these  items? 

A  man  who  wishes  to  save  money  has  a  son  to  whom  college 
would  be  of  great  benefit.  By  close  management  he  could  send  him. 
Ought  he  to  do  so  ? 

When  might  the  purchase  of  a  full  dress  suit  be  wise  and  when 
unwise  ?  of  an  encyclopedia  ?  of  a  tennis  racket  ?  of  a  dog  ?  of  a  hat  ? 

But  does  wisdom  justify  spending  for  luxury?  First, 
what  is  a  luxury?  It  is  a  comfort  or  convenience  beyond 
the  actual  necessities  of  life,  which  contributes  only  to  ease 
or  enjoyment.  Some  argue  that  a  person  has  a  right  to  all 
he  can  get  from  hfe.  Luxuries  they  say  are  an  incentive  to 
better  work.  They  bring  contentment,  and  make  it  easier 
to  bear  the  hard  things  of  life. 

We  are  sometimes  told  that  the  production  of  luxuries 
furnishes  employment  for  people.  Yet  such  employment 
takes  workers  away  from  the  production  of  necessary  com- 
modities and  raises  the  cost  of  the  latter.  When  expendi- 
tures for  luxuries  become  mere  extravagances,  we  cannot 
defend  them  morally  or  socially.  But  when  they  are,  in  a 
sense,  spurs  to  service  and  the  reward  for  hard  work,  we 
can  sometimes  give  their  possessor  the  benefit  of  the  doubt. 

Under  what  circumstances  and  for  whom  would  the  following 
be  classified  as  a  necessity,  a  convenience,  or  a  luxury :  a  fountain 
pen,  a  baseball,  a  lawn  mower,  a  country  estate,  a  jack-knife,  a 
diamond  ring,  a  dozen  pairs  of  silk  stockings,  a  caddy  at  golf,  a 
telephone,  a  trip  to  Florida? 


382         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

187.  Foolish  Uses  of  Money.  —  The  cost  of  high  Uving, 
it  has  been  well  said,  is  one  of  the  chief  reasons  for  the  high 
cost  of  living.  Who  can  tell  how  many  people  mortgaged 
their  homes  even  to  buy  a  Ford !  If  it  comes  to  a  choice 
between  a  home  and  a  *'  machine,"  the  latter  almost  in- 
variably wins.  People  will  scrimp  on  necessities  to  '^  keep 
up  with  the  Joneses,"  to  entertain,  or  to  display  showy 


What  Some  People  Throw  Away. 

An  extensive  business  is  done  in  the  handling  of  old  newspapers,  maga- 
zines, and  other  waste  paper  which  the  ordinary  person  throws  away. 


clothes.     Not  a  commodity  exists  that  has  not  been  bought 
by  some  people  under  conditions  that  did  not  warrant  the 
purchase.     Whatever  price  they  paid  was  too  much. 
Is  there  any  harm  in  bargain  sales  ? 

We  go  to  amusements  day  after  day  that  leave  us  no  bet- 
ter physically,  mentally,  or  morally.  We  spend  millions 
upon  millions  for  liquor,  tobacco,  chewing  gum,  soda,  and 
ice  cream,  that  we  absolutely  do  not  need.  Would  you 
believe  that  more  money  is  spent  for  candy  than  for  edu- 


Making  America  Prosperous  383 

cation,  and  more  for  chewing  gum  than  for  charity  every 
year!  Americans  are  notorious  for  extravagance.  We 
use  more  silk  and  much  more  meat  than  any  other  country. 

The  uneven  distribution  of  wealth  and  the  wanton  luxury 
of  some  rich  families  create  or  promote  that  class  feeling 
which  underlies  much  of  the  industrial  and  social  discon- 
tent that  exists  today.  They  may  produce  among  the 
members  of  the  rich  man's  family  a  habit  of  idleness  and  a 
spirit  of  selfishness  which  is  wholly  contrary  to  good  citi- 
zenship. Senseless  extravagance  sets  a  bad  example.  It 
leads  to  envy,  extravagance,  and  crime.  People  see  the 
rich  enjoying  themselves  by  spending  money  freely  for  un- 
necessary things,  and  they  try  to  get  them  —  they  do  not 
care  how. 

What  have  you  spent  in  the  last  thirty  days  that  you  did  not 
positively  need  to  spend?  How  many  such  expenses  do  you  think 
were  justified  ? 

Foolish  investments,  as  well  as  foolish  expenses,  have 
often  brought  disaster.  Probably  most  of  us  some  time  or 
other  are  bitten  by  the  "  get-rich-quick  "  germ.  Some  one 
tells  us  he  has  a  httle  inside  information  that  P  &  Q  stock  is 
going  up.  We  let  him  take  what  we  have  and  use  it  to  buy 
several  shares  on  a  ''  margin."  Perhaps  the  stock  does  go 
up  a  few  points  and  then  before  we  can  dispose  of  ours,  it 
suddenly  drops  lower  than  before  and  our  investment  is  gone. 

Some  one  else  sends  us  through  the  mail  or  perhaps  we 
read  in  the  advertising  pages  of  the  Sunday  newspaper,  a 
glowing  description  of  the  Moses  County  oil  well  which  is 
going  to  yield  several  thousand  barrels  next  month.  It 
may  be  that  the  Golden  West  Copper  Company  is  going  to 
open  up  a  new  vein  which  as  yet  nobody  has  seen.  Per- 
haps, it  is  some  land  in  the  Florida  Everglades  which  will 
some  day  produce  thousands  of  oranges.  Thousands  upon 
thousands  of  dollars  are  taken  from  guileless  profit-seekers 
through  such  means.  Do  you  ask  why  such  rascally  "  pro- 
moters "   are  not  more  often  exposed?     People  who  put 


384         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

their  money  into  this  kind  of  investment  and  lose  it  do  not 
care  to  have  any  one  else  know  about  it.  They  will  stand 
the  loss  rather  than  let  the  world  know  they  were  "  suckers.'' 
Always  look  with  suspicion  upon  any  opportunity  for 
wealth  which  is  glaringly  and  loudly  advertised.  Always 
investigate  carefully  into  any  proposition  which  promises 
to  pay  eight,  ten,  twelve  per  cent  or  more  dividends.  You 
can  be  assured  that  people  who  really  have  money  to  in- 
vest, and  much  of  it,  are  looking  for  opportunities  to  put 
it  where  it  is  safe  and  at  the  same  time  bringing  in  large 
returns.  It  will  be  unnecessary  for  people  who  have  a  really 
good  investment  to  beg  for  people  to  come  and  put  their 
money  into  it. 

What  should  you  want  to  know  about  the  following  stocks  or 
bonds  before  investing  :  the  issues  of  a  banking  company  in  your 
own  town?  of  a  Mexican  mining  company  or  Texas  oil  stock? 
of  bonds  to  put  up  a  Masonic  temple  in  Yuma  ?  of  street  railway 
stock  in  Reno  ? 

188.  Wise  Saving  and  Investment.  —  Why  should  any 
one  save?  Why  not  spend  as  we  go  and  enjoy  what  we 
have  while  it  is  in  our  hands?  Out  of  100  people  at  the  age 
of  twenty-five,  80  will  be  alive  at  the  age  of  fifty-five.  Of 
that  group  4  will  have  gained  such  success  as  to  be  inde- 
pendent and  have  means  to  spare,  46  will  be  making  a 
bare  living,  and  30  will  be  dependent  on  charity  or  rela- 
tives !  The  only  way  to  establish  prosperity  among  people 
in  general,  and  to  give  the  world  any  advantage  tomorrow 
which  it  does  not  possess  today,  is  to  save  for  tomorrow's 
needs  something  of  what  we  have  produced  today.  Society, 
as  well  as  the  individual,  benefits  from  the  right  kind  of 
saving. 

Is  the  miser  or  the  spendthrift  more  harmful  to  society?  Is 
the  fellow  who  spends  every  cent  he  gets  happier  than  the  one  who 
saves  some  of  his  income  ? 

Yet  there  is  no  great  merit  in  simply  hoarding  money  or 
property  that  we  have  obtained,  and  allowing  it  to  do  no 


Making  America  Prosperous 


385 


good  to  any  one.  It  should  be  put  to  work  for  us.  There 
are  two  kinds  of  invested  savings :  those  which  one  can 
readily  get  hold  of  when  he  wishes,  and  those  which  are  in- 
vested in  a  somewhat  more  permanent  form.  Usually 
it  is  well  to  have  some  of  our  savings  in  each  of  these  forms. 
One  can  never  tell  when  he  may  have  some  special  reason 
for  wishing  a  few  hundred  dollars  on  short  notice.     On  the 


3    1    I    H 


■nTmT.^^rrre 


Courtesy  Duquesne  Light  Co. 
An  Interior  View  in  a  Great  Power  Plant. 
Furnishing  light  and  power  in  our  large  cities  now  calls  for  investments 
mounting  well  up  into  millions  of  dollars. 

other  hand,  if  all  his  money  is  invested  in  places  where  he 
€an  get  it  any  time  he  pleases,  he  may  be  tempted  to  take 
unnecessary  risks  with  it  or  to  spend  it  when  he  would  better 
hold  on  to  it. 

Among  the  first  class  of  savings,  we  may  mention  de- 
posits in  savings  banks  and  similar  institutions,  purchases 


386         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

of  war  savings  stamps,  investments  in  government  bonds, 
and  the  like.  Most  savings  of  such  forms  as  these  can  be 
turned  into  money  under  ordinary  circumstances  on  not 
more  than  a  few  days'  notice.  As  one  bank  expresses  it, 
"  Get  the  bank  habit.  No  saner,  healthier  habit  can  pos- 
sess you.     It  means  more  friends  and  peace  of  mind.^' 

If  a  person  succeeds  in  laying  by  more  than  a  moderate 
sum,  however,  he  will  do  well  to  put  some  of  it  elsewhere 
than  in  the  savings  bank.  The  interest  rate  on  such  de- 
posits is  not  as  great  as  some  other  investments  which  are 
in  themselves  safe  within  all  reasonable  assurance.  Stocks 
and  bonds  of  industrial  concerns  of  a  recognized  and  sub- 
stantial character  are  often  entirely  acceptable  as  an  invest- 
ment. One  must  judge  for  himself,  of  course,  as  to  the 
soundness  of  the  issuing  concern,  but  many  such  issues  are, 
as  far  as  human  foresight  can  make  them,  entirely  safe. 

Insurance  is  a  valuable  form  of  savings  for  one  who  has 
others  depending  upon  him.  But  since  the  insurance  com- 
pany must  pay  its  running  expenses  and  take  risks  of  its 
policy-holders  dying  or  being  injured  before  the  policy  ex- 
pires, it  cannot  afford  to  make  its  policies  particularly  at- 
tractive as  investments.  Investments  in  houses  and  other 
kinds  of  buildings  are  more  permanent  in  their  character. 
First  mortgages  on  real  estate  are  often  recommended  as 
bringing  in  at  least  average  returns  and  being  as  safe  as 
anything  can  easily  be.  The  chief  objection  to  them  is  that 
they  are  not  always  easy  to  turn  into  money,  for  the  person 
from  whom  the  mortgage  is  taken  may  not  always  be  able 
to  meet  a  demand  for  payment,  and  the  legal  process  re- 
quired in  selling  the  property  in  order  to  obtain  the  amount 
due  on  the  mortgage  is  sometimes  long  and  complicated. 
Many  people,  especially  those  who  feel  that  they  are  not 
likely  to  move  from  their  present  surroundings,  ought  to 
invest  some  of  their  early  savings  in  owning  their  own  home. 

Has  your  local  government  issued  bonds?  What  rate  of  inter- 
est was  paid  on  them?     Were  they  taken  by  your  own  citizens? 


Making  America  Prosperous  387 

How  large  a  proportion  of  your  class  and  your  communities  own 
their  own  homes?  Is  this  good  advice  for  investors:  "  Better  be 
safe  than  be  sorry  "  ? 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

The  Forms  of  Life  Insurance  and  Their  Merits. 

Resolved,  that  owning  a  home  should  be  a  settled  aim  upon  the 

part  of  every  family. 
Resolved,  that  no  man  should  bequeath  to  his  family  more  than  a 

living  income. 
The  Advertisements  and  the  Suckers. 
Family  Accounts  and  How  to  Keep  Them. 
Charge  Accounts  from  the  Viewpoint  of  the  Merchant  and  of  the 

Family. 
A  Specific  Study  of  a  Family  Budget. 
Mortgages,  from  Both  Sides. 
Liberty  Bonds  and  War  Savings  Stamps. 
American  Extravagance. 
The  Bond  House  and  Its  Services. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Burch  —  American  Economic  Life,  Chapters  3,  5-7. 

Thompson  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapter  6. 

Carver  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapters  38-42. 

Laing  —  Introduction  to  Economics,  Chapters  23,  25. 

Cleveland  and  Schafer  —  Democracy  in  Reconstruction,  Chapter  11. 

Haworth  —  America  in  Ferment,  Chapter  10. 

Seager  —  Principles  of  Economics,  Chapters  5-7. 

Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  A-10,  B-23. 

Straus  —  History  of  the  Thrift  Movement  in  America. 

B.    Economy  through  Cooperation 

Much  of  the  cost  of  an  article  goes  to  pay  middlemen  whose 
service  in  production  consists  almost  solely  in  handling  or  storing 
goods.  Would  the  cost  of  living  be  reduced  if  some  of  these  mid- 
dlemen could  be  eliminated?  Big  business  enterprises  buy 
goods  in  large  quantities  at  a  saving.  Cannot  producers  or  con- 
sumers, or  both,  combine  to  deal  directly  with  buyers  or  sellers 
in  the  same  way?  To  what  extent  has  this  idea  been  carried, 
and  how  well  has  it  succeeded? 

189.  Cooperative  Movements  in  GeneraL  —  The  move- 
ment for  cooperation  is  generally  looked  upon  as  beginning 


388         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

in  1844  when  the  Equitable  Pioneers  Cooperative  Society 
was  formed  by  weavers  in  Rochdale,  England.  Today 
cooperative  societies  of  various  kinds  are  very  common  all 
over  Europe.  It  is  estimated  that  about  one-third  of  the 
population  of  that  continent  is  connected  with  forms  of 
cooperative  business.  For  various  reasons,  among  them  a 
greater  aptitude  for  saving,  the  people  of  Europe  have  taken 
more  kindly  to  the  idea  than  those  of  the  United  States. 
Cooperative  movements  succeed  only  under  certain  con- 
ditions. The  community  sense  must  be  well  developed 
among  all  the  members  of  a  cooperative  society.  This  is 
often  difficult  to  secure  in  our  country  because  the  Ameri- 
can people  are  so  distinctly  individual.  They  want  to  take 
responsibiUty  as  individuals,  and  to  do  things  as  they  in- 
dividually please.  People  often  will  get  together  in  the 
stress  of  an  emergency,  but  separate  as  soon  as  the  emer- 
gency is  over. 

Another  difficulty  is  that  of  getting  efficient  management. 
Cooperative  enterprises  require  the  management  of  experts 
in  the  trade,  and  cannot  succeed  with  amateurs.  The 
most  generally  favored  idea  with  regard  to  management  is 
to  have  the  manager  a  shareholder  in  the  society,  and  not 
a  hired  worker.  This  makes  him  take  greater  interest  in 
it,  and  gives  him  a  vote  so  that  he  can  use  his  knowledge 
and  experience  to  help  determine  policies  and  courses  of 
action. 

Another  condition  favorable  to  success  is  the  working 
together  of  different  cooperative  societies.  Unless  such 
societies  are  sufficiently  organized,  they  are  completely  at 
the  mercy  of  wholesale  dealers.  The  latter  deal  mostly 
with  privately  owned  concerns,  which  can  bring  sufficient 
pressure  to  bear  on  the  wholesaler  so  that  he  will  charge 
higher  prices  to  the  cooperative  concerns  or  refuse  to  deal 
with  them.  It  is  to  avoid  these  difficulties  that  in  Great 
Britain  and  on  the  continent  the  cooperative  movement 
includes  both  wholesale  and  retail  production  and  sale. 


Making  America  Prosperous  389 

Is  the  emphasis  of  Americans  on  individual  enterprise  to  our 
credit  or  discredit?  The  middleman  would  never  have  come  into 
being  if  he  had  not  at  least  seemed  to  render  service  to  somebody. 
To  whom  and  how  may  such  service  be  or  have  been  rendered? 

190.  Producers'  Cooperation  in  the  United  States.  — 
Strangely  enough,  producers'  cooperation  in  this  country 
today  is  most  common  among  the  scattered  farmers.  They 
often  organize  to  buy  machinery.  A  whole  community 
will  pool  their  funds  to  buy  a  tractor  or  some  other  ma- 
chine, for  the  use  of  every  one  who  has  a  share  in  it.  But 
the  more  common  type  of  cooperation  is  that  which  is 
formed  for  the  purpose  of  marketing  goods  to  better  advan- 
tage. The  small  producer  has  always  had  much  trouble 
in  getting  his  goods  to  the  distant  market.  He  does  not 
know  or  meet  the  retail  dealer  upon  whom  he  must  depend 
for  seUing  his  goods  to  the  people.  He  is  obliged  to  de- 
pend upon  "  commission  men,"  who  may  or  may  not  give 
him  what  his  crop  is  worth.  At  one  time,  it  was  discovered 
that  Michigan  farmers  were  getting  three  or  four  cents  a 
quart  for  strawberries  when  the  same  berries  were  selling 
in  the  cities  at  forty  or  fifty  cents. 

An  excellent  example  of  this  form  of  cooperation  is  the  California 
Fruit  Growers'  Association.  It  has  a  membership  of  between  6,000 
and  7,000  orange  and  lemon  growers,  with  an  aggregate  capital  of 
$27,000,000.  The  association  pools  the  products  of  all  the  mem- 
bers and  packs  them  uniformly.  The  shipping  is  done  in  cars 
owned  by  the  organization.  This  reduces  the  actual  cost  of  trans- 
portation and  does  away  with  a  considerable  outlay  that  would 
otherwise  be  necessary.  The  goods  are  shipped  to  distributing  points, 
after  which  they  are  out  of  the  association's  hands. 

One  dollar  spent  for  "  Sunkist  "  oranges  in  1915  was  distributed 
about  as  follows :  to  the  retailer,  24.9  cents ;  for  freight,  17.6 
cents;  to  the  jobber,  8.14  cents;  for  harvesting,  1.1  cents;  for 
advertising  and  publicity,  1 .2  cents ;  and  to  the  growers,  40.3 
cents.  By  no  other  known  means  is  it  possible  for  the  original 
producer  to  get  for  himself  two-fifths  of  what  the  consumer  pays. 

Other  producers'  cooperative  enterprises  in  this  country  are  the 
apple  growers  of  Washington  and  Oregon,  including  the  Hood 
River  Valley  association,  the  potato  growers  of  Maine,  the  melon 


390         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

growers  of  Colorado,  the  cheese  and  butter  manufacturers  of  Min- 
nesota, and  the  milk  producers  of  Wisconsin,  of  Ohio,  and  of  other 
states.  The  Farmers'  Union  of  Nebraska,  dealing  largely  in  grain, 
did  a  $100,000,000  cooperative  business  in  1920. 

The  biggest  venture  of  this  character  is  known  as  the  United 
States  Grain  Growers,  Inc.  It  is  a  corporation  whose  sole  busi- 
ness is  to  be  a  sales  agency  for  the  grain  producers  who  are  its  mem- 
bers.    They  make  a  five-year  contract  to  sell  their  grain  entirely 


Impeuial  \'alley  Cotton. 

Some  of  the  finest  cotton  in  the  world  is  grown  in  Imperial  Valley,  but  it 
is  of  little  use  to  any  one  until  it  is  carried  to  the  factory.  To  what  extent 
do  you  think  the  item  of  transportation  enters  into  the  final  cost  of  cotton 
goods  to  the  consumer  ? 

through  this  agency.  By  this  arrangement  the  farmers  or  the  new 
corporation  will  control  the  distribution  of  the  grain  entirely  until 
it  reaches  the  mill,  and  as  the  corporation  is  not  intended  to  make 
money,  the  profits  that  have  been  paid  to  various  middlemen  will 
be  eliminated.  If  this  undertaking  succeeds,  further  agencies  of  the 
kind  for  the  distribution  of  live  stock  and  other  agricultural  prod- 
ucts may  be  expected. 

Would  the  hay  growers  of  central  New  York  find  any  difficulty 
in  forming  a  cooperative  organization  ?  the  fishermen  of  Glouces- 
ter? Wherein  are  cooperative  organizations  of  producers  Like 
and  unlike  trusts  ? 


Making  America  Prosperous  391 

Producers  therefore  secure  many  advantages  through 
cooperation.  They  get  many  of  the  profits  that  would 
otherwise  go  to  the  middlemen;  the  market  is  kept  from 
sudden  changes  and  prices  are  kept  stable ;  the  cost  of  dis- 
tribution is  less ;  and  the  consumers  really  do  pay  less  for 
the  goods,  though  that  is  a  matter  about  which  the  pro- 
ducers do  not  worry  much.  The  difficulties  of  obtaining 
good  management  and  sufficient  capital,  and  of  holding  to- 
gether are  the  chief  obstacles  to  overcome. 

191.  Consumers'  Cooperation  in  the  United  States.  — 
Consumers,  too,  may  prefer  not  to  pay  so  much  toll  to  the 
various  middlemen  as  the  latter  are  willing  to  receive.  If 
a  group  of  people  combine  as  a  consumers'  cooperative  so- 
ciety, they  may  buy  what  they  want  in  large  quanti- 
ties and  perhaps  get  rates  and  discounts  of  which  not  even 
all  retail  dealers  can  take  advantage.  Sometimes  they 
may  establish  a  store  very  much  like  the  small  retail  stores 
to  which  we  are  accustomed,  and  hire  some  experienced 
person  to  do  the  managing. 

There  are  a  number  of  ways  of  handling  the  profits  of 
the  business.  The  goods  may  be  sold  at  regular  prices  to 
all  purchasers,  members  of  the  society  included,  and  then 
at  the  end  of  a  stated  time,  those  who  are  members  of  the 
association  receive  a  share  of  the  profits ;  or  members  may 
obtain  goods  for  lower  rates  at  the  time  of  purchase.  If 
the  former  way  is  used,  members  sometimes  get  profits  ac- 
cording to  the  amount  of  goods  they  have  themselves 
bought.  This  makes  it  advantageous  for  them  to  patronize 
their  own  store.  We  need  not  expect  that  cooperative  buy- 
ing and  selling  would  solve  the  whole  problem  of  the  cost 
of  living,  but  it  at  least  would  help. 

Why  is  there  not  more  of  this  sort  of  thing  ?  Is  it  that  people  do 
not  want  to  be  economical  rather  than  wasteful  ?  Is  there  a  chain 
of  financial  interests  that  forbids  them  to  do  so?  Are  they  hope- 
lessly bound  by  custom?  Or  do  they  not  know  how  to  work  with 
other  people  for  mutual  benefit  ? 


392         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

What  classes  of  people  would  not  be  likely  to  favor  cooperative 
stores  ?  Would  the  community  lose  anything  by  the  disappearance 
of  the  privately  owned  "  corner  grocery"  ?  of  the  "  chain  grocery"  ? 

Could  a  cooperative  lunch  society  be  successfully  operated  here  ? 
What  questions  would  you  have  to  consider  before  deciding  ?  Does 
your  answer  suggest  anything  in  regard  to  the  problem  in  general  ? 

Still  another  means  of  economy  through  cooperation  is 
found  in  the  very  method  of  saving  and  investment. 
Banks,  tru&t  companies,  insurance  companies,  and  the  like, 
are  organized  to  make  profits  for  a  limited  number  of  stock- 
holders. There  is  nothing  morally  wrong  about  that,  but 
we  need  not  expect  them  to  render  service  at  cost.  Can 
such  service  be  obtained  by  cooperative  methods?  One 
type  of  such  cooperation  is  the  building  and  loan  associa- 
tion, whose  primary  object  is  to  enable  people  to  own 
homes  —  a  vital  need,  as  we  have  seen.  A  person  may  be- 
come a  member  by  subscribing  for  stock,  which  he  may  pay 
for  in  installments.  Then  if  he  wishes  to  buy  or  build  a 
house,  the  association  will  lend  him  sometimes  as  much  as 
seventy-five  per  cent  of  the  market  value.  The  associa- 
tion then  holds  a  mortgage  on  the  house  and  can  foreclose 
if  the  man  does  not  pay.  But  if  he  continues  to  pay  at 
specified  intervals  until  his  "  book  runs  out,"  the  mortgage 
is  paid  and  he  has  his  house.  The  payments  are  so  ar- 
ranged that  stockholders  who  do  not  borrow  on  their  stock 
secure  a  good  return  on  their  investment  from  the  interest 
paid  by  borrowers. 

Other  organizations  of  this  kind  are  cooperative  banks 
and  insurance  companies.  The  banks  often  pay  higher 
interest  than  the  privately  owned  banks  and  many  people 
are  glad  to  deposit  their  money  in  them.  Cooperative  fire 
and  life  insurance  companies  are  fairly  numerous.  They 
can  charge  less  for  their  premiums  than  commercial  com- 
panies do,  because  there  is  no  expense  for  profits.  The 
only  money  that  is  needed  for  salaries  is  for  managers,  claim 
adjusters,  and  people  to  do  the  clerical  work. 


Making  America  Prosperous  393 

The  regular  commercial  banks  and  insurance  companies  assert 
that  cooperative  organizations  such  as  we  have  just  mentioned  are 
unsound.     Find  out  what  their  arguments  are. 

C.    Can  the  Government  Help  Us? 

It  is  natural  for  people  in  distress  to  look  to  their  government 
for  relief.  Is  this  problem  of  the  cost  of  living  wholly  one  for  us 
to  work  out  as  individuals  or  as  families?  What  has  it  been  pro- 
posed that  the  government  should  do?  How  much  is  it  practi- 
cally able  to  aid  us  ? 

192.  The  North  Dakota  Experiment.  —  The  state  of 
North  Dakota  has  attempted  to  aid  in  the  solution  of  some 
of  the  financial  problems  of  its  citizens  to  an  extent  that  no 
other  political  agency  has  dared  to  go.  In  fact,  many- 
would  call  North  Dakota's  recent  venture  an  experiment 
in  state  sociahsm.  It  was  undertaken,  however,  not  as  a 
socialistic  enterprise  but  simply  as  a  means  of  practical  relief. 

The  moving  idea  in  the  undertaking  was  that  the  farmers 
were  handicapped  in  the  marketing  of  their  grain,  not 
merely  by  their  distance  from  the  money  centers  of  the 
country,  but  because  of  the  willful  obstacles  put  in  the  way 
of  loans  to  farmers  by  large  money  interests.  Inspired  by 
A.  C.  Townley,  a  **  Non-Partisan  League  ''  was  organized 
to  put  through  a  big  program.  They  succeeded  in  getting 
a  large  bond  issue  authorized,  to  obtain  money  for  the  es- 
tabUshment  of  state  grain  elevators  and  mills.  There  was 
to  be  a  state  bank  in  which  the  public  money  of  the  state 
was  to  be  deposited  and  which  was  to  make  loans  to  farmers 
and  to  other  banks.  The  work  was  begun,  but  the  state 
found  considerable  difficulty  in  selling  its  bonds.  The 
financial  institutions  of  the  country  that  usually  market 
large  bond  issues  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  them  until 
the  question  of  the  constitutionality  of  the  program  was 
settled,  and  even  then  they  were  unwilling  to  aid.  The 
bank  in  which  the  League  funds  were  deposited  also  got 
into  difficulties. 


394         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  United  States  Supreme  Court  ruled  that  there  was 
nothing  contrary  to  the  United  States  Constitution  in  the 
proposed  enterprise.  "  If  North  Dakota  wants  to  try  it," 
said  the  court  in  effect,  "  that's  its  own  business."  If  this 
enterprise  fails,  it  is  not  likely  that  another  state  govern- 
ment will  make  a  similar  attempt  in  the  immediate  future. 
Whether  or  not  the  proposition  itself  is  sound,  there  is  cer- 
tainly something  wrong  in  our  political  and  financial  sys- 
tem, if  private  business  can  dictate  what  a  state  govern- 
ment, representing  the  people  of  an  entire  state,  may  or 
may  not  do.  Whether  North  Dakota's  experiment  in  the 
end  succeeds  or  fails,  however,  will  not  determine  the  suc- 
cess or  failure  of  cooperation  as  a  business  proposition. 

Do  you  think  some  other  state  might  have  attempted  something 
of  this  kind  with  better  chance  of  success  than  North  Dakota? 
Some  people  assert  that  the  government  ought  not  to  get  into  busi- 
ness under  any  circumstances.  Is  such  a  theory  sound  ?  Were  the 
parcel  post  and  postal  savings  bank  examples  of  the  government's 
going  into  business?  Should  the  postal  savings  bank  pay  any 
lower  rate  of  interest  than  private  savings  banks? 

193.  Can  the  Government  Control  Prices  ?  —  Some 
people  seem  to  have  the  idea  that  the  government  could 
easily  keep  the  cost  of  living  down  by  simply  declaring  what 
the  price  of  anything  should  be.  Under  the  stress  of  war, 
when  restraint  may  be  classed  as  a  military  measure,  the 
national  government  undoubtedly  has  the  right  to  restrict 
prices.  But  in  times  of  peace  nothing  except  the  control 
of  interstate  commerce  would  offer  any  constitutional  war- 
rant for  price-fixing.  Regulation  of  railway  rates  has  been 
established  as  a  definite  policy,  and  some  people  would  like 
to  have  the  Federal  Trade  Commission  vested  with  a  simi- 
lar right  to  fix  maximum  prices  for  the  necessities  of  life. 

During  the  Great  War  the  prices  of  wheat  and  coal  were 
set,  more  or  less  directly,  by  federal  action.  At  the  same 
time  an  indirect  control  over  the  price  of  other  necessities 
was  obtained  under  a  licensing  system.     Individuals  and 


Making  America  Prosperous  395 

concerns  doing  business  over  a  certain  amount  in  the  neces- 
sities of  life  were  required  to  take  out  licenses,  which 
could  be  revoked  if  the  licensee  was  guilty  of  profiteering. 
Patriotic  sentiment  and  the  appeals  of  the  Food  and  Fuel 
Administrations  induced  people  to  submit  voluntarily  to 
restrictions  which  they  would  in  ordinary  times  consider 
intolerable  nuisances. 

The  variation  in  market  price  of  many  things  would  make 
any  attempt  to  fix  prices  for  a  long  period  very  unwise.  If 
prices  were  arbitrarily  fixed  too  low,  from  the  producer's 
viewpoint,  he  would  not  plant  or  manufacture  or  market 
the  goods.  To  fix  prices  by  law  would  be  utterly  out  of  the 
question,  for  we  should  then  find  Congressmen  seeking  office 
on  platforms  promising  three-dollar  wheat,  if  they  came 
from  a  rural  state,  or  a  five-cent  loaf  of  bread  if  they  came 
from  the  city.  To  reconcile  the  two  would  be  difficult  or 
even  impossible. 

But  surely  we  will  not  confess  that  our  government  is 
helpless  to  relieve  its  people's  perplexities  and  embarrass- 
ments. It  has  definitely  assumed  supervision  over  the 
grain  exchanges  to  prevent  cornering  the  market  or  any 
other  such  manipulation  of  it  as  would  cause  unnecessary 
unsteadiness  in  prices.  Some  system  of  control  based  on 
the  license  principle  might  work  in  peace  as  well  as  in  war. 
**  Fair  price  "  committees  might  also  function  by  teUing  the 
public  the  reasonable  range  of  prices  in  various  commodi- 
ties and  trusting  to  public  opinion  to  do  the  rest.  But  such 
committees,  in  order  to  be  really  useful,  must  be  made  up 
of  people  of  honesty,  intelligence,  and  backbone,  who  are 
both  impartial  and  disinterested. 

Assuming  that  a  state  government  has  the  constitutional  right 
to  regulate  the  price  of  coal,  would  it  be  wise  to  do  so?  of  cloth- 
ing?    of  paper? 

194.  Practical  Assistance.  —  In  one  way  at  least  our 
government  can  help  us  economize  —  by  making  it  easy 


396         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

for  people  to  organize  for  mutual  benefit  in  buying  or  sell- 
ing. The  provisions  of  the  laws  respecting  the  chartering 
of  corporations,  for  instance,  may  either  encourage  or  dis- 
courage the  formation  of  cooperative  societies.  Some  states, 
notably  Ohio  and  other  middle  western  commonwealths, 
and  recently  Congress  also,  have  passed  laws  specifically 
intended  to  aid  the  formation  of  cooperative  organiza- 
tions in  rural  communities. 

Of  course  good  roads  and  the  parcel  post  system  are  pub- 
lic utiUties  which  indirectly  help  the  people  to  cooperate. 
The  Federal  Farm  Loan  associations  put  the  farmer  more 
nearly  in  an  independent  position  financially.  Many  be- 
lieve that  the  postal  service  can  be  developed  far  beyond 
its  present  usefulness  in  the  aid  of  cooperative  buying  and 
selling.  A  school  or  church  which  becomes  a  community 
center  may  house  a  community  organization  for  producers 
or  consumers  or  both.  If  rural  mail  deliveries  are  exten- 
sively developed,  a  means  may  be  afforded  of  direct  com- 
munication between  the  farmers  and  the  city,  which  will 
aid  greatly  in  the  marketing  of  farm  products.  Further- 
more, it  has  been  proposed  that  the  postal  savings  system 
may  be  made  much  more  useful  to  the  masses.  It  is  urged 
that  it  could  pay  4  per  cent  interest  on  deposits  instead  of 
the  sum  which  it  now  pays  and  could  make  use  of  the  deposits 
in  the  financing  of  home-building.  There  seems  to  be  no 
serious  difficulty  in  the  working  out  of  such  a  proposition 
if  the  pubUc  really  wants  it. 

The  War  promoted  specific  aid  on  the  part  of  the  govern- 
ment to  producers  as  well  as  price  control  in  the  interest 
of  consumers.  The  War  Finance  Corporation,  for  instance, 
was  started  with  a  capital  of  $500,000,000,  which  was  to  be 
loaned  to  men  or  corporations  that  were  doing  necessary 
work,  and  in  1921  it  was  revived  as  a  means  of  helping 
farmers  in  the  period  of  depression.  Many  city  and  other 
local  governments  bought  goods  by  the  carload  to  reseU  at 
cost  to  people  at  large.     Some  towns  will  exempt  a  factory 


Making  America  Prosperous  397 

from  taxation  for  a  period  of  years  in  order  to   induce  its 
builders  to  start  business  within  their  Umits. 

Wise  handUng  of  the  currency  by  the  Federal  Reserve 
Board  and  other  public  agencies  will  help  to  keep  the 
amount  of  money  in  circulation  at  the  right  point  to  cor- 
respond to  the  needs  of  business.  Thus  an  unnecessary 
rise  in  prices  may  be  prevented  and  both  wages  and  prices 
kept  from  that  sort  of  disturbing  element.  But  after  all 
the  government  can  only  help  people  to  help  themselves. 
We  must  not  expect  any  law  or  policy  to  make  a  man  com- 
fortable or  rich  if  he  is  lazy,  foolish,  or  ignorant. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

Resolved,  that  the  postal  system  should  be  so  extended  as  to  pro- 
mote cooperative  buying  and  selling  between  farmers  and  city 
consumers. 

The  Rochdale  Pioneers. 

Cooperative  Societies  in  Europe. 

The  National  Consumers'  League. 

North  Dakota's  Experiments. 

Resolved,  that  "  chain  stores  "  selling  for  cash  serve  the  public  as 
well  as  cooperative  stores  could  serve  them. 

Cooperative  Producers'  Associations  in  the  United  States. 

Cooperative  Consumers'  Associations  in  the  United  States. 

Resolved,  that  the  Federal  Trade  Commission  should  be  given 
power  to  fix  maximum  prices  for  those  necessities  of  life  which  are 
carried  in  interstate  commerce. 

State  Laws  respecting  Cooperative  Societies. 

Resolved,  that  a  system  of  licenses  for  dealers  in  the  necessities  of 
life  should  be  established. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Kelly  —  Community  Capitol,  Parts  III,  IV. 
Thompson  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapter  13. 
Carlton  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapter  20. 
Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  B-15,  B-26. 
Adams  and  Sumner  —  Labor  Problems,  Chapter  10. 


398         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

D.   Caring  for  the  Needy 

To  a  considerable  part  of  the  people  of  any  country,  the  prob- 
lem of  meeting  the  cost  of  living  seems  a  hopeless  one.  What  is 
the  community  to  do  with  such  people?  How  can  they  best  be 
aided  in  trying  to  care  for  themselves  or  be  provided  for  if  they  are 
wholly  dependent?  Can  the  numbers  of  this  group  of  needy  ones 
be  to  any  degree  reduced? 

195.  The  Poor  among  Us.  —  Perhaps  at  least  one  in 
seven  of  our  people  does  not  have  enough  of  the  necessities 
of  Hfe  to  enable  him  to  maintain  the  desirable  standard  of 
health  and  working  efficiency.  Those  who  are  in  such  an 
economic  state  we  say  are  in  poverty.  Still  further  down 
in  the  economic  scale  are  those  who  not  only  are  poor  but 
have  to  be  assisted  by  some  form  of  charity.  These  we 
call  paupers,  and  their  condition,  pauperism. 

Now  what  does  this  class  of  poor  people  and  paupers 
mean  to  us?  In  the  first  place,  they  can  contribute  nothing 
to  the  uplift  of  society;  as  workers  they  are  inefficient; 
if  paupers,  they  are  a  burden  to  the  rest.  Moreover, 
poverty  means  congested  living  conditions,  and  too  little 
education.  It  leads  to  low  morals,  intemperance,  and 
crime.  Decent  family  life  is  impossible  and  helpful  as- 
sociations elsewhere  unlikely.  Society  cannot,  for  its  own 
sake,  tolerate  any  of  this  sort  of  thing  which  is  avoidable. 

Two  sources  of  reUef  for  the  poor  are  possible  —  public 
aid  and  private  charity.  Public  aid  may  take  two  forms, 
called  indoor  and  outdoor  relief.  Indoor  relief  is  that  which 
is  given  to  the  poor  in  institutions  estabUshed  for  the  pur- 
pose. Outdoor  rehef  is  given  the  poor  in  their  own  homes, 
by  furnishing  them  food,  clothing,  fuel,  or  medical  care, 
or  paying  their  rent.  If  aid  must  be  given  permanently, 
the  former  method  may  be  better;  if  the  relief  needed  is 
temporary,  outdoor  reUef  will  probably  be  more  suitable. 

For  the  purpose  of  giving  aid  to  the  poor  most  cities  have 
departments  of  charity.  They  also  have  ''poorhouses," 
*'poor  farms,"  or  ''homes,"  where  people  are  kept  if  they 


Making  America  Prosperous 


399 


have  no  one  who  can  look  after  them.  In  some  states  the 
county  is  responsible  for  the  care  of  the  poor;  in  others, 
the  town  or  township.  In  some  sections  every  town  has 
its  poor  farm,  and  "  poor  relief  "  is  administered  by  direc- 
tors or  overseers  of  the  poor. 

Recently  a  great  improvement  is  observable  in  institu- 
tions for  the  poor.     Formerly  all  ages  and  conditions  of 


Poverty  in  the  Home. 
A  coal  strike  was  the  cause  of  this  man's  being  out  of  work. 

people  were  herded  together  —  the  poor,  the  feeble-minded, 
the  insane,  the  epileptic  and  the  tubercular,  the  blind,  the 
old  people,  and  the  orphans.  But  today,  if  different  groups 
are  kept  in  the  same  institution,  they  are  segregated,  and 
usually  those  requiring  some  particular  attention  are  sent 
to  institutions  offering  treatment  and  care  for  their  partic- 


400         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

ular  misfortune.  Inspection  is  required  and  reports  must 
be  made  to  a  State  Board  of  Charities  or  some  similar  au- 
thority. Many  state  governments  appropriate  money  from 
the  state  treasury  for  assistance  to  public  or  semi-public 
charitable  institutions. 

Private  assistance  to  the  needy  can  be  rendered  either 
through  organizations  or  by  personal  investigation  and  re- 
lief. Societies  for  the  improvement  of  the  poor,  children's 
aid  societies,  homes  for  orphans  or  for  the  aged,  are  often 
largely  supported  by  regular  contributions  from  wealthy 
people.  Churches  and  fraternal  orders  often  maintain 
institutions  for  the  particular  benefit  of  their  own  members 
or  the  famiUes  of  members.  Some  unusually  kind-hearted 
people  make  regular  visits  to  poor  sections  of  a  community, 
and  seem  to  find  satisfaction  in  rendering  helpful  social 
service  of  a  personal  and  sympathetic  kind. 

196.  Charity,  Wise  and  Unwise.  —  Many  poor  fami- 
lies, through  a  pride  that  is  not  wholly  discreditable,  prefer 
individual  charity,  so  that  as  few  as  possible  may  know  of 
their  misfortune.  But  such  charity  has  disadvantages  as 
well  as  advantages.  It  is  not  hard  to  play  on  the  feelings 
of  some  well-disposed  rich  person,  and  many  who  are  un- 
deserving can  thus  get  aid.  Moreover,  without  some  form 
of  organization  it  is  almost  inevitable  that  some  will  get 
help  from  several  sources,  and  some  of  the  most  worthy 
cases  will  be  neglected.  An  individual  cannot  make  as 
thorough  an  investigation  as  a  group.  Since  the  work  of 
organizations,  even,  may  similarly  overlap,  there  has  been 
formed  in  most  large  communities  a  cooperative  agency 
called  the  United  Charities  or  Associated  Charities.  Its 
agents  keep  a  card  index  of  worthy  cases  and  of  the  help 
that  has  already  been  given  them.  Any  person  wishing  to 
help  can  learn  from  them  of  a  worthy  case  and  find  out 
which  charity  is  handling  it.  It  also  carries  on  "  follow  up 
work."  That  is,  it  sees  that  a  family  makes  good  use  of 
what  they  get.     If  they  do  not,  no  more  is  given  them. 


Making  America  Prosperous  401 

As  it  is,  much  charity  defeats  the  very  end  it  is  supposed 
to  serve.  It  should  help  the  family  to  help  itself  rather 
than  make  it  lazy  and  dependent  on  outside  help.  Tramps 
and  beggars  sometimes  receive  help  that  could  do  much 
more  good  for  some  really  worthy,  honest  family.  Giving 
money  is  frequently  harmful,  for  it  may  be  spent  for  some 
luxury  or  unimportant  thing.  Charitable  societies  there- 
fore give  most  of  their  aid  in  the  form  of  food,  clothing,  or 
some  other  necessary  articles.  A  criticism  sometimes  of- 
fered against  them  is  that  they  only  relieve  the  need, 
whereas  the  cause  of  the  need  should  be  remedied.  But 
when  people  are  sick  or  starving,  they  may  die  if  you  do  not 
help  them  until  you  find  out  how  they  got  that  way. 

Even  the  various  ''  homes  "  for  the  poor  sometimes  harm 
rather  than  help  their  inmates.  They  provide  all  the  neces- 
sities of  life  except  enough  work.  The  people  there  become 
shiftless  and  hopeless,  and  lose  any  initiative  which  they 
ever  possessed.  To  distribute  charity  wisely  is  a  difficult 
proposition.  An  amateur  social  worker  may  do  more  harm 
than  good.  There  ought  to  be  more  people  who  would  be 
willing  to  help  their  community  through  social  service,  but 
they  should  train  for  such  work  as  well  as  for  anything  else. 

What  do  you  think  of  the  "  community  chest  "  as  a  means  of 
supplying  funds  for  charity?  What  sort  of  cases  of  need  should 
be  relieved  by  individual  help,  by  church  clubs  and  classes,  and  the 
like,  rather  than  by  the  public  or  semi-public  charities?  If  you 
discovered  that  a  person  who  should  be  in  your  class  was  kept  from 
school  through  poverty,  what  would  you  do  about  it  ?  Would  you 
give  money  to  a  street  beggar  or  a  tramp  ?  a  handout  to  a  person 
who  called  at  your  door  ? 

197.  Preventing  Poverty.  —  There  was  a  time  when 
poverty  was  looked  upon  as  an  inevitable  evil,  existing  per- 
haps so  that  more  fortunate  people  might  develop  and  prac- 
tice the  grace  and  virtue  of  charity.  But  now  we  more 
often  think  of  it  as  a  kind  of  social  disease  to  be  prevented 
as  far  as  possible  by  removing  its  causes.     Before  we  can 


402         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

expect  to  prevent  a  disease,  we  must  know  how  it  origi- 
nates. The  causes  of  poverty  may  be  divided  into  three 
groups  —  personal,  social,  and  physical. 

Personal  causes  include :  sickness  and  accident,  causing 
inabihty  to  work;  intemperance  or  gambling;  extrava- 
gance; laziness;  bodily  or  mental  defects  or  unattrac- 
tive personality ;  and  general  ignorance  or  lack  of  specific 
preparation  for  any  occupation.  Both  heredity  and  en- 
vironment contribute  to  these  individual  causes. 

Social  causes  embrace  the  following:  war;  strikes;  low 
wages ;  business  depression ;  high  prices ;  bad  working 
conditions  or  poor  housing,  which  cause  sickness  and  ac- 
cident ;  and  irregular  employment  in  seasonal  trades. 

The  physical  causes  are  those  over  which  man  has  little 
or  no  control,  such  as  floods,  earthquakes,  crop  failures  due 
to  bad  weather,  and  the  like.  These  are  not  likely  to  af- 
fect the  same  people  continually,  but  may  cause  very  seri- 
ous distress  when  they  do  come.  These  are  among  the  so- 
called  "  acts  of  God  "  which  at  present,  at  least,  we  do  not 
know  how  to  prevent. 

We  cannot  remedy  all  poverty  by  improving  any  one 
condition.  We  must  create,  recreate,  or  restore  every  ele- 
ment that  makes  for  the  common  well-being.  In  general, 
education  will  relieve  or  remove  many  personal  and  some 
social  causes.  The  discovery  that  the  hook  worm  was  re- 
sponsible for  the  seeming  shiftlessness  of  many  southern 
poor  whites,  and  the  application  of  medical  knowledge  to 
this  and  other  causes  of  poor  living  among  them  have  al- 
ready worked  wonders.  Teaching  '*  safety  first  "  and  other 
measures  for  personal  carefulness  has  been  of  much  indi- 
rect benefit  to  many  people.  The  social  service  worker  can 
educate  in  home-making  and  sanitation  and  thus  promote 
good  health. 

Legislation  will  make  it  easier  for  people  to  look  out  for 
themselves.  It  is  preventing  to  some  degree  intemperance, 
child  labor,  poor  housing,  and  the  immigration  of  unde- 


Making  America  Prosperous 


403 


sirables.  Minimum  wage  laws  help  women  workers  to  ob- 
tain living  wages.  Some  people  think  eugenic  laws  are  the 
best  preventive  against  the  inheritance  of  physical  or  men- 
tal degeneracy,  and  a  few  states  already  have  them.  So- 
cial insurance  for  sickness,  accident,  old  age,  and  even  un- 
employment may  also  be  desirable.     Just  tax  laws,  which 


Feeding  Poor  Children. 

Growing  children  need  even  greater  care  than  older  people  that  they  may 
have  the  right  kind  of  food  and  enough  of  it.  In  some  needy  districts  they 
can  get  this  only  as  charitable  organizations  supply  it. 

will  put  the  burden  of  public  expense  upon  those  who  can 
afford  to  bear  it,  are  another  source  of  relief. 

We  need  not  repeat  here  our  discussion  of  the  causes  and 
remedies  for  unemployment  and  low  wages.  Whatever  re- 
lieves these  misfortunes  will  of  course  reUeve  poverty.  Not 
until  we  can  raise  out  of  the  poverty  class  every  American 
who  is  wiUing  and  able  to  work  can  we  justly  feel  satisfied 
with  our  efforts  to  make  America  prosperous.     As  far  as  we 


404         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

can  do  so,  we  must  qualify  every  citizen  to  support  him- 
self and  give  him  the  opportunity  to  do  so. 

What  ought  to  be  done  with  tramps  ? 

Consider  specifically  each  cause  of  poverty  mentioned  above, 
and  decide  what  remedies,  if  any,  can  be  provided. 

198.  The  Obligations  of  the  Well-to-do.  —  Prevention 
of  poverty,  it  has  been  said,  is  purchasable.  But  who  will 
buy  it?  Not  the  poor  or  those  who  are  just  barely  making 
a  decent  living,  for  they  are  already  up  to  the  limit  of  rea- 
sonable expectation.  Not  the  middle  classes,  so  called,  for 
it  would  hardly  be  fair  to  ask  them  to  come  down  to  the 
standard  of  the  poor  in  order  to  lift  up  some  of  the  latter. 
It  must  be  the  rich  whom  the  Creator  intended  to  be  re- 
sponsible for  most  of  the  work  of  community  uplift.  They 
must  be  our  chief  contributors  to  charity.  They  are  and 
must  be  our  chief  taxpayers. 

Perhaps  the  rich  man  has  a  legal  '*  right  "  to  spend  his 
money  as  he  pleases,  but  he  has  also  a  moral  duty  in  the 
matter.  It  is  asserted  that  each  of  the  "  400  "  of  New  York 
spends  about  $200,000  yearly  on  amusement,  one  hundred 
times  the  minimum  desirable  income  for  a  family  of  five. 
We  are  not  forgetting  the  munificence  of  Rockefeller,  Car- 
negie^  and  others  of  their  type.  The  Scotchman's  wealth 
founded  libraries  in  every  section  of  our  country,  and  the  oil 
king's  gifts  have  built  colleges,  aided  churches,  promoted  ed- 
ucation, and  healed  the  sick.  They  have  realized  their  abil- 
ity to  serve  their  neighbors.  But  should  not  every  rich  man 
do  as  well  as  they?  It  is  from  the  masses  that  the  rich  man 
got  his  wealth.  He  ought  to  use  it  for  everybody's  good, 
for  he  cannot  take  it  with  him  into  the  next  world. 

The  community  as  a  whole  may  save  as  well  as  the  in- 
dividuals who  make  up  the  community.  When  a  town  or 
city  collects  taxes  from  its  people  to  put  up  a  school  build- 
ing or  a  library,  or  to  buy  a  park  or  a  playground,  it  is  really 
saving.     Every  generation  makes  use  of  the  improvements 


Making  America  Prosperous  405 

in  methods  of  industry,  of  machinery  for  furthering  eco- 
nomic processes,  and  of  many  other  things  which  have  been 
provided  by  the  generations  before  it.  This  collection  of 
wealth  which  results  from  the  savings  of  the  past,  but  which 
does  not  particularly  belong  to  individuals,  is  called  the 
social  surplus. 

If  the  rich  man  through  beneficence  or  taxpaying  is  will- 
ing to  do  so,  he  may  add  greatly  to  his  community's  social 
surplus.  He  does  not  need  to  do  it  all,  of  course.  When 
Andrew  Carnegie  gave  away  his  libraries,  he  almost  invari- 
ably required  that  the  community  which  received  the  build- 
ing should  agree  to  spend  a  certain  amount  each  year  to 
keep  it  in  operation  and  to  add  to  its  outfit.  He  believed 
the  community  itself  must  cooperate  with  him  in  providing 
the  advantages  which  he  was  willing  to  help  them  acquire. 

Many  helpful  results  accompany  the  accumulation  of 
the  social  surplus.  People  in  general  can  maintain  a  higher 
standard  of  living.  They  can  be  more  comfortable  and 
obtain  many  conveniences  which  would  otherwise  be  im- 
possible. The  strain  and  stress  upon  individuals  to  pro- 
vide for  their  own  needs  is  greatly  lessened  when  they  can 
take  advantage  of  the  provisions  which  the  community  as 
a  whole  can  make.  Unless  we  are  laying  by  a  social  sur- 
plus, we  have  no  right  to  boast  of  our  civilization.  It  is 
only  by  so  doing  that  we  can  make  our  community  and  our 
nation  happy  and  prosperous  in  the  years  to  come. 

What  advantages  does  your  community  offer  its  citizens  today 
that  were  not  available  to  your  father  or  grandfather  at  your  age, 
but  which  are  the  results  of  the  sacrifice  or  saving  of  the  people  who 
lived  at  those  times? 

Can  you  suggest  a  way  by  which  a  man  might  spend  $100,000 
in  your  immediate  neighborhood  so  as  to  make  it  of  general  bene- 
fit ?  What  personal  pleasure  would  he  get  out  of  it  ?  How  should 
a  wealthy  man  dispose  of  his  fortune  when  he  makes  his  will? 

.*.  Controlling  the  cost  of  living  is,  like  most  problems,  both  a 
community  and  an  individual  proposition.  The  government 
must    aid    people    who    are    trying    honestly    to    improve    their 


406         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

economic  condition  through  their  own  energy  or  through  coopera- 
tion, and  it  must  relieve  those  who  are  unable  to  provide  for  them- 
selves. But  individual  and  family  thrift,  wise  spending,  and  in- 
vestment can  never  be  supplanted  by  public  or  private  charity. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

Charitable  Organizations  in  Our  Community. 

Social  Service  in  Our  Community. 

Hull  House. 

The  Rich  and  the  Poor  in  Our  Community. 

The  Benefactions  of  Our  Rich  Men. 

Poverty  as  a  Cause  and  a  Result  of  Intemperance. 

Poverty  as  a  Cause  and  a  Result  of  111  Health. 

Tramps. 

Indoor  Relief  in  the  United  States  (or  in  Our  State). 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Towne  —  Social  Problems,  Chapter  14. 

Burch  and  Patterson  —  American  Social  Problems,  Chapters  15-17. 

Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapter  30. 

Rowe  —  Society,  Chapters  35,  36. 

EUwood  —  Sociology  and  Modern  Social  Problems,  Chapter  13. 

Hayes  —  Introduction  to  Sociology,  Chapters  11,  12. 

Blackmar  and  Gillin  —  Outlines  of  Sociology,  Part  V,  Chapters  2,  3. 

Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  C-26. 

Adams  and  Sumner —  Labor  Problems,  Chapter  5. 


XVII.    SEEKING   A   BETTER   SOCIAL   ORDER 


Unless  history  is  going  to  reverse  itself,  we  have  no  right  to  ex- 
pect that  our  present  system  of  society  and  industry  has  attained 
perfection.  Indeed,  we  ought  to  hope  it  has  not!  But  how  can  it 
be  bettered?  What  is  wrong  with  the  present  state  of  affairs? 
To  correct  the  wrongs,  do  we  need  to  change  our  whole  plan  of 
organization?  Let  us  examine  the  programs  presented  by  those 
who  think  that  our  hope  of  betterment  rests  upon  the  setting  up  of 
a  different  order  rather  than  upon  the  improvement  of  the  present. 


199.  What  Is  the  Matter  with  Things  as  They  Are?  — 
What  do  the  harsh  critics  of  the  present  order  assert  to  be 
out  of  place?  What  faults  do  they  point  out?  That  there 
are  faults  we  need  not  deny,  whether  we  reach  the  sarne 
conclusion  as  the  critics  do  or  not.  Our  present  industrial 
system  was  founded  to  a  large  extent  on  the  principle  that 
each  individual  is  responsible  for  his  own  welfare  and  should 
be  expected  to  look  out  for  his  own  interests.  "  Caveat 
emptor,"  "  let  the  buyer  beware,"  —  if  some  one  gets  the 
better  of  you,  it  is  your  fault.  That  the  working  out  of 
such  principles  has  not  brought  to  all  men  and  women  lib- 
erty, equaUty,  or  happiness,  we  cannot  well  deny. 

The  aim  of  production  in  many  industries,  it  is  said,  is 
not  to  provide  what  men  need,  but  to  make  things  and  then 
induce  men  to  buy  them.  Overproduction,  waste  of  raw 
material  and  of  life,  the  use  of  human  energy  to  do  things 
which  are  already  being  done  by  some  one  else,  are  common 
occurrences.  There  is  much  injustice  in  the  world  and 
grievous  inequality  in  the  opportunities  and  comfort  of 
people.  As  a  result,  unhappiness,  discontent,  crime,  im- 
morality, and  physical  degeneracy  are  common  to  an  inde- 
fensible extent.  But  a  pertinent  question  or  two  arise: 
"  Are  these  abuses  general  or  only  occasional?     Are  they 

407 


408         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

the  result  of  the  system  of  industry  that  prevails,  or  of  the 
folly  and  wickedness  of  human  beings?  If  they  are  the 
result  of  the  system,  we  shall  feel  like  turning  the  whole 
thing  overboard  and  starting  over  on  new  lines.  But  many 
of  the  outstanding  evils  of  the  time  are  surely  due  to  selfish- 
ness or  habit. 

These  are  human  faults.  Now,  perhaps,  the  question 
will  take  this  form :  "  Would  an  industrial  system  founded 
on  lines  different  from  those  of  our  present  system  remove 
these  faults  or  make  it  less  easy  for  these  faults  to  do 
harm?  "     Let  us  see. 

Can  you  mention  any  existing  abuses  which  show  no  trace  of 
any  of  these  human  faults? 

200.  The  I.  W.  W.  Argument.  —  The  center  of  attack  of 
most  of  those  who  want  to  overthrow  the  present  order  is 
the  control  of  capital  by  a  relatively  small  number  of  pri- 
vate individuals.  An  extreme  type  of  industrial  revolu- 
tionists are  those  generally  known  in  Europe  as  Syndical- 
ists. Their  aim  is  to  unite  all  the  workers  into  "  one  big 
union,"  rather  than  to  have  separate  trade  unions.  They 
desire  to  overthrow  capital  and  take  charge  of  industry 
themselves.  The  Industrial  Workers  of  the  World,  usually 
called  the  I.  W.  W.,  propose  such  a  program  in  this  country. 
Read  this  from  the  preamble  of  their  Constitution : 

"  The  working  class  and  the  employing  class  have  nothing  in 
common.  Between  these  two  classes  a  struggle  must  go  on  until 
the  workers  of  the  world  organize  as  a  class,  take  possession  of  the 
earth  and  the  machinery  of  production  and  abolish  the  wage  system. 
We  find  that  the  centering  of  management  into  fewer  and  fewer 
hands  makes  the  trades  unions  unable  to  cope  with  the  ever-growing 
power  of  the  employing  class.  The  trades  unions  foster  a  state  of 
affairs  which  allows  one  set  of  workers  to  be  pitted  against  another  set 
of  workers  in  the  same  industry,  thereby  helping  to  defeat  one 
another  in  wage  wars.  Moreover,  the  trades  unions  aid  the  employ- 
ing class  to  mislead  the  workers  into  the  belief  that  the  working 
class  have  interests  in  common  with  their  employers.  It  is  the  his- 
toric mission  of  the  working  class  to   do  away  with  capitalism. 


Making  America  Prosperous  409 

The  army  of  production  must  be  organized  not  only  for  the  every- 
day struggle  with  capital  but  also  to  carry  on  production  when  cap- 
italism shall  have  been  overthrown." 

To  attain  their  ends  people  of  this  type  usually  are  willing 
to  engage  in  anything  that  will  bring  them  victory.  "  Direct 
action"  is  the  phrase  which  they  use  to  describe  their 
methods.  They  declare  that  the  worth  of  any  method  de- 
pends upon  its  effectiveness.  If  it  will  terrorize  the  pub- 
lic, overawe  the  employer  or  harm  his  business,  they  claim 
that  anything,  no  matter  what  it  is,  is  justified. 

It  is  hard  even  to  read  this  kind  of  proposition  with  pa- 
tience. What  possible  success  could  such  a  crowd  have  if 
they  should  get  control  of  industry !  Those  who  justify 
violence  to  get  power  would  use  it  against  each  other  if  they 
were  in  command  of  industry.  Fortunately  the  American 
Federation  of  Labor  and  most  labor  leaders  have  forcefully 
condemned  the  idea. 

201.  The  Socialist  Idea.  —  The  socialist  believes  that  all 
fundamental  industries  should  be  carried  on  by  the  govern- 
ment and  not  by  private  individuals.  He  advocates  gov- 
ernment control  of  land  and  of  all  the  tools  of  production, 
to  be  operated  for  the  benefit  of  the  people  as  a  whole.  He 
asserts  that  with  the  administration  of  industry  in  the  hands 
of  the  state  all  the  returns  of  labor  would  go  to  labor,  and 
better  service  would  be  rendered  to  all  the  people  than  at 
present.  There  would  be  no  profit  for  some  individuals 
obtained  from  the  work  of  other  people.  The  state  repre- 
sents the  whole  people  and  therefore  it,  rather  than  private 
groups,  should  control  those  things  on  which  the  welfare  of 
all  depends.  Social  classes  should  disappear,  but  equality 
and  brotherhood  are  out  of  the  question  as  long  as  individ- 
uals or  groups  of  people  are  able  to  exploit  the  masses. 

Karl  Marx,  whose  book,  "  Das  Kapital,"  appeared  in 
1848,  is  generally  credited  with  being  the  founder  of  modern 
socialism.     There   are   in  every   country   today  groups   of 


410  Problems  of  American  Democracy- 
people  who  hold  sociaHstic  principles.  There  have  even 
been  Socialist  premiers  in  France.  But  many  things  for 
which  Socialist  parties  in  European  countries  are  clamoring 
we  have  always  enjoyed  in  this  country  or  have  acquired 
through  other  agencies  and  the  enlightenment  of  pubhc 
opinion.  The  Socialist  party  in  the  United  States  has  not 
accomplished  much  politically.  It  nominates  a  candidate 
for  the  presidency  every  four  years,  though  it  has  no  hope 


HARVEttiii 


Courtesy  InteTnational  Harvester  Co. 
AiNu   iriHi.oiiiiN«j  ON  A  Great  Western  Farm. 


What  do  you  suppose  would  happen  to  such  activities  if  socialism  were 
in  vogue? 


of  winning.  Socialist  mayors  have  been  elected  in  several 
cities,  and  Socialist  congressmen  from  New  York  and  Mil- 
waukee. But  no  Socialist  city  government  has  attempted 
to  make  any  extreme  changes  in  administration  or  in  any 
other  way. 

The  Socialist  plan  is  to  bring  socialistic  principles  before 
the  public  eye,  and  gradually  to  gain  strength  and  followers. 
SociaUsts  are  not  revolutionists.     They  believe  in  gaining 


Making  America  Prosperous  411 

their  ends  by  the  legitimate  means  of  political  parties  and 
elections.  A  number  of  very  fine  people  are  Socialists,  but 
the  Socialist  movement  has  had  to  suffer  from  wild  agitators 
and  fault-finders  who  have  attached  themselves  to  it. 

Why  was  the  Socialist  party  organization  opposed  to  the  Great 
War?  Why  do  extremists  often  harm  a  cause  in  which  they  are 
interested  ? 

202.  The  Communist  Theory.  —  We  must  not  confuse 
socialism  and  communism.  The  socialist  believes  that  the 
state  and  not  the  private  citizen  should  control  the  tools  of 
production.  This  doctrine  has  nothing  whatever  to  do 
with  other  property.  The  communist,  on  the  other  hand, 
believes  in  the  complete  abolition  of  private  property,  ex- 
cept for  articles  of  a  strictly  personal  character. 

The  communist  says  that  under  his  plan  there  would  be 
no  severe  toil.  No  industry  or  business  would  be  carried 
on  for  profit,  and  from  three  to  four  hours'  work  a  day,  if 
work  were  properly  distributed,  would  bring  to  the  laborer 
everything  necessary  to  a  comfortable  living.  The  natu- 
ral result  would  be  greater  ease  and  comfort  than  workers 
now  enjoy.  There  would  be  no  servants,  no  individual 
would  have  to  obey  another,  but  all  would  be  equal.  There 
would  be  absolute  honesty,  for  every  person  would  have  as 
much  as  his  neighbor,  and  the  inducement  to  steal  would 
have  disappeared.  The  sick  and  the  aged  would  receive 
the  best  of  care.  A  wide  range  of  enjoyment,  and  a  spirit 
of  independence  and  contentment  would  prevail. 

In  the  United  States  today  there  are  twenty-three  **  com- 
munities "  where  property  is  owned  in  common.  Among 
these  the  Shakers  have  been,  perhaps,  the  most  successful. 
These  towns  were  usually  established  by  a  number  of  peo- 
ple who  went  to  a  new  territory  and  built  a  new  settlement 
**  from  the  ground  up."  This  is  the  only  possible  way  in 
which  this  could  be  done.  If  it  were  undertaken  in  a  partly 
or  fully  grown  town,  a  great  deal  of  property  would  have 


412         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

to  be  either  seized  or  bought,  and  neither  plan  would  be 
easy.  The  Enghshman  Robert  Owen,  the  Frenchman 
Fourier,  and  even  such  Americans  as  Emerson  either  at- 
tempted the  estabhshment  of  '*  communities  "  or  were  in- 
terested in  them.  But  when  they  came  up  against  the 
selfishness  of  human  nature  they  were  usually  obliged  to 
admit  that  the  world  has  not  yet  advanced  to  the  point  where 
their  ideals  would  work. 

What  different  types  of  people  might  be  interested  in  a  proposal 
to  establish  a  community  in  which  private  property  should  not 
exist  ? 

In  Russia  alone  has  it  been  possible  to  attempt  a  form  of 
communism  on  a  wide  scale.  After  three  years  of  destruc- 
tive war  the  Russian  people  were  utterly  weary  of  fighting, 
and  of  the  government  which  had  been  in  power  when  it 
started.  Then  the  Bolshevist  faction,  headed  by  two  able 
and  unscrupulous  leaders  whx)  had  adopted  the  names  of 
Lenine  and  Trotsky,  promised  them  peace  and  a  new  order 
of  things  in  which  equality  should  prevail  —  and  the  people 
quit.     They  would  resist  nothing. 

The  Bolshevist  organization  is  supposed  to  rest  on  the 
Soviets,  which  are  associations  of  people  who  possess  a  com- 
mon interest,  as  workmen,  soldiers,  or  peasants,  but  in  fact 
the  leaders  have  kept  themselves  in  power  by  the  use  of 
military  force.  All  officials  are  supposed  to  be  of  the  work- 
ing class.  The  Bolshevists  flatter  themselves  that  they 
have  abolished  the  bourgeois  and  the  nobility.  To  have 
any  vote  one  must  be  a  worker.  All  able  bodied  persons 
between  the  ages  of  16  and  50  must  work ;  or,  as  the  Bol- 
shevist puts  it,  all  people  who  are  able  to  work  have  the 
right  to  work,  but  in  the  case  of  men  under  eighteen,  and  all 
women,  the  right  is  suspended  at  night. 

Under  the  Bolshevist  government  of  Russia  no  man's 
property  is  his  own  if  the  state  wants  it.  All  natural  re- 
sources, banks,  factories,  means  of  transportation,  and  the 


Making  America  Prosperous  413 

like,  are  state  property.  The  peasants  of  Russia  have  not 
taken  kindly  to  the  rule  of  the  Bolshevists,  because  until 
a  short  time  ago  one  of  their  chief  aims  was  to  obtain  the 
right  to  hold  private  property  in  land.  After  they  obtained 
this  right,  they  did  not  care  to  lose  it.  And  so  the  Bolshe- 
vist leaders  have  compromised  their  theories  with  the  facts 
and  have  decided  to  refrain  from  trying  to  destroy  "  capi- 
taUsm  "  completely.  Indeed,  it  was  their  announced  pro- 
gram of  overturning  all  ''  capitalistic  "  governments  that 
made  the  rest  of  the  world  suspicious  of  them. 

What  classes  of  people  want  Bolshevism  to  fail  ?  Would  another 
nation  equally  war-weary  have  been  likely  to  accept  Bolshevist 
rule?     Is  it  good  for  the  world  that  Russia  has  tried  Bolshevism? 

203.  The  Anarchist's  Notion.  —  Socialist  and  Anarchist 
are  at  almost  opposite  extremes  in  their  plans  for  changing 
the  existing  order.  The  Socialist  wishes  to  extend  greatly 
the  power  of  the  state  by  giving  it  control  of  all  funda- 
mental industries.  The  Anarchist  goes  to  the  other  ex- 
treme —  he  wants  to  abolish  all  organized  government. 
He  says  that  after  all  existing  authority  and  distinctions 
are  removed,  people  will  group  themselves  together  natu- 
rally in  such  a  way  as  to  safeguard  the  interests  and  rights 
of  everybody.  To  hasten  the  process  of  change  the  An- 
archist will  use  bombs  or  anything  else  that  will  destroy  the 
people  or  the  things  upon  which  the  present  order  depends. 
His  doctrine  appears  to  be  that  everything  is  so  bad  that 
the  world  must  be  built  over  again  —  by  him. 

By  many  people  anarchism  is  regarded  as  the  action  of  maniacs. 
Is  this  sufficient  explanation  of  it  ?  Could  a  man  in  his  right  mind 
be  honestly  an  Anarchist?  It  has  been  said  that  assassination 
never  changed  the  course  of  history.  Is  that  true,  judging  from 
what  you  know  of  our  own  country's  story? 

204.  How  Private  Property  Originated.  —  Both  social- 
ism and  communism  are  based  on  the  supposition  that  some 
features  of  private  property  are  to  blame  for  the  evils  of 


414         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

today.  The  Socialist  therefore  demands  that  capital  in 
great  industries  shall  cease  to  be  private  and  the  Communist 
wants  to  adopt  common  ownership  for  everything  of  im- 
portance. Practically  everybody  maintains  that  it  means 
much  for  good  or  ill. 

No  doubt  more  than  one  explanation  would  be  needed  to 
show  why  or  how  private  property  came  into  being.  In 
very  early  times  virtually  everything  belonged  to  the  clan 
or  tribe  as  a  whole.  Yet  when  a  man  by  his  own  efforts 
made  a  club  or  a  fox-skin  cap,  it  was  natural  for  him  to  feel 
a  sense  of  ownership  in  it  which  others  had  no  right  to  feel. 
Any  gift  of  Nature  which  he  was  strong  or  active  enough  to 
seize  for  himself  he  would  be  likely  to  claim  as  his.  We 
can  hardly  imagine  a  time  when  people  did  not  say  "mine " 
and  "thine."  In  fact  the  desire  to  make  more  things 
"  mine  "  or  to  make  "  thine  "  "  mine  "  seems  to  underlie 
much  of  human  history. 

Private  property  in  land  probably  developed  after  settled 
agriculture  began.  In  order  to  plant  and  to  harvest  the 
products,  it  was  necessary  to  stay  in  one  place,  and  to  have 
a  definite  part  of  the  land  assigned  to  each  person.  When 
feudaUsm  prevailed  in  England  the  nobles  who  were  re- 
sponsible for  protecting  their  followers  and  dependents 
held  the  title  to  all  land  under  the  king,  and  the  common 
people  —  the  .  serfs  —  lived  on  the  manors  and  tilled  the 
soil.  They  had  to  give  a  certain  amount  of  their  product 
to  the  lord  of  the  manor.  The  property  could  be  inherited 
only  by  the  eldest  son,  a  plan  different  from  that  of 
France,  where  the  owner  of  property  had  to  leave  a  portion 
to  every  child.  For  this  reason,  France  today  has  a  great 
many  small  estates,  while  those  of  England  are  vast  in 
area.  In  the  United  States,  most  estates  are  compara- 
tively small,  because  feudalism  never  existed  here  in  any 
real  sense. 

Is  the  holding  of  private  property  essentially  and  necessarily 
selfish? 


Making  America  Prosperous 


415 


205.  Is  Private  Property  Fundamental  ?  —  That  a  cus- 
tom has  existed  for  ages  is  not  a  conclusive  argument  that 
it  always  should  exist.  That  reasoning  was  not  a  sufficient 
defense  for  private  property  in  slaves ;  neither  is  it  alone  a 
complete  justification  for  private  property  in  other  forms. 


The  Tallest  Building  in  the  World. 

The  Woolworth  Building  in  New  York  City  is  world  famous.  Observe 
how  prominently  it  stands  out  even  among  the  other  great  office  buildings 
of  New  York  business  districts.  These  are  all  private  property.  Is  the 
country  better  off  on  that  account? 


Any  right  depends  upon  whether  an  institution  or  custom 
promotes  human  welfare. 

But  society  as  it  is  today  hinges  on  private  property.  By 
it  we  rate  a  man's  wealth.  Modern  industry  is  built  upon 
private  property.  The  wage  system  exists,  in  part,  because 
one  person  owns  what  others  use  or  work  with.  Private 
property  promotes  activity  and  competition.  People  have 
something  to  strive  for,  and  this  is  an  incentive  to  work. 
The  laws  of  inheritance  are  a  result  of  the  private  owner- 


416         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

ship  of  property.  It  creates  a  conservative  class  of  people 
who  stand  for  law  and  order.  Those  who  have  something 
which  could  be  lost  want  to  keep  it  safe.  It  aids  in  promot- 
ing social  advancement,  for  the  owning  of  private  property 
induces  people  to  protect  it  and  improve  it,  because  we 
usually  take  pride  in  what  is  our  own,  even  though  we 
might  not  do  it  for  the  community's  sake.  Only  when  public 
possession  of  a  certain  piece  of  land  would  be  a  great  good 
to  the  whole  community  do  we  permit  it  to  be  taken  even 
by  the  government  under  the  principle  of  **  eminent  domain.'^ 

Of  course  there  are  disadvantages  in  the  private  owner- 
ship of  property.  It  has  some  effect  on  the  mobility  of 
labor.  We  always  urge  people  to  own  rather  than  to  rent 
homes,  and  yet  the  ownership  of  property  may  keep  workers 
in  one  place  when  they  are  badly  needed  in  another.  De- 
sire for  ownership  may  lead  to  greed  and  unscrupulous  busi- 
ness dealings  and  crimes.  Individuals  may  hold  property, 
especially  land,  for  a  long  time,  and  do  nothing  with  it,  ex- 
cept to  wait  until  it  will  bring  a  high  price.  This  is  indi- 
vidual profit  at  the  expense  of  the  community.  Public 
property  is  extensive,  important,  and  valuable.  But  even 
much  of  this  has  been  acquired  by  taxes  upon  those  who 
own  private  property.  Society  is  kept  going  by  those  who 
have  things,  not  by  paupers.  To  do  away  with  private 
property  would  require  us  to  make  everything  over  new. 

What  difference  would  it  make  if  our  kitchen  utensils  were  owned 
by  the  community  ?  our  clothes  ?  our  automobiles  ?  our  churches  ? 
Private  property  is  said  to  afford  these  advantages  :  its  owner  has- 
more  independence ;  it  guarantees  against  social  degeneration ;  it 
promotes  honest  government ;  it  encourages  utilization  of  natural 
resources ;  it  urges  invention  and  industrial  improvement ;  it  af- 
fords security  and  permanence  of  management ;  it  establishes 
thrift  and  economy.  Do  you  agree?  Is  private  property  essen- 
tial to  democracy? 

206.  Human  Nature  in  the  Problem.  —  We  shall  get 
nowhere  by  calling  names.  We  have  no  business  to  call 
a  person  a  Bolshevist  just  because  we  do  not  like  him  or  his 


Making  America  Prosperous  417 

ideas,  nor  to  presume  that  a  proposition  is  unsound  because 
the  man  who  advances  it  calls  himself  a  SociaUst.  Will 
these  programs  of  social  reconstruction  which  we  have 
briefly  described  make  things  better  than  they  are? 

With  much  that  the  so-called  "  radicals  "  say,  every  fair- 
minded  person  must  agree.  There  is  a  woeful  lack  of  co- 
operation among  us.  We  see  the  selfish  man  everywhere. 
He  is  so  afraid  that  his  neighbor  will  get  more  from  life  that 
he  forgets  to  use  his  own  powers  to  the  best  advantage. 
He  wastes  what  little  he  has  in  putting  on  an  appearance 
as  good  as  his  neighbor.  He  forgets  that  by  working  with 
rather  than  against  his  neighbor  he  might  share  part  of 
the  latter's  happiness  and  even  win  more  for  both.  We 
fight  and  worry  over  material  gain  when  we  might  better  be 
enjoying  life  and  building  up  wealth  of  mind  and  spirit. 
Surely  there  should  be  some  way  to  abolish  class  distinc- 
tion in  our  democracy  and  set  up  cooperation  as  a  prac- 
tical reality. 

Yet  would  this  selfishness  and  greed  disappear  when  we  organ- 
ized industry  or  society  on  a  new  basis  ?  Many  people  are  not  now 
satisfied  when  they  have  acquired  a  comfortable  living.  Would 
not  that  same  lu-ge  for  accomplishment  animate  them  under  any 
social  order?  Or  if  that  impulse  were  crushed,  would  there  be 
sufficient  inspiration  to  make  society  progressive?  Admittedly  it 
would  demand  executive  genius  and  unerring  judgment  and  ab- 
solute fair-mindedness  to  operate  any  large-scale  socialistic  or  com- 
munistic venture.  If  these  were  available  in  any  manager  or  group 
of  managers,  could  not  unfairness  and  maladjustment  be  removed 
from  the  present  order  without  completely  reorganizing  it  on  a  dif- 
ferent principle?  And  if  such  marvelous  capacity  for  adminis- 
tration did  exist,  would  the  mass  of  the  people  have  sufficient  wis- 
dom and  freedom  from  prejudice  to  appreciate  it?  The  group 
that  thinks  of  itself  as  the  "  underman  "  holds  hard  feelings  against 
the  "  overman."  When  the  underman  —  if  there  is  such  a  being  — 
makes  himself  the  master,  will  he  be  able  to  rule  society  any  bet- 
ter than  those  whom  the  progress  of  the  centuries  has  forced  to  the 
top?  Can  we  expect  him  to  initiate  an  era  of  universal  brother- 
hood by  overturning  society,  when  we  could  get  it  tomorrow  if 
everybody  would  practice  the  Golden  Rule? 


418         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Would  not  a  communistic  state  encourage  individuals  to 
"  sponge  "  on  others?  People  are  not  perfect,  and  very  many  of 
us  would  not  work  hard  unless  we  expected  thereby  to  reap  some 
benefits.  Would  others  be  willing  to  work  if  those  who  did  not 
work  were  to  share  their  gain? 

We  can  have  little  doubt  that  most  of  us  would  prefer 
"  to  bear  the  ills  we  have  than  fly  to  others  that  we  know 
not  of."  The  words  of  Abraham  Lincoln  in  1864  still  ex- 
press what  most  of  us  believe :  "  Property  is  the  fruit  of 
labor;  property  is  desirable;  is  a  positive  good  in  the 
world.  .  .  .  Let  not  him  who  is  houseless  pull  down  the 
house  of  another,  but  let  him  work  diligently  and  build  one 
for  himself,  thus  by  example  assuring  that  his  own  shall  be 
safe  from  violence  when  built."  But  in  all  fairness  we  may 
add  the  further  suggestion :  '*  And  let  him  that  has  a  house 
strive  earnestly  to  make  it  possible  for  each  other  earnest 
worker  also  to  have  a  house,  for  in  so  doing  he  will  help  to 
make  men  happier  and  himself  safer."  Little  by  little  we 
can  learn  to  do  things  better.  As  any  particular  proposal 
convinces  us  of  its  merits,  whether  advocated  by  a  Socialist 
or  not,  we  can  adopt  it,  without  the  suffering  and  confu- 
sion that  could  not  help  attending  a  complete  overturn  of 
things  as  they  are.  Progress  by  gradual  improvement  is 
the  surest  kind. 

.*.  We  have  numerous  programs  of  radical  change  which  rest 
on  the  supposition  that  the  control  of  capital  by  individuals  is 
responsible  for  the  ills  of  society  and  industry.  In  so  far  as  these 
force  us  to  consider  seriously  the  faults  and  merits  of  our  pres- 
ent system,  they  will  doubtless  lead  to  social  betterment.  But  we 
must  insist  that  whatever  changes  take  place  shall  be  accomplished 
through  orderly  deliberation  and  decision  and  not  through  violence 
and  anarchy. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

The  Teachings  of  Karl  Marx. 
Socialist  Parties  in  Europe. 
Bolshevist  Constitutions  of  Russia. 
Bolshevism  in  Practice. 


Making  America  Prosperous  419 

Successful  "  Communities  "  in  the  United  States. 
Community  Enterprise  in  Early  American  History. 
Common  Ownership  of  Property  in  Early  Days. 
Legal  Complications  Arising  out  of  Titles  to  Land. 
Modern  Socialist  Leaders. 
Emma  Goldman  and  Her  Kind. 
My  Idea  of  Utopia. 

Resolved,   that   all   aliens  advocating   communism  or   anarchism 
should  be  expelled  from  the  United  States. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Carver  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapters  43,  44,  46,  47. 

Thompson  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapter  27. 

Burch  —  American  Economic  Life,  pages  506-513. 

Cleveland  and  Schafer  —  Democracy  in  Reconstruction,  Chapter  4. 

Laing  —  Introduction  to  Economics,  Chapter  30. 

Leacock  —  Elements  of  Political  Science,  Part  III,  Chapter  2. 

EUwood  —  Sociology  and  Modern  Social  Problems,  Chapter  15. 

Tufts  —  The  Real  Business  of  Living,  Chapter  24. 

Soager  —  Principles  of  Economics,  Chapters  33,  34. 

Bryce  —  Modern  Democracies,  Chapter  79. 


MAKING  OUR  DEMOCRATIC   GOVERNMENT 
EFFICIENT 

"  Not  with  presidents,  not  with  office-seekers,  but  with  you,  is  the 
question :  Shall  the  Union  and  shall  the  liberties  of  this  country  be 
preserved  to  the  latest  generations?"  —  Lincoln. 


To  make  America  intelligent,  moral,  and  prosperous,  every 
good  citizen  must  strive  through  his  own  conduct  as  an  individual 
and  through  cooperation  with  other  good  citizens.  To  safeguard 
and  promote  the  various  activities  which  we  undertake  in  seeking 
these  ends,  we  must  have  some  agency  to  act  in  behalf  of  the  people 
as  a  whole.  This  agency  we  call  the  government.  What,  then, 
are  some  of  the  services  which  government  renders?  From  what 
source  did  our  ideals  of  government  come?  On  what  principles 
is  our  government  founded?  What  kind  of  governmental  machin- 
ery have  we  set  up  ? 

XVIII.    ESTABLISHING    SOUND   PRINCIPLES   OF 
ORGANIZATION 

207.  Our  Need  for  Government.  —  Until  everybody 
not  only  preaches  but  practices  the  Golden  Rule,  we  shall 
need  some  authority  to  say  '^  this  you  must  do,  and  that 
you  must  not  do."  (1)  Since  we  may  disagree  as  to  the  limits 
of  our  individual  liberty,  our  government  must  fix  those 
limits  so  that  we  may  know  what  society  thinks  is  right  or 
wrong  for  us  to  do.  (2)  Since  it  is  the  nature  of  the  strong 
to  abuse  his  strength  and  lord  it  over  the  weak,  we  must 
have  government  to  restrain  those  who  ignore  or  violate 
the  rights  of  others.  (3)  To  enable  us  to  work  under  the 
most  favorable  conditions  for  the  things  which  will  bring 
us  happiness,  our  government  undertakes  services  which  it 
can  conduct  in  the  interest  of  all  the  people  much  more 
readily  than  private  citizens  could  perform  them. 

420 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         421 

What  would  happen  if  every  form  of  government  or  authority 
should  disappear  from  your  school?  Would  it  be  possible  to  en- 
joy under  these  conditions  any  of  the  four  ideals  of  which  we  have 
spoken  so  often  ?  Will  an  intelligent  man  look  upon  government  as 
a  necessary  evil  or  desire  it  as  a  positive  good  ? 

And  so  we  must  have  government.  Civilization  rests 
upon  the  foundation  of  law  and  order.  We  have  gone  be- 
yond that  stage  in  which  we  think  of  government  as  rep- 
resented simply  by  a  policeman  who  chases  the  boys  out 


Courtesy  Reclamation  Service. 
The  Arrowrock  Dam,  Idaho. 

This  is  the  highest  irrigation  dam  in  the  world,  351  feet.  Here  we  have 
one  of  the  " ministrant "  services  of  government  (p.  422,  end). 

of  the  vacant  lot.  There  are  other  services  which  our  gov- 
ernment is  rendering.  Its  manifold  services  have  been 
classified  as  protective,  industrial,  and  social. 

The  'protective  function  of  government  constitutes,  per- 
haps, its  primary  object.  The  defense  of  the  people  against 
enemies  at  home  or  abroad,  the  preservation  of  life  and 


422         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

property  from  harm  and  destruction,  the  assurance  to  in- 
dividuals that  they  may  enjoy  the  rights  which  are  justly 
theirs,  are  all  examples  of  this  function.  It  is  exercising  its 
duty  of  protection  when  it  decides  disputes  between  indi- 
viduals as  to  their  respective  rights,  as  well  as  when  it  sends 
a  man  to  prison  for  breaking  into  another's  house  or  when 
it  sends  a  ship  of  its  navy  to  some  foreign  harbor  where  an 
American  citizen  may  happen  to  be. 

In  exercising  its  industrial  functions,  the  government 
may  pass  laws  for  the  particular  encouragement  of  some 
industry  which  it  believes  to  be  necessary  to  the  welfare  of 
the  nation.  It  may  provide  for  the  construction  of  high- 
ways, canals,  and  bridges,  and  the  improvement  of  rivers 
and  harbors,  or  the  supervision  of  the  great  railroads  or 
other  pubUc  utilities  which  mean  so  much  to  industrial  wel- 
fare. Besides,  we  now  admit  the  right  of  the  state  to  as- 
sure proper  conditions  of  work  and  to  regulate  even  the 
hours  and  wages  of  some  workers. 

The  social  functions  of  the  government  concern  those 
matters  which  touch  directly  the  welfare  of  individuals  in 
their  relation  to  the  community.  The  education  of  the 
people,  the  relief  of  the  poor,  the  sick,  and  the  insane,  the 
prevention  of  sickness  and  poverty,  the  furnishing  of  op- 
portunities for  recreation  and  culture,  are  examples  of  serv- 
ices which  our  governments  are  undertaking  more  and 
more  extensively  every  year. 

Make  a  list  of  twenty  specific  services  rendered  by  our  govern- 
ments. Under  which  function  does  each  of  these  belong?  Presi- 
dent Wilson,  in  a  book  published  some  years  ago,  classified  the  func- 
tions of  government  as  constituent,  meaning  those  activities  which 
must  be  rendered  by  the  government  if  they  are  to  be  performed  at 
all,  and  ministrant,  meaning  those  which  the  government  under- 
takes not  because  it  must,  but  because  it  will  promote  the  people's 
welfare  by  so  doing.  Which  of  the  services  mentioned  in  the  list 
you  have  prepared  would  be  "  constituent  "  and  which  '*  minis- 
trant"? Do  we  consider  any  governmental  services  constituent 
now  which  we  should  once  have  called  ministrant? 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         423 

208.  The  Source  of  Our  Political  Ideas.  —  We  are  truly 
"  the  heirs  of  all  the  ages/'  building  upon  a  foundation  of 
the  vast  experience  of  others.  Our  institutions  and  our 
ideals  had  their  definite  beginning  in  the  early  days  of  the 
history  of  England.  When  the  Angles  and  the  Saxons  came 
into  England  they  were  as  earnest  haters  of  tyranny  as 
Americans  ever  were,  and  they  brought  with  them  not  only 
this  love  of  freedom  but  a  custom  of  assembly  which  when 
transplanted  to  the  new  world  has  become  famous  as  the 
New  England  town  meeting. 

After  their  conquest  by  the  Normans,  the  Saxons  lost 
some  of  their  individual  liberties,  but  not  in  any  degree 
their  love  of  them.  As  time  went  on,  however,  people  de- 
sired to  have  it  set  down  in  black  and  white  just  what  "  lib- 
erties "  were  theirs,  so  that  no  king  or  lord  could  excuse 
himself  for  not  recognizing  them.  And  so  charters  came  to 
play  an  important  part  in  liberty.  They  were  often  granted 
by  the  king  as  a  special  sort  of  contract  in  return  for  which 
some  service  was  to  be  rendered  or  money  paid. 

One  of  the  most  notable  events  in  English  history  was 
the  struggle  which  resulted  in  the  granting  of  Magna  Charta 
in  1215.  The  tyrant  King  John  was  forced  to  give  to  his 
nobles,  who  considered  themselves  as  representatives  of 
England,  this  document  which  is,  in  a  sense,  the  basis  of 
both  English  and  American  liberty.  In  it  we  find  the  germs 
of  our  ideas  of  speedy  justice,  of  taxation  only  by  consent 
of  the  representatives  of  the  people,  of  punishment  in  pro- 
portion to  the  crime,  of  local  self-government,  and  of  trial 
by  jury. 

In  the  17th  century,  while  the  Stuart  kings  were  on  the 
throne,  another  notable  conflict  occurred.  The  English 
Parliament  obtained  from  Charles  I  in  1628  his  signature 
to  a  Petition  of  Right  which  certified  the  king's  consent  to 
respect  the  liberties  of  the  people  from  arbitrary  interfer- 
ence. Since,  however,  the  Stuart  kings  kept  their  word 
only  when  they  had  to  keep  it,  it  was  not  until  after  the 


424         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

signing  of  the  great  Bill  of  Rights  in  1689  by  King  William 
III  that  the  danger  to  the  people's  rights  from  willful  and 
oppressive  monarchs  was  really  ended.  Most  of  the  guar- 
anties in  the  first  eight  amendments  to  our  national  Con- 
stitution are  contained  in  principle  in  this  Bill  of  Rights, 
and  some  have  been  copied  word  for  word  from  it.  Our 
English  forefathers  loved  free  institutions  so  much  that 
when,  by  reason  of  somebody's  bigotry  or  tyranny,  they 
could  not  enjoy  them  in  England,  many  of  them  risked  the 
perils  of  founding  a  new  England  on  this  side  of  the  Atlan- 
tic. The  voyagers  on  the  Mayflower  drew  up  before  they 
left  the  vessel  the  famous  Mayflower  Compact,  by  which 
they  constituted  themselves  as  a  "  civil  body  poUtick." 
Of  course  the  Mayflower  Compact  did  not  itself  plan  a  gov- 
ernment, but  it  was  an  agreement  to  establish  one,  and 
shows  how  important  the  early  colonists  believed  a  govern- 
ment to  be.  As  time  went  on,  these  men  and  their  succes- 
sors showed  the  capacity  to  form  their  own  governments. 
The  Connecticut  colony  in  1639,  when  it  drew  up  its  "  Fun- 
damental Orders,"  set  forth  to  the  world  perhaps  the  first 
example  of  a  written  constitution  framed  by  the  people  who 
were  to  use  it. 

209.  Forms  of  Government  the  World  Has  Tried.  — 
Popular  government  has  evidently  been  obtained  only 
through  long  and  sometimes  bloody  conflict.  It  is  not  hard 
to  see  why  the  first  form  of  government  known  to  man  was 
the  monarchy  —  the  rule  of  one  man.  In  the  ancient  or- 
ganization of  the  family,  the  father,  as  its  head,  held  com- 
plete dominion  over  the  other  members.  As  time  pro- 
gressed families  expanded  or  combined  into  clans  and  tribes, 
each  with  its  chief.  When  these  grew  into  states  the 
strongest,  or  perhaps  the  most  cunning,  held  leadership. 
When  more  and  more  men  became  strong  and  crafty,  and 
as  more  and  more  force  was  needed  to  check  them,  the  peo- 
ple become  dissatisfied.     Gradually  power  passed  from  the 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         425 

ruler's  hands.  Perhaps  it  went  to  only  a  few  of  the  strong- 
est of  the  people,  and  then  there  was  an  oligarchy.  As 
those  in  power  became  richer  and  still  more  powerful,  they 
might  be  able  to  leave  the  rule  in  the  hands  of  their  descen- 
dants, and  their  government  might  for  generations  con- 
tinue as  an  aristocracy.  But  most  often  the  monarch  con- 
tinued to  rule  at  least  in  name,  but  with  limited  powers. 
Limited  monarchies  still  are  numerous  among  the  govern- 
ments of  the  earth,  but  we  hope  that  absolute  monarchies 
have  passed  into  *'  the  limbo  of  forgotten  things/'  along 
with  Czars  and  Kaisers. 

Look  up  the  meaning  of  autocracy,  theocracy,  bureaucracy. 

But  suppose  the  people  as  a  whole  insist  that  the  sover- 
eignty, or  supreme  power,  shall  remain  in  their  hands. 
Then  they  have  established  a  democracy.  If  the  people 
themselves  determine  policies  of  law  and  administration 
directly,  their  government  is  a  pure  democracy.  If  the 
people  elect  officers  to  make  laws  and  administer  the  gov- 
ernment, it  is  a  representative  democracy  or  a  republic. 
With  so  large  a  body  of  people  who  have  the  right  to  vote 
as  we  have  in  the  United  States  today,  direct  government 
is  out  of  the  question.  Possibly  the  whole  people  could 
vote  directly  on  big  matters  of  policy  —  they  do  so  in 
Switzerland  and  elsewhere  —  but  it  is  upon  representative 
democracies  that  the  responsibility  of  ruhng  the  world  rests 
today. 

Democracy  is  really  a  thing  of  the  spirit  rather  than  of 
form.  When  the  people  of  a  nation  are  motivated  by  dem- 
ocratic spirit,  that  nation  is  a  democracy,  whether  its 
most  prominent  official  is  a  king,  a  president,  or  a  prime 
minister.  Take  England,  for  example.  Most  of  the  Eng- 
lish people  hold  to  the  democratic  ideal,  and  hence  England 
is  a  democracy  even  though  a  king  is  its  nominal  ruler. 
The  English  people  wield  their  power  through  representa- 
tives even  as  we  do  —  in  some  respects  to  a  greater  extent. 


426         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  ideal  of  democracy  in  our  country,  in  England,  and  every- 
where else,  has  grown  with  the  gradual  advance  of  the  na- 
tions, but  not  always  in  the  same  way  or  with  equal  rapidity. 

What  reasons  might  cause  a  people  to  continue  having  a  king 
when  they  had  ceased  to  allow  him  any  real  power  ?  Does  the  king 
of  Great  Britain  mean  anything  to  a  Canadian? 

210.  Is  Democracy  Desirable?  —  As  President  Wilson 
saw  it,  one  of  the  objects  of  the  Great  War  was  to  make  the 
world  safe  for  democracy.  If  this  was  a  cause  worth  dying 
for,  how  can  one  ask  whether  democracy  is  desirable?  Yet 
keen  students  of  pubHc  affairs  like  Mr.  Bryce,  who  ob- 
served democracy  at  work  in  both  his  own  country  and  ours, 
see  both  advantages  and  weaknesses  in  its  operation.  Let 
us  summarize  some  of  the  things  they  have  said. 

(1)  Democracy  is  beneficial  in  that  the  people  are  themselves  the 
best  guardians  of  their  liberty.  If  the  people  are  the  power  in  the 
state,  no  petty  demagogue  or  selfish  tyrant  can  long  deprive  them 
of  their  cherished  rights.  Democracy,  it  has  been  said,  means  that 
the  people  have  the  right  to  make  their  own  mistakes. 

(2)  Democracy  gives  the  people  a  spirit  of  initiative,  ambition, 
and  responsibility.  They  will  obey  their  own  laws  more  readily 
than  those  which  are  forced  upon  them.  Popular  government  is 
most  conducive  to  individual  progress  and  general  enlightenment. 

(3)  Democracy  makes  for  peace.  When  a  government's  actions 
are  directed  by  public  opinion  it  is  not  likely  to  go  to  war  without 
reason  or  on  a  slight  pretext.  Monarchs  are  more  inclined  to  go 
to  war  for  gain,  for  conquest,  or  for  personal  glory. 

(4)  Popular  government  develops  patriotism.  Tyranny  must  in- 
deed have  overwhelming  force  to  defeat  free  people  struggling  for 
their  liberties. 

But  we  need  not  pretend  that  democracy  is  perfect,  in 
this  country  or  in  any  other.  Its  abuse  is  a  real  possibility, 
and  only  by  recognizing  its  weaknesses  can  we  guard  against 
its  abuse. 

(1)  Delay  may  occur  in  times  of  emergency.  A  government 
whose  powers  are  exercised  by  the  people,  directly  or  indirectly, 
cannot  be  expected  to  act  in  time  of  need  as  quickly  as  one  person 
or  a  small  group  of  people. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient        427 

(2)  The  masses  are  proverbially  fickle.  They  may  be  swayed  by 
demagogues.  An  officer  or  party  may  be  in  favor  one  day  and  in 
disfavor  the  next.  George  Washington,  Woodrow  Wilson,  and 
even  Theodore  Roosevelt  are  notable  examples  of  men  who  suffered 
from  that  fact. 

(3)  The  majority  may  be  tyrannical  and  intolerant.  The  ma- 
jority when  in  power  may  do  the  very  things  which  they  loudly  re- 
buked when  out  of  power. 

(4)  Individual  indifference  is  common.  The  "  let-George-do-it  " 
spirit  is  constantly  evident  in  our  community  life.  "  Passing  the 
buck  "  is  a  common  game. 

(5)  There  is  disrespect  for  officials  and  intolerance  of  greatness. 
There  is  a  tendency  to  think  that  brains  and  special  talent  are  not 
needed  for  public  office,  and  to  turn  against  men  who  are  distinctly 
superior  to  the  masses.     We  are  slow  to  recognize  true  worth. 

And  yet  democracy  is  desirable.  "  The  proof  of  the 
pudding  is  in  the  eating."  No  nation  that  has  tried  real 
democracy  has  gone  back.  The  world  would  not  move 
steadily  toward  democracy  if  the  principle  were  not  sound. 
Its  faults  can  be  remedied.  Perhaps  our  American  democ- 
racy will  never  reach  perfection,  because  our  ideals  ad- 
vance with  our  progress,  but  we  can  make  it  serve  all  the 
people  better  and  better  as  the  years  go  on. 

Point  out  some  possible  mistakes  in  American  history  for  which 
democracy  may  be  responsible.  Mention  some  Americans  who 
were  not  appreciated  while  they  lived.  Does  your  acquaintance 
with  history  lead  you  to  believe  that  monarchs  in  the  long  run 
would  do  better  for  people  than  the  people  do  for  themselves  ?  Il- 
lustrate. 

211.  Our  Federal  Form  of  Organization.  —  We  have  al- 
ready hinted  (§5)  that  the  adoption  of  a  federal  form  of 
government  resulted  from  the  fact  that  the  original  thir- 
teen colonies  were  settled  separately.  When  in  1776  they 
declared  their  independence  they  became  thirteen  independ- 
ent states,  each  jealous  of  its  individual  existence  and 
rights.  Under  those  conditions  it  was  remarkable  not  that 
a  confederation  rather  than  a  closely  centralized  govern- 
ment was  formed,  but  that  even  after  the  Articles  of  Con- 


428         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

federation  had  proved  their  inefficiency,  a  formula  could 
be  worked  out  which  would  offer  sufficient  central  authority 
to  make  the  combination  effective  as  a  united  nation.  But 
the  work  was  so  well  done  that,  in  the  words  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  we  now  consider  ourselves  *'  an  indestructible  union 
composed  of  indestructible  states."  The  states  are  not 
mere  subdivisions  of  the  country,  but  some  of  them  are 
older  than  the  union  itself. 

Another  important  question  was  this :  How  were  future 
states  to  stand  with  regard  to  the  original  thirteen? 
Should  the  original  states  form  a  sort  of  aristocracy,  or 
should  new  ones  be  received  on  equal  terms  with  those  that 
had  suffered  to  establish  independence?  Political  equality 
of  the  states  was  the  only  wise  solution.  The  newest  or 
least  populous  state  has  the  same  political  rights  as  Vir- 
ginia or  New  York  and  receives  the  same  protection  and 
consideration  from  the  whole  Union.  Its  equal  representa- 
tion in  the  United  States  Senate  may  not  be  altered  without 
its  own  consent. 

Practically  the  whole  matter  of  admitting  new  states  is 
in  the  hands  of  Congress,  with  but  one  limitation.  If  a 
new  state  is  to  be  made  wholly  or  partly  from  land  already 
belonging  to  a  state,  the  consent  of  that  state  must  be  given 
through  its  legislature.  This  has  occurred  only  twice  — 
with  Maine  and  West  Virginia.  There  are  no  specific  re- 
quirements as  to  the  population  or  area  of  a  new  state. 

Statehood  is  never  forced  on  unwilling  people.  When  a 
new  state  is  proposed.  Congress  usually  passes  an  '*  ena- 
bling act  "  authorizing  the  people  of  a  territory  to  choose 
delegates  to  meet  in  a  convention  and  draw  up  a  state  con- 
stitution. The  constitution  is  submitted  to  popular  vote 
in  the  territory  and  if  it  meets  with  approval  there  and  in 
Congress,  Congress  passes  an  act  admitting  the  new  state, 
just  as  it  would  pass  any  other  law.  Then  the  President  is- 
sues a  proclamation  stating  the  fact.  Sometimes  Congress 
makes  special  requirements  in  admitting   a   state.     Okla- 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         429 

homa  was  obliged  to  prohibit  the  liquor  traffic  for  twenty- 
one  years  and  Utah  was  not  admitted  until  the  Mormon 
church  had  officially  given  up  polygamy. 

What  considerations  should  guide  Congress  in  admitting  new 
states?  Should  a  new  state  be  allowed  to  have  any  form  of  state 
government  it  wishes,  whether  Congress  likes  it  or  not?  Ought 
there  to  be  any  way  of  dealing  with  a  state  which  makes  promises 
at  the  time  it  is  admitted  and  disregards  them  afterward  ? 

212.  State  or  National  Sovereignty?  —  The  Civil  War, 
bringing  to  a  decision  a  long  and  bitter  dispute,  definitely 
established  the  supreme  authority  of  the  nation  over  the 
states.  In  Article  VI,  Section  2,  of  the  Constitution  it  had 
been  plainlj^  stated  that  the  Constitution  and  all  laws  and 
treaties  made  in  accordance  with  it  should  be  *'  the  supreme 
law  of  the  land,"  "  anything  in  the  Constitution  or  laws  of 
any  state  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding."  Yet  proba- 
bly some  of  the  states  would  not  have  accepted  the  Con- 
stitution if  they  had  realized  that  they  could  not  be  re- 
leased from  their  obligations  under  it.  Calhoun's  doctrine 
that  the  Constitution  was  simply  a  *'  compact  "  between 
the  states,  from  which  a  state  had  the  right  to  withdraw, 
and  that  the  states  were  the  rightful  judges  as  to  whether 
a  law  of  Congress  is  in  accordance  with  the  Constitution, 
was  quite  likely  the  thought  of  the  majority  of  the  people 
in  1789.  But  experience  and  reason  teach  us  that  the  views 
set  forth  by  Daniel  Webster,  in  his  famous  argument  with 
Senator  Hayne  in  1830,  are  the  only  ones  which  can  serve 
as  a  sufficient  basis  for  such  a  government  as  we  want  to- 
day. 

This  is  a  union,  not  a  compact.  If  a  state  can  leave  the 
union  whenever  it  pleases,  or  obey  a  law  of  Congress  at  its 
pleasure,  this  union  is  indeed  *'  a  rope  of  sand."  The  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  United  States  has  the  last  word  in  the 
interpretation  of  the  Constitution  or  the  laws  of  the  states 
and  of  the  nation.  If  a  state  passes  a  law  which  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court  declares  to  be  contrary  to  a  law  of 


430         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Congress  or  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  state 
must  simply  make  the  best  of  it,  and  submit  to  the  decision 
of  that  august  body. 

But  the  relation  between  the  national  government  and 
the  states  is  not  one-sided.  The  national  government 
agrees  to  protect  every  state  from  invasion  and  will,  if  nec- 
essary, aid  it  to  suppress  disorder  within  its  limits.  If  this 
disorder  does  not  affect  the  enforcement  of  the  national 
laws,  the  federal  government  waits  for  an  appeal  from  the 
governor  or  legislature  of  the  state  before  taking  any  ac- 
tion. But  if  the  disorder  within  the  state  interferes  with 
the  execution  of  federal  laws,  the  President  may  send  troops 
into  that  state  without  waiting  for  a  request  from  anybody. 
President  Cleveland  definitely  established  this  principle  in 
1894  when,  because  the  mail  service  was  interrupted,  he 
sent  troops  into  Illinois  against  the  protest  of  its  governor. 

Besides,  the  national  government  guarantees  to  every 
state  a  republican  form  of  government.  No  state  is  likely 
to  try  to  set  up  any  other  kind,  but  if  it  did  the  federal  gov- 
ernment would  be  bound  to  prevent  it.  In  a  decision  in- 
volving this  point  the  Supreme  Court  has  ruled  that  Con- 
gress, and  not  the  court,  has  the  responsibility  of  deciding 
whether  the  state  has  a  republican  form  of  government. 
Congress,  moreover,  is  forbidden  to  make  any  distinction 
between  states  in  its  tax  laws. 

Did  the  doctrine  of  *'  state's  rights  "  ever  do  any  good? 

If  a  street  railway  strike  in  Cleveland  should  tie  up  the  street 
car  system  in  that  city,  would  there  be  any  circumstance  under 
which  you  can  imagine  the  President  of  the  United  States  taking 
any  action  in  the  matter  ?  From  any  other  viewpoint  than  that  of 
the  Constitution  was  it  a  good  thing  that  the  attempt  of  some  of 
the  states  to  secede  was  thwarted?  Would  it  be  well  if  Congress 
instead  of  the  Supreme  Court  had  the  final  decision  in  determin- 
ing whether  a  state  law  conflicted  with  a  national  law  ? 

213.  Relations  of  the  States  to  Each  Other.  —  With 
forty-eight  self-governing  commonwealths  carrying  on  their 
own   separate   law-making   and   administration,    and   with 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         431 

travel  and  transportation  from  one  state  to  another  as  easy 
as  it  is  today,  matters  cannot  fail  to  arise  that  involve  the 
relation  of  these  states  to  each  other.  The  Constitution 
says  that  ''  full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  state 
to  the  pubhc  acts,  records,  and  judicial  proceedings  of  every 
other  state."  Whatever  is  lawfully  done  in  one  state  must 
therefore  be  recognized  by  other  states  as  having  been  a 
legal  act  in  that  state.  For  instance,  a  marriage  legally 
performed  in  one  state,  with  any  subsequent  effect  it  may 
have  upon  inheritance  or  the  title  to  property,  must  be  ac- 
cepted by  other  states  as  valid  in  the  state  where  it  was 
performed,  even  though  other  states  would  not  have  per- 
mitted the  marriage.  A  corporation  chartered  in  one  state 
must  be  recognized  as  having  a  legal  right  to  do  business, 
even  though  another  state  might  not  have  granted  a  charter 
to  this  corporation.  Each  state  must  admit  the  products 
of  another  state  free  from  any  tax  or  duty. 

Every  state,  too,  must  grant  to  the  citizens  of  other  states 
the  safeguards  and  liberties  of  action  that  it  grants  to  its 
own  within  its  own  borders.  A  citizen  of  Pennsylvania, 
therefore,  while  he  is  in  Ohio,  has  the  customary  rights 
of  citizens  of  Ohio  and  no  more.  His  rights  as  a  citizen  of 
Pennsylvania  do  not  go  beyond  the  borders  of  his  own  state. 

Suppose,  however,  that  a  person  who  is  charged  with  a 
crime  in  New  Jersey  leaves  the  state  and  goes  to  Wisconsin. 
In  such  a  case  a  person  who  does  not  willingly  return  when 
summoned  is  to  be  returned  by  the  authorities  of  the  state 
to  which  he  has  gone.  The  governor  of  New  Jersey  would 
send  a  '*  requisition  "  to  the  governor  of  Wisconsin  asking 
for  the  return  of  this  person,  and  a  sheriff  or  similar  officer 
from  New  Jersey  would  go  after  him. 

The  Constitution,  however,  provides  no  penalty  for  a 
governor  who  does  not  comply  with  such  a  requisition. 
Cases  have  occurred  in  which  a  governor  believed  that  the 
accused  person  would  not  receive  a  just  trial  if  he  were  sent 
back,  and  therefore  permitted  the  accused  to  remain  safely 


432         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

in  the  state  where  he  took  refuge.  Governors  ought,  of 
course,  to  be  sure  of  their  ground  when  they  dechne  to 
honor  a  requisition  or  else  they  will  encourage  law-breaking. 
If  a  person  accused  of  crime  escapes  to  a  foreign  country 
the  matter  of  his  return  has  to  be  taken  up  by  the  federal 
Department  of  State.  We  have  '^  extradition "  treaties 
covering  such  cases,  under  which  those  charged  with  any 
of  the  more  common  serious  crimes  will  be  returned  to  this 
country.  In  such  treaties  exceptions  are  usually  made  for 
those  who  are  called  "  poUtical  offenders."  Those  who 
have  engaged  in  rebellion  against  the  government,  for  ex- 
ample, would  be  included  in  this  class.  It  is  in  keeping 
with  this  principle  that  the  Dutch  refused  to  give  up  the 
Kaiser  after  he  had  taken  refuge  in  their  country. 

What  conditions  might  arise  if  states  were  permitted  to  ignore 
the  legality  of  acts  that  were  legal  in  other  states?  If  you  have 
ever  traveled  in  different  states,  did  you  find  any  embarrassments 
by  reason  of  differences  in  laws  or  customs?  If  so,  what?  Would 
it  be  possible  to  invent  a  punishment  for  a  governor  who  refused  to 
honor  a  requisition  made  by  another  governor  ?  Can  you  imagine 
any  circumstances  that  would  warrant  a  governor  in  declining  to 
return  a  fugitive  from  arrest  ? 

214.  Distinctive  Characteristics  of  American  Institu- 
tions. —  If  we  study  carefully  the  constitutions  and  funda- 
mental laws  of  our  national  and  state  governments,  we  find 
a  few  general  facts  standing  out  very  clearly. 

(1)  These  governments  rest,  directly  or  indirectly,  upon 
the  people's  will.  Officials  who  make,  administer,  or  inter- 
pret laws  are  elected  by  the  people  or  appointed  by  elec- 
tive officers,  and  means  are  always  provided  by  which  they 
may  be  removed  if  they  are  proved  disloyal  to  the  people's 
trust.  In  a  number  of  the  states  and  local  governments, 
the  people  even  make  laws  directly  (§§  263,  264). 

(2)  There  is  always  a  division  of  functions  between  the  three 
departments,  legislative,  executive,  and  judicial,  and  a  com- 
plete system  of  "  checks  and  balances  '*  prevails. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         433 

The  President  may  veto  the  laws  of  Congress,  and  Congress  may 
impeach  and  remove  the  President.  The  Supreme  Court  may  de- 
clare void  a  bill  which  it  believes  to  be  unconstitutional,  and  it  in 
turn  is  subject  to  impeachment.  Treaties  are  made  by  the  Presi- 
dent but  they  must  be  ratified  by  the  Senate.  Similar  provisions 
appear  in  state  governments,  and  in  some  states  officials  may  be 
recalled  from  office  by  the  people  (§  264).     Whether  this  "  check 


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[t^-^-.^-W^,, 

^ 

■ 

Where  Our  National  Law-Makers  Meet. 


and  balance  "  system  is  wise  we  shall  discuss  later  (§233),  but  its 
existence  is  very  real. 

(3)  There  is  a  fairly  definite  distribution  of  powers  between 
national  and  state  governments. 

The  following  are  some  of  the  specific  powers  of  the  national 
government:  the  control  of  foreign  relations,  including  making 
war  and  arranging  treaties ;  the  support  of  an  army  and  navy ; 
the  coining  of  money ;  and  the  regulation  of  interstate  and  foreign 
commerce. 

The  states  are  not  allowed  to  issue  "  bills  of  credit,"  that  is, 
paper  money,  and  may  not  make  anything  but  gold  and  silver  le- 
gal tender.  We  shall  never  know  whether  the  makers  of  the  Con- 
stitution intended  to  limit  the  national  government  in  the  same 


434        Problems  of  American  Democracy 

way,  but  they  did  not  impose  such  a  limit,  and  it  has  repeatedly 
exercised  these  powers  which  the  states  are  forbidden  to  exercise. 

In  the  tenth  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  we  are  told  that  the 
powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  or  prohibited  to  the  states 
are  "  reserved  to  the  states  respectively  or  to  the  people."  This 
leaves  an  enormous  list  of  matters  which  must  be  administered  by 
the  states.  The  protection  of  life  and  health,  the  promotion  of 
education,  the  care  of  the  poor  and  the  helpless,  the  supervision 
of  labor  and  industry,  and  the  regulation  of  local  government  are 
important  examples  of  duties  which  must  be  performed  almost 
wholly  by  the  state.  If  the  national  government  wishes  to  under- 
take anything  along  these  lines,  it  must  do  so  indirectly  through 
the  exercise  of  other  powers.  In  many  of  these  matters,  however, 
there  is  extensive  cooperation  between  the  national  government 
and  the  state  government. 

Some  concurrent  powers  belong  to  the  national  government  and 
to  the  state.  Any  government  must  be  able  to  levy  taxes  and  to 
borrow  money,  or  else  it  would  be  worthless.  As  a  matter  of  con- 
venience, the  trying  of  certain  cases  at  law,  and  the  passage  of  bank- 
ruptcy acts  and  laws  regulating  weights  and  measures  are  also  not 
excluded  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  states,  although  they  are  with- 
in the  province  of  the  national  government. 

A  notable  part  of  our  early  political  history  centered  around  the 
interpretation  of  the  powers  granted  the  national  government. 
Alexander  Hamilton  declared  that  anything  reasonably  implied  in 
the  granting  of  a  power  could  be  done  in  order  to  execute  it.  Thomas 
Jefferson  maintained  that  the  national  government  could  ex- 
ercise only  those  powers  specifically  delegated  to  it  by  the  Consti- 
tution. Very  fortunately  Hamilton's  broad  or  "loose  "  construc- 
tion of  the  Constitution  prevailed  over  Jefferson's  '*  strict "  construc- 
tion, and  the  decisions  of  the  Supreme  Court  under  John  Marshall 
settled  the  matter  permanently.  Today  the  national  government 
does  scores  of  things  for  which  no  specific  grant  can  be  found  in 
the  Constitution.  Some  of  these  can  be  justified  only  under  the 
general  supposition  that  our  national  government  has  all  the  powers 
that  belong  to  any  independent  nation,  and  that  it  can  therefore 
do  what  any  nation  has  the  right  to  do. 

(4)  But  some  powers  exercised  in  the  past  by  some  govern- 
ments are  specifically  forbidden. 

These  include  the  following:  ex  post  facto  laws,  that  is,  laws 
which  would  apply  to  acts  done  before  the  law  was  passed,  for  we 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         435 

believe  that  a  man  has  a  right  to  know  when  he  does  a  thing  whether 
it  is  a  crime  or  not,  and  if  it  is  a  crime  what  the  punishment  shall 
be ;  bills  of  attainder,  by  which  a  person  or  his  family  could  be  sen- 
tenced to  punishment  by  law  without  being  given  a  trial  by  court ; 
and  the  granting  of  titles  of  nobility.  Moreover  no  public  official 
may  accept  titles  or  presents  from  foreign  government  or  officers 
except  with  the  consent  of  Congress. 

Why  do  you  suppose  this  restriction  is  prescribed?  Could  our 
Secretary  of  State  be  created  the  Duke  of  Washington  by  the  King 
of  England?  Was  it  wrong  for  President  Wilson  to  accept  photo- 
graphs of  some  of  the  personages  whom  he  met  in  Europe? 

In  the  various  amendments  of  our  Constitution,  too,  we  find 
limitations  of  governmental  authority.  In  addition  to  the  "  bill  of 
rights  "  (Amendments  I-X),  both  the  nation  and  the  states  are 
forbidden  to  permit  slavery  or  to  deny  any  person  the  right  to  vote 
because  of  race,  color,  or  sex. 

215.  Constitutions,  Making  and  Altering.  —  We  could 
very  properly  add  to  our  list  of  characteristics  of  American 
institutions  a  belief  in  the  necessity  of  a  written  constitution. 
In  spite  of  our  obligation  to  England  for  so  many  of  our 
legal  and  constitutional  principles,  we  are  not  satisfied,  as 
England  is,  to  do  without  one.  The  long-standing  and  in- 
herited customs  of  that  country,  the  three  famous  charters- 
and  bills  of  rights,  and  certain  fundamental  law3  of  Parlia- 
ment, are  thought  of  collectively  as  the  English  Constitu- 
tion. But  we  do  not  consider  any  American  government 
fully  organized  until  it  has  secured  some  fundamental  docu- 
ment as  a  constitution  or  charter. 

If  American  institutions  are  so  directly  the  outgrowth  of  Eng- 
lish customs  and  practices,  why  do  you  suppose  it  is  that  Ameri- 
cans insist  upon  written  constitutions  and  England  is  satisfied  with- 
out one?  Is  there  any  quality  in  the  make-up  of  the  English  people 
that  makes  it  safe  for  them  to  get  along  without  one  ? 

Practically  every  constitution  has  at  least  these  parts: 

(1)  The  preamble,  which  explains  why  the  constitution  was  made^ 
and  sets  forth  the  purposes  considered  in  the  making  of  the  govern- 
ment. 

(2)  A  bill  of  rights,  which  defines  the  powers  and  privileges  which 
the  people  reserve  to  themselves. 


436         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

(3)  An  outline  of  the  organization  of  the  government,  mentioning 
the  chief  officials,  the  method  of  electing  them,  and  their  powers 
and  duties. 

(4)  Sometimes  a  long  list  of  special  provisions  in  regard  to  matters 
that  may  have  to  be  acted  upon  by  the  government.  (Some  state 
constitutions  have  gone  altogether  too  far  in  this  respect,  for  the 
constitution  should  contain  only  those  fundamental  principles 
which  are  essential  to  the  organization  and  operation  of  the  govern- 
ment.) 

(5)  Provisions  for  making  amendments  or  a  new  constitution,  for 
it  would  be  foolish  to  assume  that  any  political  document  is  so  per- 
fect that  it  will  not  need  changing  with  the  progress  of  time. 

(6)  A  schedule,  explaining  the  conditions  under  which  the  con- 
stitution should  go  into  effect. 

There  are  two  steps  in  the  process  of  amending  our  na- 
tional Constitution  —  proposal  and  ratification.  Amend- 
ments may  be  proposed  (1)  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  both 
houses  of  Congress,  or  (2)  by  a  special  convention  which 
Congress  may  call  if  two-thirds  of  the  states  request  it. 
Ratification  must  come  from  the  states,  and  may  be  given 
either  (1)  by  the  state  legislatures  or  (2)  by  special  conven- 
tions elected  for  this  purpose  alone.  Congress  decides 
which  method  shall  be  used.  Three-fourths  of  the  states 
must  ratify  an  amendment  before  it  becomes  a  part  of  the 
Constitution.  All  the  amendments  that  have  been  made 
so  far  have  been  proposed  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  Congress 
and  ratified  by  the  state  legislatures. 

Nothing  is  said  in  the  Constitution  about  the  length  of  time  the 
states  may  take  to  consider  ratification,  but  every  amendment  so 
far  adopted  has  been  ratified  within  four  years  or  less  from  the  time 
when  it  was  submitted  to  the  states.  The  eighteenth  amendment 
contained  in  its  provisions  a  time  limit  of  seven  years  for  ratifica- 
tion. There  was  some  dispute  as  to  .the  constitutionality  of  such 
a  provision,  but  it  is  generally  thought  to  be  entirely  proper. 

Should  the  process  of  amendment  be  rather  difficult?  Is  ours 
too  difficult? 

The  amendments  thus  far  made,  with  the  dates  of  their  ratifica- 
tion, may  be  listed  as  follows  : 

I-X  were  a  national  Bill  of  Rights  (1791). 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         437 

XI  forbade  the  bringing  of  a  suit  against  a  state  in  the  federal 
courts  (1798).  This  was  probably  a  mistake.  Under  cover  of  this 
amendment  some  states  repudiated  some  of  their  debts,  though 
probably  no  state  would  do  that  kind  of  thing  today. 

XII  required  presidential  electors  to  vote  separately  for  presi- 
dent and  for  vice  president  (1804). 

XIII  abolished  slavery  in  the  United  States  (1865). 

XIV  declared  who  are  citizens  and  made  certain  regulations 
with  reference  to  matters  arising  from  the  Civil  War  (1868). 

XV  declared  that  "  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servi- 
tude "  should  not  debar  any  one  from  voting  (1870). 

XVI  gave  Congress  the  right  to  levy  an  income  tax  (1913). 

XVII  called  for  popular  election  of  United  States  senators  (1913). 

XVIII  provided  for  national  prohibition  of  the  liquor  traffic  for 
beverage  purposes  (1919). 

XIX  provided  for  equal  suffrage  for  men  and  women  (1920). 
An  amendment  giving  Congress  the  right  to  pass  child  labor  laws 

has  now  (June,  1924)  been  submitted  to  the  states,  and  one  bringing 
forward  from  March  to  January  the  beginning  of  new  terms  of  the 
President  and  Congress  seems  likely  to  be  submitted  soon.  An 
amendment  giving  Congress  the  right  to  pass  uniform  marriage  and 
divorce  laws  has  also  been  talked  about,  but  not  yet  acted  upon 
by  Congress. 

During  the  four  years  following  the  Declaration  of  Inde- 
pendence all  the  states  adopted  constitutions,  except  Con- 
necticut and  Rhode  Island,  which  continued  for  many  years 
to  use  their  colonial  charters.  Every  state  has  made  ex- 
tensive changes  in  its  constitution,  and  some  states  have 
had  as  many  as  four  or  five  different  ones.  The  later  con- 
stitutions are  much  longer  than  the  early  ones.  They  deal 
with  a  much  wider  range  of  subjects,  but  they  all  contain, 
with  perhaps  one  or  two  exceptions,  the  six  customary  parts. 

States  as  a  rule  are  more  ready  to  amend  their  own  con- 
stitutions than  the  national  Constitution.  The  older  con- 
stitutions were  made  very  difficult  to  amend.  Vermont, 
for  instance,  has  its  notorious  *'  time-lock  "  provision  which 
forbids  even  the  proposing  of  amendments  oftener  than 
once  in  ten  years.  The  initiative  and  referendum  (§  263) 
may  be  used  in  many  states,  though  occasionally  more  than 


438         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

an  ordinary  majority  of  votes  is  required.  In  many  cases 
state  legislatures  may  propose  amendments,  frequently 
two  successive  legislatures  being  required  to  consent.  Some 
form  of  popular  approval  is  necessary  in  every  state  except 
Delaware.  If  a  remaking  of  the  entire  constitution  is  de- 
sired, it  is  usually  undertaken  by  a  special  convention. 
Commonly  such  a  new  constitution  must  be  approved  by 
popular  vote  before  it  will  go  into  effect. 

In  general,  do  you  think  that  constitutions  should  be  long  or 
short?  In  states  which  employ  the  initiative  and  referendum, 
should  it  be  harder  to  amend  the  constitution  than  to  pass  an  or- 
dinary law  ?  What  provisions  are  required  in  your  state  for  amend- 
ing or  remaking  your  state  constitution? 

Find  out  to  what  extent  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
and  the  constitution  of  your  state  correspond  to  the  general  divi- 
sions of  constitutions  mentioned  in  this  section.  How  does  your 
state  constitution  compare  with  the  national  Constitution  in  the 
relative  importance  it  gives  to  any  of  those  divisions?  Did  it 
really  do  any  good  to  put  a  bill  of  rights  into  the  national  Consti- 
tution ?  Is  the  principle  of  political  equality  of  states  a  good  thing  ? 
What  would  happen  if  it  were  taken  away  ? 

Judge  Baldwin  has  written  these  words :  "  The  Con- 
stitution is  the  garment  which  a  nation  wears.  Whether 
written  or  unwritten,  it  must  grow  with  its  growth."  Cus- 
toms and  practices  grow  up  in  any  nation  which  are  as  def- 
initely observed  as  if  they  were  written  down.  Such  cus- 
toms and  practices  we  often  refer  to  as  the  ''  unwritten  con- 
stitution." 

The  existence  of  what  we  call  the  Cabinet,  for  example,  has  no 
warrant  in  law  or  the  Constitution.  The  power  of  committees  of 
Congress  to  control  legislation  is  firmly  established.  The  presiden- 
tial electors  are  mere  machines,  though  the  makers  of  the  Consti- 
tution meant  them  to  exercise  their  own  personal  judgment.  No 
president  has  had  more  than  two  terms,  simply  because  Washing- 
ton and  Jefferson  had  only  two  terms.  Rulings  of  the  courts,  es- 
pecially of  the  Supreme  Court,  also  may  have  the  effect  of  law. 
It  was  Justice  Marshall's  decisions  that  established  the  broad  con- 
struction of  the  Constitution  and  not  any  alteration  in  its  language. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         439 

These  long-standing  precedents  may,  of  course,  be  set  aside  with- 
out any  formal  process  of  change.  After  one  hundred  years  the 
speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives  was  deprived  of  the  power 
of  appointing  committees,  which  had  given  him  almost  dictatorial 
authority  in  the  matter  of  legislation.  Roosevelt,  if  he  had  lived, 
would  quite  likely  have  been  nominated  and  elected  President  in 
1920,  in  spite  of  the  fact  that  he  had  held  the  office  seven  and  one- 
half  years  already.  But  until  some  unforeseen  condition  brings 
about  a  departure  from  our  customs,  we  observe  them  almost  re- 
ligiously, and  when  any  one  proposes  to  set  them  aside  he  meets 
with  the  rebuke  of  all  the  conservatives  in  the  country. 

Should  a  person  be  subject  to  unfavorable  criticism  for  ignoring 
a  custom  which  had  no  standing  in  law  ?  In  what  kind  of  matters 
is  it  safe  to  allow  ourselves  to  be  bound  by  custom  alone  ?  Would 
it  be  advisable  to  put  into  the  written  Constitution  any  of  the  ac- 
cepted practices  to  which  we  have  just  referred?  Is  there  any 
part  of  the  Constitution  which  is  forever  unalterable?  See  the 
last  clause  of  Article  V.     Could  this  clause  be  stricken  out  ? 

Have  the  amendments  as  a  whole  increased  or  decreased  the 
power  of  the  central  government  ?  The  state  of  Rhode  Island  as- 
serted that  the  prohibition  of  the  liquor  traffic  was  a  matter  entirely 
within  the  jurisdiction  of  the  states,  and  one  of  the  powers  reserved 
by  the  tenth  amendment  to  the  states  or  to  the  people,  and  that 
therefore  the  eighteenth  amendment  was  itself  unconstitutional. 
What  do  you  think  of  the  state's  reasoning?  The  Supreme  Court 
could  see  no  virtue  in  it.  If  it  were  desirable  to  remove  from  the 
Constitution  an  amendment  already  made,  how  would  it  be  done  ? 
Were  any  of  the  amendments  unnecessary? 

.-.  This  country  is  irrevocably  committed  to  a  federal  form  of 
government,  "  an  indestructible  union  composed  of  indestructible 
states."  Its  Constitution  is  the  result  of  the  sound  judgment  of 
its  makers  and  the  long  political  experience  of  free  peoples.  A  good 
citizen  will  respect  it  thoroughly,  and  when  he  believes  it  needs 
amendment  will  seek  to  bring  about  changes  only  by  the  reason- 
able method  prescribed  in  the  document  itself. 

SPECIAL  STUDIES 

The  Dependence  of  Modern  Industry  upon  Sound  Government. 

King  John  and  Magna  Charta. 

The  Bill  of  Rights  and  Its  Place  in  American  Constitutions. 

Conflicting  Views  of  Hamilton  and  Jefferson. 

The  Webster-Hayne  Debates. 


440  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Instances  of  Federal  Aid  to  Maintain  Order  in  the  States. 

Powers  Denied  to  the  States  and  Why. 

John  Marshall  and  His  Influence. 

The  History  of  a  Constitutional  Amendment. 

Rhode  Island's  Case  against  Prohibition. 

Resolved,  that  the  national  government  should  be  unlimited  in  its 

power  to  deal  with  matters  affecting  the  public  welfare. 
Resolved,  that  the  national  Constitution  should  be  amendable  by 

a  majority  vote  in  a  national  popular  referendum. 
Democratic  Governments  in  Ancient  Times. 
The  Extradition  of  Persons  Accused  of  Crime. 
The  History  of  Our  State. 
Our  State  Constitution. 

The  History  of  Monarchy  as  a  Form  of  Government. 
Federal  Governments  before  the  United  States. 
Modern  Federations. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Kaye  —  Readings  in  Civil  Government,  pages  76-92. 

Follett  — The  New  State,  Chapters  16-21. 

Bryce — Modern  Democracies,  Chapters  39,  67,  73,  74,  78. 

Hart  —  Actual  Government,  Chapters  3,  6. 

Gettell  —  Introduction  to  Political  Science,  Chapters  2,  5-7,  14,  15, 

24,  25. 
Leacock  —  Elements  of  Political  Science,  Part  I,  Chapters  3,  4,  7. 
Beard  —  American  Government  and  Politics,  Chapters  1-5,  8,  22. 
Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  2-4,  26-35,  100-102. 
Young  —  New  American  Government,  Chapter  1. 
Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapters 

1-4. 
Magruder  —  American  Government,  Chapters  1-4,  18. 
Munro  —  Government  of  the  United  States,  Chapters  1-5,  14,  20, 

27,  28. 
Cleveland  —  Organized  Democracy.  (Classes  which  spend  much  time 

on  the  political  phase  of  this  study  will  find  almost  every  political 

topic  discussed  fully  in  this  book.) 


XIX.    OBTAINING    GOOD   LEGISLATION 


Law-making  is  fundamental  in  a  popular  government.  Before 
executives  can  act  or  courts  have  any  business,  laws  must  lay 
down  the  scope  of  their  authority  and  explain  how  it  shall  be  exer- 
cised. But  why  and  how  do  we  obtain  laws?  By  what  agencies 
and  means  are  they  enacted?     Can  we  do  this  work  better? 


216.  Why  Have  Laws?  —  The  need  for  government  we 
have  already  seen  (§  205).  To  specify  and  define  the  serv- 
ices which  governments  render,  laws  must  be  made.  It 
has  often  been  said,  perhaps  truly,  that  you  cannot  make 
people  good,  happy,  or  prosperous  by  law.  Such  a  state- 
ment, however,  may  be  utterly  misleading.  If  we  cannot 
make  people  good  by  law,  we  can  at  least  make  it  easier  for 
them  to  be  good  and  unprofitable  to  be  bad.  If  we  cannot 
make  them  happy,  we  can  in  some  measure  keep  others 
from  making  them  unhappy.  If  we  cannot  make  them 
prosperous,  we  can  insure  the  safety  of  whatever  prosperity 
they  have  and  make  it  easier  to  obtain  more.  Laws  are  not 
made  just  to  restrain  people.  If  they  in  some  way  control 
our  selfish  pleasure,  it  is  because  each  must  sacrifice  some 
liberty  to  obtain  equal  libertj^  for  all. 

But  let  us  be  sure  we  understand  just  what  a  law  is.  It 
is  the  formal  binding  statement  of  the  wish  of  the  people 
with  regard  to  some  point  of  conduct  or  procedure.  It 
appears  in  three  forms :  (1)  Constitutional  law  includes  the 
necessary  fundamental  arrangements  for  the  making  and 
enforcing  of  future  laws.  (2)  Statutory  law  is  that  made  by 
a  legislative  body  or  by  the  people  directly  for  the  protec- 
tion of  citizens  or  the  promotion  of  their  welfare.  (3)  Com- 
mon law  is  that  which  has  come  to  us  through  custom  or 

441 


442         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

judicial  precedent.     Many  of  our  legal  ideas  are  derived 
from  decisions  handed  down  by  old  English  courts. 

217.  When  and  How  Many?  —  Some  regulation  of  our 
actions  we  must  have.  Some  people  seem  to  think  that, 
if  something  does  not  seem  to  be  just  right,  all  we  need  to 
do  is  make  a  law  and  the  evil  will  be  corrected.  But  too 
much  regulation,  too  many  complicated  laws,  lead  to  dis- 
content and  confusion.  It  is  hard  for  people  to  know  them 
all,  and  hard  to  keep  them.  A  law  which  is  not  enforced 
can  cause  considerable  harm,  since  it  leads  to  the  disregard 
of  other  laws  and  uncertainty  as  to  person's  real  obligations. 
Distinctly,  then,  there  can  be  too  may  laws. 

How  shall  we  know  what  kinds  of  laws  are  undesirable? 
We  must  recognize  that  while,  technically,  all  law  is  to  be 
obeyed,  it  is  useless  to  have  a  law  which  is  regarded  as  so 
unreasonable  by  the  people  in  general  that  they  will  not 
obey  it.  Some  men  may  sincerely  believe  that  eating  meat 
is  harmful,  but  unless  they  can  convince  the  community 
at  large  that  the  practice  is  dangerous  to  the  welfare  of  the 
whole  group,  it  would  be  unwise  to  prohibit  it  by  a  city  or- 
dinance. Such  laws  affecting  personal  habit  are  sometimes 
called  sumptuary  laws.  They  are  usually  hard  to  enforce 
even  when  the  act  forbidden  is  hurtful  or  foolish. 

Laws  which  demand  a  sudden  rise  to  a  higher  standard 
of  living  on  the  part  of  the  community  than  is  generally 
prevalent,  or  which  call  for  a  wide  departure  from  long- 
standing customs,  will  usually  meet  such  opposition  as  to 
make  their  enforcement  ineffective.  We  do  not  mean  that 
a  community  should  never  '*  clean  house  "  ;  but  if  a  thorough- 
going reform  is  undertaken,  the  mass  of  the  people  should 
be  back  of  the  movement  before  the  law  is  passed.  To  get 
the  law  passed  by  some  means  first  and  afterward  try  to 
convince  the  people  that  it  is  good,  is  a  much  less  satis- 
factorj^  method. 

Laws  which  are  purely  arbitrary  and  which  cause  unnec- 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         443 

essary  inconvenience  tend  to  create  disrespect  for  authority 
and  arouse  needless  discontent.  Laws  that  are  vague  and 
capable  of  varying  interpretations  may  not  be  applied  justly 
to  all  citizens.  Minor  matters,  of  little  concern  to  the  gen- 
eral public,  such  as  the  width  of  shelves  in  a  public  library, 
should  seldom  be  made  the  subject  of  laws. 

But  let  us  not  be  merely  negative  critics.  Laws  should  be 
passed  when:  (1)  a  custom  or  practice,  an  act  of  omission 
or  commission,  on  the  part  of  individual  citizens  menaces  the 
general  welfare  or  the  rights  of  their  fellow-citizens ;  (2)  the 
institution  of  a  new  office  or  governmental  service  would 
clearly  advance  the  community's  happiness  or  well-being; 
(3)  a  change  in  the  method  of  doing  public  business  would  per- 
mit it  to  be  performed  more  efficiently ;  (4)  the  majority  of 
the  people  are  convinced  that  a  change  of  policy  or  attitude 
toward  a  matter  of  community  interest  would  make  for 
better  living.  And  when  once  laws  are  passed,  good  citi- 
zens should  back  their  enforcement  to  the  limit,  making  due 
allowance  for  difficulties  involved  in  adjustment  to  new  con- 
ditions. 

What  would  be  your  opinion  of  the  suitability  for  legislation  on 
each  of  these  proposals,  and  why :  regulating  the  size  of  windows  in 
houses  ;  forbidding  the  sale  of  cigarettes  to  women ;  providing  that 
garbage  should  not  be  wrapped  in  newspapers ;  requiring  family 
prayers  before  breakfast ;  forbidding  crossing  the  street  diagonally ; 
establishing  a  free  city  dispensary  of  antitoxin;  providing  city 
administration  of  milk  delivery ;  requiring  the  signature  on  checks 
to  be  in  red  ink ;  forbidding  the  use  of  money  in  elections  ?  Should 
a  law  never  be  passed  until  it  is  demanded  by  public  opinion? 

To  assist  legislators  and  others  in  drawing  up  bills,  sev- 
eral states  maintain  a  Legislative  Reference  Bureau,  where 
expert  advice  can  be  obtained  as  to  the  form  of  laws  and 
the  practice  of  other  states  and  countries  with  reference 
to  matters  or  policies.  To  prepare  a  measure  thought- 
fully, and  to  write  it  in  such  a  form  that  it  cannot  be  picked 
to  pieces  by  pettifogging  lawyers  or  overcritical  judges, 
mean  much  to  the  success  of  any  piece  of  legislation. 


444         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

218.  Law-Making  Bodies.  —  Since  law  is  the  founda- 
tion of  popular  government,  laws  everywhere  in  the  United 
States  are  made  by  representatives  elected  by  the  people^ 
unless  the  people  do  the  legislating  themselves.  In  the 
New  England  town  meeting  and  in  localities  where  the  ini- 
tiative and  referendum  are  in  vogue,  the  voters  do  some  or 
all  of  the  law-making  directly.  In  political  communities 
smaller  than  the  states,  the  law-making  body  is  usually 
composed  of  one  group  of  persons,  as  a  city  council,  a  board 
of  village  trustees,  or  a  county  board  of  supervisors  or  com- 
missioners. But  in  the  large  organizations  a  different  sys- 
tem prevails. 

For  reasons  which  you  will  understand  if  you  study  Eng- 
lish history,  the  English  Parliament  has  for  many  centuries 
had  two  houses.  For  reasons  which  are  not  in  every  case 
alike,  all  the  states  except  Pennsylvania,  Georgia,  and  Ver- 
mont had  two  houses  in  their  legislatures  when  the  Consti- 
tution was  made,  and  every  state  has  two  today.  What 
would  be  more  natural,  then,  than  that  the  law-making  body 
of  our  national  government  should  have  two  houses? 
Many  people  have  always  held  the  theory  that  if  a  law  had 
to  get  by  two  groups  of  men  before  it  went  into  effect  it  was 
likely  to  be  wiser  and  more  carefully  formulated.  Besides, 
CO  create  a  Congress  of  two  houses  offered  a  happy  solution 
of  a  quarrel  between  the  large  and  the  small  states  in 
the  Constitutional  Convention.  And  so  precedent,  theory, 
and  expediency  all  contributed  to  the  establishment  of 
the  two-chamber,  or  bicameral,  principle  in  our  state  and 
national  legislation. 

In  city  and  other  local  governments  we  are  steadily  tending  toward 
the  unicameral  idea  and  finding  it  better.  Is  there  any  essential 
difference  between  them  and  state  or  national  governments  which 
should  cause  the  latter  always  to  be  bicameral? 

219.  Congress.  —  In  the  following  table  are  listed  the 
main  facts  which  it  is  well  to  know  about  Congress. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         445 

FACTS   ABOUT   CONGRESS 


Senate 

House  of  Representatives 

Number 

96  (two  from  each  state) 

Fixed  by  Congress  in  pro- 
portion to  the  population 
but  at  least  one  to  each 
state      Present  total  435 

Length  of 
Term 

6  years  (arranged  in  three 
groups  whose  terms  expire 
two    years  apart) 

2  years 

Method  of 
Choice 

Elected  by  popular  vote  (17th 
amendment) .       Vacancy 
filled    temporarily    by    ap- 
pointment   by    state    gov- 
ernor 

Elected  by  popular  vote  by 
districts.^  Special  elec- 
tion called  by  governor 
to  fill  vacancies 

Qualifica- 
tions 

30  years  old  ;    a  citizen   for  9 
years ;     a   resident   of    the 
state  he  represents 

25  years  old ;  a  citizen  for  7 
years;  a  resident  of  the 
state  he  represents 

Presiding 
Officer 

President  (Vice    President    of 
nation).        Votes    only     in 
case  of  a  tie 

President  pro  tempore  (elect- 
ed from  body  of  Senate) 

Speaker  (elected  from  body 
of   House) 

Other 
Officers 

Secretary,  Doorkeeper,   Post- 
master,     Chaplain,        Ser- 
geant-at-arms    (not     mem- 
bers) 

Clerk,  Doorkeeper,  Post- 
master, Chaplain,  Ser- 
geant-at-arms  (not  mem- 
bers) 

Is  there  any  reason  why  the  Vice  President  should  not  vote  ?  Who  is  the 
Vice  President  now  ?     Who  is  President  pro  tempore  ? 

How  many  senators  were  there  in  1789?  Who  are  the  senators  from 
your  state  and  when  do  their  terms  expire?  Look  up  in  the  Congressional 
Directory  or  some  other  reference  book  the  names  of  senators  who  have 
served  several  times.  Would  it  be  advisable  to  pay  senators  higher  salaries 
than  representatives? 


1  The  State  legislatures  divide  their  states  into  as  many  districts  as  they 
are  allowed  members  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  each  district  elect- 
ing one  Congressman.  If  Congress  allows  a  state  an  increase  in  members 
and  it  is  not  redivided  by  the  legislature,  the  additional  members  are  elected 
by  vote  of  the  whole  state.  They  are  called  Congressmen-at-large.  When 
districts  are  divided  unevenly  or  into  awkward  shapes  for  the  sake  of  giv- 
ing some  political  party  an  unfair  advantage,  the  practice  is  called  a  gerrw 
Tnander. 


446         Problems  of  American  Democracy 


Senate 

House  of  Representatives 

Special 
Powers 

1.  Chooses      Vice      President 
when  there  is  no  electoral 
majority 

1.  Chooses  President  when 
there  is  no  electoral 
majority 

2.  Tries  impeachment  cases 

2.  Draws  up  impeachment 
charges 

3.  Ratifies    treaties    (f  vote) 

3.  Introduces  all  revenue 
measures 

4.  Approves  appointments  (in 
"executive"  or  secret  ses- 
sion) 

Salary 

$7500  and  mileage  to  and  from  Washington  ($.10  a  mile). 
Given  a  private  office,  secretary,    free    stationery,  and 
franking  privilege 

Sessions 

Start  first  Monday  in  December  each  year.     In  odd  years 
session  ends  on  March  4  ;  in  even  yaars  continues  until 
the  business  on  hand  is  finished.      President  may  call 
special  sessions 

Privileges 

No  civil  suit  may  be  brought  against  a  member  during  a 
session  or  on  the  way  to  a  session.     (May  be  prosecuted 
for  treason,  felony,  or  breach  of  peace.)      Cannot  be  held 
responsible   elsewhere    for   remarks   made   on   floor   of 
Congress.     (May  be  expelled  by  a  f  vote  of  his  house 
or   may   be   reprimanded) 

Limitations 

May  not  hold  any  other  national  office  while  in  Congress, 
nor,  during  a  term  for  which  he  was  elected,  any  which 
was  created  or  whose  salary  was    raised  by  Congress 
within  that  period 

The  Senate,  by  reason  of  its  special  powers,  of  its  smaller 
number,  and  more  experienced  membership,  has  usually 
greater  weight  in  law-making  than  the  House,  if  the  two 
bodies  disagree  on  questions  of  policy.  The  Senate  is  very 
reluctant  to  give  up  any  prestige  or  dignity,  actual  or  imagi- 
nary, which  it  possesses,  and  membership  in  it  is  looked  upon 
by  many  as  a  very  high  honor.  Only  one  senator,  however, 
was  ever  promoted  to  the  presidency  directly  from  that 
body,  and  he  not  because  of  any  prominence  that  he  had 
attained  by  his  services  in  the  Senate.     The  House  has 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         447 

rules  limiting  debate,  and  therefore  wastes  much  less  time 
than  the  Senate,  but  some  of  its  members  occasionally  com- 
plain that  it  has  ceased  to  be  a  democratic  body  and  is  ruled 
simply  by  the  leaders  of  the  majority  party. 

Under  what  circumstances  can  you  imagine  a  very  extensive 
change  taking  place  in  the  composition  of  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives?    Does  the  fact  that  all  of  its  members  are  elected  at  the 


Copyright,  Harris  <&  Ewing. 
President  Harding  Addressing  Congress. 
When  the  President  wishes  to  speak  to  Congress,  the  two  Houses  assemble 
in  the  Hall  of  the  Representatives.  The  Vice  President  and  the  Speaker 
are  seated  on  the  Speaker's  rostrum.  In  the  Senate  Chamber  the  members 
have  individual  desks,  but  there  are  too  many  members  in  the  House  to  make 
this  possible. 

same  time  mean  that  there  are  likely  to  be  wholesale  changes  at 
every  election?  Find  from  the  dictionary  or  some  other  source 
why  the  presiding  officer  of  the  House  is  called  the  "  Speaker." 
Which  is  more  likely  to  represent  public  sentiment  at  any  particu- 
lar time,  the  House  or  the  Senate,  if  there  is  any  difference  ?  Who 
is  the  present  Speaker  of  the  House  ?  Who  are  some  other  promi- 
nent members  ?  Who  represent  your  state  ?  Read  a  copy  of  the 
*'  Congressional  Record."     Do  you  think  it  is  interesting? 

A  new  Congress  takes  ofl&ce  on  March  4  of  every  odd 
year.     Since  it  is  rather  foolish  to  lose  all  the  time  between 


448  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

that  date  and  December,  many  recent  Presidents  have  used 
their  power  to  call  a  special  session.  Each  Congress  is 
known  by  its  number,  counting  from  the  first  one,  which 
met  from  1789  to  1791. 

What  session  of  what  Congress  is  now  going  on  or  was  most  re- 
cently held  ? 

Do  you  think  that  better  laws  are  obtained  if  two  houses  com- 
pose the  law-making  body?  What  disadvantages  are  connected 
with  a  two-house  legislative  system?  At  the  establishment  of 
our  government  the  salary  of  Congressmen  was  fixed  at  S6 
a  day.  Would  it  be  wise  to  pay  Congressmen  $1500  a  year  in- 
stead of  the  salary  they  are  now  getting?  The  Constitution  gives 
each  house  the  power  to  decide  disputes  over  the  election  of  its 
members.  Would  it  be  better  if  such  matters  were  handled  by  the 
courts  ?  Is  there  any  danger  in  allowing  the  members  of  Congress 
to  say  what  they  please  on  the  floor  of  Congress?  If  a  Congress- 
man happened  to  be  the  editor  of  a  newspaper,  would  he  have  the 
right  to  say  the  same  thing  in  his  newspaper  as  he  would  say  on 
the  floor  of  Congress?  Why  are  Congressmen  given  the  **  frank- 
ing "  privilege? 

220.  State  Legislatures.  —  Most  of  us  know  very  much 
more  about  Congress  than  about  the  law-making  bodies 
in  the  states  —  even  in  our  own  state.  It  is  difficult,  in- 
deed, to  make  any  definite  general  statements  about  their 
organization  because  they  vary  greatly.  The  following  table 
summarizes  a  few  of  the  facts  about  them. 

Generally  speaking,  state  legislatures  are  not  as  highly 
respected  as  the  corresponding  national  body.  More  often 
members  are  inexperienced ;  petty  local  politics  are  often 
responsible  for  their  election;  the  quality  of  state  legisla- 
tion is  often  poor.  Yet  who  actually  vote  for  those  fel- 
lows? The  people  themselves,  of  course.  Then  why  can 
we  not  get  good  laws  if  we  want  them,  and  have  competent 
men  to  draw  them  up  if  we  will  give  some  reasonable  at- 
tention to  the  selection  of  our  legislators? 

Be  thoroughly  familiar  with  the  facts  about  your  state  legisla- 
ture —  its  composition,  sessions,  methods  of  operation. 

If  legislatures  are  usually  of  poor  quahty,  is  the  fact  a  reflection 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         449 

on  the  legislatures  or  on  popular  government  ?  Should  we  get  bet- 
ter legislators  if  we  paid  higher  salaries?  How  many  of  your 
family  who  are  voters  can  tell  the  names  of  the  men  who  represent 
them,  in  the  legislature?  What  do  you  suppose  is  the  real  reason 
for  limiting  the  length  of  legislative  sessions?  Why  do  you  sup- 
pose some  states  allow  the  governor  to  specify  what  measures  may 
be  considered  at  special  sessions  ? 

FACTS   ABOUT    STATE   LEGISLATURES 


Names 

In  22  states,  Legislature  ;  in  21,  General  Assembly ;  in  3, 
Legislative  Assembly ;    in  2,  General  Court 

Houses 

Upper  —  Senate 

Lower  —  House  of  Representatives  (sometimes  Assembly 
or  House  of  Delegates) 

Number 

Senators,  from  16  to  67  ;  lower  house,  from  35  to  405  (N.  H.) 

Elected 

By  popular  vote    in  districts  made    by  state    legislature 

Term 

Senators,  2  or  4  years ;  Representatives  or  Assemblymen, 
1  or  2  years 

Salary 

From  $3  a  day  in  Kansas  to  $3500  a  session  in  Illinois, 
with  mileage  and  other  extras 

Sessions 

Every  other  year  in  most  states  ;  every  year  in  Mass., 
N.  Y.,  and  N.  J. ;  every  fourth  year  in  Ala.  Length  of 
session  limited  in  f-  of  states.^  Governor  can  call 
special   session 

Officers 

In  Senate  the  Lieutenant  Governor  presides  if  the  state 
has  one;  otherwise  a  president  is  elected  from  the 
members ;  in  the  lower  house  a  member  is  elected 
speaker.     Other  officers  similar  to  those  of  Congress 

Privileges 
AND  Limita- 
tions 

Similar  to  those  of  Congress 

221.  The  Process  of  Making  Laws.  —  It  is  not  only  the 
construction  of  a  machine  but  the  tricks  of  its  operation 
that  are  important.  All  law-making  powers  are  exercised 
in  the  same  way  —  by  passing  a  bill,  ordinance,  or  resolu- 

1  In  California  the  legislative  session  is  divided  into  two  parts.  The  first 
is  solely  for  introducing  bills.  This  is  followed  by  a  vacation  when  mem- 
bers can  go  home  to  talk  over  measures  with  the  people.  The  second  is  to 
be  used  solely  for  debating  and  passing  measures.     Is  this  a  good  idea? 


450         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

tion,  drawn  up  in  a  certain  customary  form.  Sometimes 
bills  are  introduced  by  members  who  are  personally  inter- 
ested in  the  matters  to  which  the  bill  refers,  and  sometimes 
by  a  member  who  represents  a  particular  committee.  A 
bill  is  often  referred  to  by  the  name  of  the  member  who  in- 
troduces it,  but  sometimes  by  the  name  of  the  chairman 
of  a  committee  or  even  by  the  names  of  the  chairmen  of 
committees  in  both  the  Senate  and  the  House,  as  the  Payne- 
Aldrich  tariff  of  1909. 

But  all  laws  do  not  really  originate  in  Congress  or  in  state 
legislatures.  Presidents,  governors,  and  mayors  often  pro- 
pose laws  directly  by  means  of  messages.  Private  individ- 
uals, organizations,  and  administrative  officials  often  be- 
come interested  in  some  matter  and  formulate  a  law  con- 
cerning it.  Then  they  may  bring  it  to  the  attention  of  a 
friendly  member  of  the  legislative  body  which  must  act  on 
it.  Sometimes  he  will  announce  that  he  introduces  a  meas- 
ure '*  by  request." 

In  outlining  the  passage  of  a  bill  through  Congress  we 
may  illustrate  the  general  process  followed  in  formal  law- 
making in  the  state  legislatures  as  well.  A  bill  may  be  in- 
troduced in  either  house,  except  that  revenue  bills  must 
originate  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  It  is  referred 
to  one  of  the  standing  or  permanent  committees  of  the  body 
in  which  it  is  introduced.  If  the  committee  decides  that 
the  bill  should  receive  further  attention,  it  is  reported  fa- 
vorably to  the  house,  and  put  on  the  calendar  to  await  its 
turn.  When  that  time  comes,  or  sooner  if  the  leaders  of 
the  house  are  willing  to  have  it  advanced  out  of  its  turn, 
it  may  be  debated  and  perhaps  amended.  A  final  vote  is 
usually  taken  by  roll-call  of  the  members.  If  a  majority 
of  the  members  present  approve  the  bill  it  passes  that  house. ^ 

1  In  order  to  have  business  done  legally,  a  fixed  number  of  members, 
known  as  a  quorum,  must  be  present.  In  Congress  a  majority  of  the  whole 
membership  constitutes  a  quorum,  but  in  some  of  the  state  legislatures  a 
larger  number  is  required.  In  some  states  a  majority  of  all  the  members 
must  vote  for  a  measure  on  the  final  vote  in  order  to  pass  it. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient        451 


IN  THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 

Jahuakt  20, 1910. 
Ordered  to  be  printedwith  the  imendments-of  the  Sen»tc  numbered 


Then  it  goes  to  the  other  house  where  it  goes  through 
exactly  the  same  process.  If  it  is  amended  in  any  way  it 
must  be  sent  back  to  the  first  house  for  approval.  If  the 
two  houses  disagree,  a  conference  committee,  composed  of  a 

small  number   of   mem-    ,3„oonokess.   tt    t>    i  onni 
bers,    often    three    from      "''^'"'-     ^'  ■**.  1-5UU1* 

each   house,    meets   and 

tries  to  compromise  the 
disagreement.  If  the  two 
houses  finally  agree  to 
pass  the  bill  in  exactly 
the  same  form,  it  is  sent 
to  the  President. 

The  President  may  do 
any  one  of  three  things 
with  a  bill.  (1)  He  may 
signify  his  approval  by 
signing  it.  (2)  He  may 
let  it  go  for  ten  days 
without  taking  action  on 
it,  after  which  the  bill  be- 
comes a  law  without  his 
signature,  unless  Con- 
gress has  ended  its  session 
in  the  meantime.  (3)  He 
may  veto  the  bill  —  that 

is,  definitely  refuse  to  sign  by  the  SenTte  with  amendments,  and  is  now 
it,  and  send  it  back  to  before  the  House  again.  Changes  proposed 
. ,        ,  ,  . .  by  the  Senate  are  indicated  by  italics. 

the  house  where  it  was 

introduced,  with  a  statement  of  his  reasons  for  disapproving 
it.  If,  after  the  veto,  two-thirds  of  the  members  present  in 
both  houses  vote  to  pass  it  over  the  veto,  it  becomes  a  law 
anyway.     This  is  not  common. 

A  bill  fails  if  it  is  vetoed  and  not  repassed  by  a  two-thirds 
vote,  or  if  it  has  been  in  the  President's  possession  less  than 
ten  days  when  a  session  of  Congress  comes  to  an  end,  and 


AN  ACT 

To  amend  an  Act  entitled  "An  Act  to  codify,  revise,  and  amend 
the  laws  relating  to  the  judiciary,"  approved  March  third, 
nineteen  hundred  and  eleven. 

1  Be  it  enacted  by  the  Senale  and  House  of  RepresentO' 

2  (toes  of  the  United  Statei  of  America  m  Congreat  ateembled, 

3  That  section  two  of  the  Act  entitled  "An  Act  to  codify,  re-. 

4  vise^  and  amend  the  laws  relating  to  the  judiciary."  approved 

5  March  third,  nineteen  hundred  and  eleven,  be,  and  the  same 

6  hereby  is,  amended  (X)so-as  to  read  a8  follows: 

7  "  Sec.  2.  Each  of  the  district  judges  (2),  including  the 

8  judges  in  Porfo  Rico,  Hawaii,  and  Alaska  exercising  Federal 

9  jurisdiction,  shall  receive  a  salai}-  of  $7,500  a  year,  to  be 
10    paid  in  monthly  installments." 

A  Bill  on  Its  Way  through  Congress. 

The  bill  as  printed  here  was  introduced 
in  the   House   of  Representatives,  passed 


452         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

it  is  not  signed  by  him.     This  latter  method  of  defeat  is 
called  a  ''  pocket  veto." 

Can  you  imagine  any  reason  why  a  President  would  allow  a  bill 
to  become  a  law  without  signature?  or  why  he  should  "  kill  "  it 
by  a  pocket  veto  rather  than  outright  ?  Some  governors  have  the 
power  of  vetoing  items  in  an  appropriation  bill  without  vetoing  the 
whole  measure.  Do  you  think  it  would  be  well  if  this  rule  prevailed 
everywhere  ?  In  a  few  states  either  the  governor  has  no  veto  or  a 
bill  can  be  passed  over  the  veto  by  an  ordinary  majority.  Is  that 
a  good  policy?  In  what  way,  if  at  all,  does  the  process  of  law-mak- 
ing in  your  state  differ  from  that  described  here  ? 

222.  Committees  and  Their  Work.  —  Over  30,000  meas- 
ures are  introduced  into  Congress  in  a  two-year  period.  No 
deliberative  body  could  possibly  deal  with  all  this  number, 
and  a  great  many  of  them  are  not  worth  spending  time  on. 
A  system  of  standing  committees,  begun  over  three  centuries 
ago  in  the  English  Parliament,  has  therefore  been  developed 
until  it  plays  a  great  part  in  American  law-making. 

Each  committee  receives  bills  that  relate  to  a  certain 
general  topic  and  is  supposed  to  separate  the  sheep  from 
the  goats.  The  national  Senate  has  34  standing  committees 
with  from  3  to  15  members  each,  and  the  House  has  58  com- 
mittees with  from  3  to  22  members  each.  Theoretically 
the  committees  are  elected  for  each  house  by  its  members. 
In  practice,  however,  they  are  arranged  by  a  special  com- 
mittee, and  the  assignments  to  membership  are  directed 
by  party  leaders.  The  majority  party  controls  all  the  im- 
portant committees.  The  chairmanship  of  a  committee 
usually  goes  to  that  member  of  the  majority  party  who  has 
served  on  the  committee  the  longest  time.  Some  chairmen 
exercise  considerable  authority.  The  position  of  chairman 
of  the  Ways  and  Means  Committee  in  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, which  considers  revenue  bills,  is  considered  next 
in  importance  to  that  of  Speaker. 

Not  only  do  committees  separate  the  good  from  the  bad, 
but  they  often,  for  purely  pohtical  reasons  or  for  no  reasons 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         453 

at  all,  ignore  bills  completely  or  refuse  to  report  them  back 
to  their  house.  Thus  thousands  of  measures  meet  a  quiet 
and  unknown  death.  When  a  committee  makes  a  report, 
it  may  recommend  that  a  bill  be  passed  as  it  stands  or  may 
propose  amendments.  Sometimes  a  minority  of  the  com- 
mittee will  make  a  separate  report.  If  the  house  wishes 
to  pass  a  bill  which  a  committee  opposes,  it  may  discharge 
a  committee  from  further  consideration  of  the  measure,  but 
this  rarely  happens. 

There  are  plenty  of  opportunities  for  abuse  of  this  com- 
mittee system  of  legislation,  but  no  better  way  has  yet  been 
invented  to  save  law-making  bodies  from  the  avalanche  of 
bills  and  resolutions  which  would  otherwise  bury  them. 
Perhaps  the  most  practical  suggestion  for  improvement  is 
to  require  each  committee  to  make  some  kind  of  report, 
favorable  or  unfavorable,  on  every  measure  referred  to  it. 
This  rule  prevails  in  a  few  state  legislatures. 

Should  each  party  have  equal  membership  on  every  committee? 
If  not,  what  should  be  the  proportion?  What  do  you  think  is  the 
best  method  for  selecting  members  of  committees?  Is  the  senior- 
ity rule  in  regard  to  chairmanships  sensible  ? 

Look  up  the  titles  and  leading  members  of  the  important  com- 
mittees of  Congress  ;  of  your  state  legislature,  if  it  is  in  session. 

223.  Law-Making  behind  the  Scenes.  —  The  public 
does  not  know  everything  that  happens  in  Congress  or  a 
state  legislature.  Not  even  that  extraordinary  publication 
called  the  "  Congressional  Record,"  which  is  supposed  to 
contain  everything  that  is  said  in  Congress,  tells  the  whole 
story.  Countless  tricks  and  expedients  on  the  part  of  both 
members  and  outsiders  are  used  to  pass  or  defeat  bills.  In- 
deed, some  one  invented  the  term  **  invisible  government  " 
to  characterize  those  influences  which  affect  the  conduct  of 
officials  but  of  which  people  in  general  are  not  often  aware. 

Lobbying,  for  instance,  means  the  use  of  argument  or  other  in- 
fluence on  a  member  of  a  legislative  body  by  persons  not  members 
of  it.     Lobbying  may  be  entirely  honest  and  fair.     There  is  no  rea- 


454         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

son  why  you  could  not  go  to  your  state  capitol  and,  without  harm 
to  their  morals  or  yours,  talk  with  members  about  a  bill  whose  pas- 
sage you  desired.  But  the  methods  of  some  lobbyists  are  little  else 
than  bribery  or  threats.  In  order  to  prevent  such  abuses,  some 
states  have  required  all  lobbyists  to  register  their  names  and  the 
measures  in  which  they  are  interested. 

By  log-rolling  we  mean  that  members  of  legislatures  agree  to 
support  each  other's  bills  —  "if  you  vote  for  my  bill,  I'll  vote  for 
yours."  This  is  done  particularly  in  passing  appropriation  bills. 
This  practice  is  responsible  for  the  very  reprehensible  "  pork-bar- 
rel "  bills  that  have  disgraced  Congress.  Many  members  have  de- 
sired to  have  money  spent  in  their  districts  for  wholly  unnecessary 
public  buildings  or  for  dredging  rivers  that  were  almost  dry  half  the 
time.  Each  of  those  who  wished  a  share  of  the  "  pork  "  consented 
to  have  the  other  fellow's  graft  provided  for  in  the  same  bill  which 
furnished  his  own. 

Filibustering  occurs  when  a  member  of  a  legislative  body  talks 
or  demands  roll-calls  or  takes  up  time  in  some  other  needless  way 
in  order  to  defeat  a  bill.  This  is  usually  done  near  the  end  of  a 
session,  when  the  time  for  adjournment  has  been  set.  It  is  usually 
employed  to  defeat  a  bill  which  most  of  the  members  want,  although 
it  has  been  used  against  bad  bills  as  well  as  good  ones.  There  is  a 
time  limit  on  speeches  in  the  House ;  but  in  the  Senate  debate  is 
unrestricted,  except  that  two-thirds  of  the  members  may  draw  up 
a  petition  asking  for  the  close  of  debate  on  some  subject,  after  which 
no  member  may  talk  more  than  one  hour.  But  when  the  end  of 
the  session  is  near  enough  to  encourage  filibustering  this  limitation 
is  not  effective. 

Is  filibustering  a  coward's  way  of  defeating  bills?  Would  it  be 
better  to  let  a  bill  pass  and  make  the  majority  accept  the  responsi- 
bility for  it,  even  though  a  member  thought  it  was  a  bad  bill  ? 

Some  senators  declare  that  the  privilege  of  unlimited  debate  is 
one  of  the  surest  safeguards  of  democracy.  What  do  you  think  of 
the  matter?  Is  there  any  reason  why  the  Vice  President  should 
not  be  allowed  to  take  part  in  the  discussions  of  the  Senate  ? 

Another  harmful  practice  is  that  of  attaching  "  riders  "  to  a  bill. 
These  are  provisions  which  really  do  not  belong  in  the  bill  and  which 
would  probably  be  vetoed  if  passed  separately.  When  they  are 
attached  to  the  bill,  a  president  or  governor  has  to  choose  between 
signing  or  vetoing  the  whole  measure. 

The  majority  party  is  often  tempted  to  use  its  power  somewhat 
tyrannically.  In  the  House  of  Representatives,  for  instance,  the 
Committee  on  Rules  will  sometimes  bring  in  a  *'  rule  "  calling  for  a 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         455 

vote  on  a  measure  at  a  particular  time.  If  the  period  allowed  for 
debate  is  very  limited,  the  minority  often  protests  vigorously 
though  usually  in  vain.  The  party  caucus  is  also  employed  as  a 
means  of  forcing  members  to  vote  contrary  to  their  conscience  or 
judgment.  If  a  majority  of  the  members  who  belong  to  one  party 
vote  to  make  a  certain  matter  a  party  question,  the  individual 
members  who  do  not  agree  with  that  policy  are  told  that  party  loy- 
alty requires  them  to  vote  as  the  majority  of  the  caucus  has  desired. 
See  if  you  can  find  the  meaning  of  these  terms  used  in  law-mak- 
ing bodies  :  pair,  yeas  and  nays,  viva  voce,  division.  Are  Con- 
gressmen or  the  people  who  elect  them  more  to  be  blamed  for  the 
deficiencies  of  our  law-making  bodies?  Is  a  conscientious  mem- 
ber under  obligation  to  vote  as  the  majority  of  his  party  associates 
decree  ? 

224.  National  vs.  State  Legislation.  —  We  have  already 
noted  that  it  was  in  all  probability  the  intention  of  the 
makers  of  the  Constitution  to  allow  the  central  government 
only  certain  definite  powers,  which  may  be  summarized  as 
follows : 

(1)  Financial:  Levying  taxes  ;  borrowing  money  ;  coining  money ; 
regulating  its  value  ;  providing  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeiters. 

(2)  Military:  Maintaining  an  army  and  navy ;  declaring  war ; 
making  rules  in  regard  to  captures  in  war;  granting  letters  of 
marque  and  reprisal.^ 

(3)  Territorial:  Making  necessary  laws  for  the  government  of 
territory  belonging  to  the  United  States ;  admitting  states  to  the 
union ;  exercising  authority  over  the  District  of  Columbia  and  other 
places  acquired  for  public  use. 

(4)  Commercial:  Regulating  interstate  and  foreign  commerce; 
estabHshing  post  offices  and  post  roads  ;  fixing  standards  of  weights 
and  measures  ;  passing  bankruptcy  laws. 

(5)  Political:  Naturahzing  foreigners;  organizing  courts  below 
the  Supreme  Court ;  regulating  the  methods  of  procedure  in  any 
federal  court;  determining  the  punishment  for  treason,  piracy, 
and  offenses  against  international  law ;  proposing  amendments  to 
the  Constitution  (f  vote). 

(6)  General:  Passing  any  laws  which  shall  be  "necessary  and 
proper  for  carrying  into  execution  "  any  powers  vested  by  the  Con- 


1  This  means  authorizing  privateering.     Civilized  nations  no  longer  do 
this. 


456         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

stitution  in  any  department  or  officer  of  the  national  government. 
This  provision  has  been  termed  the  "  elastic  clause,"  It  certainly 
seems  capable  of  being  interpreted  in  such  a  way  as  to  justify  al- 
most anything  that  Congress  feels  warranted  to  undertake. 

As  time  goes  on,  however,  we  care  less  about  theories  of 
distribution  of  power  and  more  about  accomplishments. 
If  the  national  government  can  do  certain  things  more  effi- 
ciently than  the  states  can  do  them,  the  public  at  large  will 
say  it  ought  to  do  them.  It  is  noticeable  that,  whenever 
some  selfish  interest  is  threatened  by  a  proposed  activity 
of  the  national  government,  this  interest  immediately  brings 
up  the  constitutional  objection  that  the  proposed  matter 
is  entirely  within  the  province  of  the  states.  This  has  hap- 
pened too  often  in  such  matters  as  the  conservation  of  natu- 
ral resources  to  permit  us  to  believe  that  such  objections 
are  wholly  conscientious.  Forty-eight  states  cannot  pos- 
sibly be  induced  to  cooperate  to  the  same  end  as  effectively 
as  the  one  federal  government. 

Certain  judges  and  lawyers,  whose  habit  of  mind  leads 
them  to  do  things  the  way  they  have  always  been  done,  are 
not  favorably  disposed  to  the  extension  of  the  powers  of 
the  national  government.  But  the  enormous  number  of 
new  elements  which  the  makers  of  our  Constitution  could 
not  foresee  in  industry,  in  social  relations,  and  in  govern- 
mental activities,  and  the  closer  union  of  our  people,  have 
forced  a  broader  attitude.  A  certain  group  of  questions 
or  problems  which  from  some  viewpoints  might  be  under 
the  authority  of  national  government,  from  others  under 
state  jurisdiction,  have  been  characterized  as  constituting 
a  sort  of  "  twilight  zone  "  wherein  we  could  not  be  sure 
just  what  course  to  pursue.  The  tendency  is  for  most  of 
these  quietly  to  slip  into  the  field  of  national  legislation  and 
supervision.  Our  Supreme  Court  has  in  recent  years  dis- 
played a  marked  inclination  to  adapt  its  interpretation  of 
the  Constitution  to  present  needs  rather  than  to  be  bound 
hard  and  fast  by  precedents  or  technicalities. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         457 

Would  manufacturers  who  employed  child  labor  be  in  favor  of 
federal  regulation  of  their  products  ?  Would  a  corporation  doing  a 
big  business  prefer  to  be  chartered  by  the  national  government  or 
by  a  state  government?  Has  a  business  man  a  right  to  object  to 
the  federal  supervision  of  his  business?  If  so,  at  what  point 
should  such  supervision  stop  ?  What  enterprises  of  the  national 
government  have  been  performed  notably  well?  Is  the  extension 
of  the  national  government's  authority  any  more  dangerous  to  the 
liberties  of  the  people  than  a  similar  extension  of  the  authority  of 
the  state  would  be? 

We  need  have  no  fear  that  there  will  be  nothing  left  for 
state  governments  to  perform.  The  state  may  do  any- 
thing that  it  is  not  forbidden  to  do.  The  only  limits  of  its 
authority  are  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States,  its  own 
constitution,  and  what  the  people  will  stand  for.  Its  main 
concern  should  be  simply  how  it  can  serve  its  people  best. 

Many  states  forbid  what  is  commonly  called  "  special 
legislation."  In  such  states  a  legislature  may  pass  no  law 
with  reference  to  one  town,  one  city,  one  railroad  company, 
one  school  district,  or  one  individual  by  name.  Their  laws 
must  be  drawn  up  in  general  terms.  To  avoid  the  neces- 
sity of  dealing  in  precisely  the  same  way  with  every  city, 
town,  or  other  corporate  body,  these  are  often  classified  so 
that  a  law  may  be  passed  for  each  class,  though  the  seem- 
ing intention  of  such  limitations  is  sometimes  evaded  by 
arranging  the  classes  so  that  only  one  city  or  school  dis- 
trict, for  example,  will  be  in  a  certain  class.  ''  Class  legis- 
lation "  is  often  forbidden,  too  —  that  is,  laws  for  the  bene- 
fit of  one  particular  class  in  a  community.  We  may  remark, 
however,  that  objection  is  sometimes  made  that  laws  are 
"  class  legislation  "  when  their  real  object  is  to  restrain  a 
certain  class  from  possessing  undue  advantages  over  the  rest. 

Do  you  think  it  wise  to  forbid  a  legislature  to  enact  special  legis- 
lation? Some  states  which  do  not  have  these  restrictions  permit 
the  legislature  to  pass  an  act  altering  a  person's  name.  Can  you 
think  of  a  better  way  to  accomplish  that  kind  of  thing?  Give  an 
example  of  a  law  which  would  be  real  "  class  legislation." 


458         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

But  the  present  tendency  of  all  governments  is  to  adopt 
the  policy  of  helping  rather  than  merely  overseeing  or  pro- 
hibiting. They  take  an  active  interest  in  aiding  business 
and  society  to  grow  better  rather  than  merely  keeping  them 
from  growing  worse.  It  is,  in  short,  the  inevitable  march 
of  democracy  toward  a  government  for  the  people. 

To  what  extent  has  your  state  been  influenced  by  other  states  in 
politics,  business  conditions,  and  form  of  government?  Which  of 
the  following  matters  are  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  state,  and 
which  of  the  national  government?  Why  do  you  make  this  dis- 
tinction?    Should  it  be  changed  in  any  instance? 

(a)  Regulating  the  speed  of  mail  trains.  (6)  Controlling  the 
inheritance  of  property.  (c)  Improving  New  York  harbor. 
{d)  Building  war  ships,  (e)  Establishing  public  libraries.  (/)  Con- 
structing a  canal  from  Pittsburgh  to  Lake  Erie,  {g)  Determining 
the  number  of  pounds  in  a  bushel  of  potatoes,  {h)  Laying  a  sewer, 
(i)  Taxing  oranges  sent  to  Italy,  (j)  Paying  the  salaries  of  pub- 
lic school  teachers,  {k)  Issuing  Federal  Reserve  notes.  {I)  Taxing 
wheat  imported  from  Canada,  (m)  Borrowing  money  to  con- 
struct roads,  (n)  Changing  the  rate  of  postage,  (o)  Enacting  a 
city  charter,     (p)  Annexing  territory. 

In  answering  this  question  refer  to  sections  8,  9,  10,  of  Article  I 
of  the  national  Constitution.  Look  over  a  list  of  bills  passed  by 
the  last  Congress  and  see  what  powers  mentioned  in  this  section 
would  justify  the  passage  of  those  bills. 

To  what  extent  does  your  state  constitution  limit  the  powers  of 
its  legislature? 

Law-making  should  not  be  hasty,  but  undertaken  after 
earnest  and  careful  thought,  and  aimed  to  meet  a  real  need  or 
render  a  real  service.  The  constitutional  division  of  powers  be- 
tween state  and  nation  must  be  observed,  though  quibbling  over 
technicalities  and  abstract  theories  should  not  stand  in  the  way  of 
the  public  good,  by  whomever  it  may  be  rendered.  The  public 
has  a  right  to  know  what  is  done  and  how  it  is  done. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

The  History  of  a  Law. 

The  History  of  the  Committee  System  in  Legislation. 

Lobbyists  and  Their  Methods. 

The  New  Nationalism. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         459 

Our  State  Legislature. 

The  Make-up  of  the  Present  Congress. 

Our  District  and  Its  Representative. 

The  Senate  at  Work. 

The  House  at  Work. 

The  Speaker  and  His  Power. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  10-20,  40,  44,  45. 

Young  —  New  American  Government,  Chapters  3,  4,  17. 

Magruder  —  American  Government,  Chapters  5-7,  19. 

Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chap- 
ters 11,  12,  21,  22. 

Munro  —  Government  of  the  United  States,  Chapters  10-14,  21, 
29. 

Beard  —  American  Government  and  Politics,  Chapters  12-14,  25. 

Dealey  —  Development  of  the  State,  Chapters  11,  12. 

Hart  —  Actual  Government,  Chapters  7,  13,  14. 

Haskin  —  American  Government,  Chapters  20-22. 

Lowell  —  Public  Opinion  and  Popiilar  Government,  Part  III,  Chap« 
ter  10. 

Bryce  —  Modern  Democracies,  Chapters  58,  59. 


XX.    SECURING   EFFECTIVE   ADMINISTRATION 


Law-making  indeed  comes  first  in  a  popular  government.  But 
a  law  that  has  merely  been  made  is  no  more  than  a  scrap  of  paper. 
It  is  the  enforcement  that  makes  it  accomplish  anything.  How, 
then,  are  our  executives  and  administrators  chosen?  What  powers 
are  put  into  their  hands?  Could  our  system  of  administration  be 
improved? 

225.  The  Value  of  a  Good  Executive.  —  When  we  think  of 
our  national  government,  what  element  or  symbol  of  it 
comes  first  to  our  minds?  First,  the  flag;  next,  perhaps, 
the  President.  So  it  is  with  our  state  or  our  own  city  —  it 
is  our  governor  or  our  mayor  of  whom  we  boast  or  for  whom 
we  apologize.  Most  of  the  500  to  600  men  in  Congress  may 
be  honest,  hard-working  public  servants,  and  the  same 
may  be  true  of  our  legislatures  and  our  councils.  But  we 
cannot  have  the  same  respect  for  or  interest  in  a  committee 
or  a  crowd  as  we  have  toward  an  individual.  We  cannot 
see  the  power,  but  we  can  see  the  man. 

The  chief  executive,  in  fact,  proposes  our  policies.  He 
usually  gets  the  legislative  body  to  act.  The  scepter  in 
national  affairs  seems  to  have  passed  from  Congress.  No 
longer  do  we  look  for  leadership  to  a  Webster,  a  Clay,  or  a 
Calhoun.  It  is  a  Lincoln,  a  Roosevelt,  a  Wilson,  who  di- 
rects the  course  that  we  shall  take.  The  world  judges  us 
by  him  and  his  ideals. 

Upon  the  executive  depends  the  efficiency  of  our  govern- 
ment. Does  the  chief  executive  want  our  laws  enforced? 
Then  he  will  use  his  vast  appointing  power  to  secure  the 
ablest  men  for  the  actual  work  of  administration.  Having 
selected  them,  he  will  back  them  to  the  utmost  as  long  as 
they  are  faithful  and  sensible  in  the  performance  of  their 
duties.     If  the  executives  and  administrators  are  cowards 

460 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         461 

and  incompetents,  then  woe  to  the  people  whom  they  should 
serve !  The  criminal  rejoices  when  the  executive  is  weak. 
How  thoughtful,  then,  should  be  the  choice  of  those  execu- 
tives whom  we  elect !  And  how  painstaking  the  effort  to 
obtain  administrators  who  can  and  will  do  efficient  work ! 

226.  The  President.  —  Probably  no  king  or  other  official 
on  the  face  of  the  earth  has  as  extensive  authority  as  the 
President  of  the  United  States.  The  powers  which  the 
Constitution  gives  to  him  may  be  classified  under  six  heads : 

(1)  Appointment:  Several  thousand  officials,  including  depart- 
ment heads  and  subordinates,  foreign  representatives,  judges,  many 
postmasters,  and  officials  in  the  army  and  navy,  are  appointed  by 
the  President  directly  and  their  commissions  signed  by  him.  Most 
of  these  appointments  must  be  approved  by  the  Senate. 

If  the  Senate  does  not  act  upon  the  appointments  made  by  the 
President,  the  President's  appointee  can  hold  his  office  until  he  is 
definitely  rejected.  Along  with  the  power  of  appointments  goes 
the  power  of  removal,  except  that  federal  judges  may  be  removed 
only  by  impeachment  proceedings. 

(2)  Legislative:  Every  bill  or  resolution  of  Congress  with  refer- 
ence to  public  policy  must  be  submitted  to  the  President  (§  219). 
By  means  of  messages  he  recommends  measures  for  enactment. 
He  has  the  right  to  summon  special  sessions  of  Congress,  or  of  either 
house  by  itself.  He  may  fix  the  time  for  adjournment  when  the 
houses  cannot  agree. 

(3)  Administrative:  He  is  the  chief  executive  and  responsible  for 
the  general  enforcement  of  the  laws.  He  may  call  for  reports  from 
any  department  at  any  time. 

(4)  Foreign  relations:  He  has  far-reaching  control  over  foreign 
affairs.  He  makes  or  directs  the  making  of  treaties,  and  decides  upon 
the  recognition  of  ministers  from  other  countries  (§§  282,  283,  285). 

(5)  Military  and  naval:  He  is  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  army 
and  navy  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  state  militia  when  they 
are  in  the  federal  service.  In  time  of  war  the  President  is  vested 
by  Congress  with  powers  which  they  would  not  care  to  have  him 
possess  in  time  of  peace,  in  addition  to  his  own  war  powers. 

(6)  Judicial:  He  may  pardon  offenders  convicted  of  crimes 
against  the  United  States,  except  when  the  offender  has  been  re- 
moved from  office  by  impeachment.  This  power  extends  of  course 
to  offenses  committed  in  the  army  and  navy. 


462         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  Constitution  requires  that  the  President  shall  be  chosen 
by  electors,  but  since  these  electors  are  chosen  by  popular  vote,  he 
is  indirectly  the  people's  choice  (§  259).  A  new  term  begins  on  the 
fourth  of  March  of  the  year  following  leap  year.  The  President 
must  be  at  least  35  years  old,  a  native-born  American,  and  a  resi- 
dent of  the  United  States  for  14  ^ears.  As  a  matter  of  fact  a  num- 
ber of  additional  requirements  are  consciously  or  unconsciously  ob- 
served either  by  the  people  or  by  the  political  organizations  which 
select   candidates.     Personality,  race,  religion,   and  residence  do 


Copyright,  Harris  &  Ewing. 
Inauguration  Day. 

The  retiring  and  the  incoming  Presidents  ride  in  the  same  carriage  to  and 
from  the  White  House.  This  was  one  of  the  very  few  appearances  of  Presi- 
dent Wilson  in  public  after  his  illness  before  he  left  the  White  House. 
When  the  two  men  return  from  the  Capitol  they  exchange  places  in  the  car. 

count,  whether  they  should  or  not.  Perhaps  we  have  had  no  presi- 
dents who  actually  disgraced  the  position,  but  some  have  succeeded 
much  better  than  others.  Great  men  do  get  into  the  presidency 
sometimes,  but  other  reasons  than  greatness  have  been  responsi- 
ble for  the  residence  of  several  gentlemen  in  the  White  House. 

The  President  is  elected  for  a  four-year  term,  and  there  is  no 
constitutional  limit  to  the  number  of  terms  he  may  serve.  Because 
Washington,  for  personal  reasons,  did  not  care  to  accept  a  third 
term,  no  one  else,  so  far,  has  been  honored  with  a  third  election; 
but  it  is  well  to  leave  the  matter  so  that  the  people  in  a  great  emer- 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         463 

gency  could,  if  they  wished,  elect  a  President  for  more  than  two 
terms  in  succession.  The  President  receives  a  salary  of  $75,000  a 
year,  and  in  addition  to  this,  as  an  allowance  for  traveling  expenses, 
as  much  of  $25,000  as  he  uses.  He  has  the  free  use  of  the  White 
House  and  the  executive  offices  during  his  term  as  President. 

In  case  the  President  should  die  before  the  end  of  the  term  for 
which  he  was  elected,  or  become  wholly  incapacitated,  or  be  re- 
moved by  conviction  after  an  impeachment  trial,  or  resign,  it  is 
the  duty  of  the  Vice  President  to  take  the  office  of  President. 
Once  in  the  office,  the  Vice  President  has  all  the  powers  that  go 
with  the  office,  and  becomes  President  both  in  fact  and  in  name. 
As  Vice  President,  however,  he  has  nothing  to  do  except  preside 
over  the  Senate,  and  attend  Cabinet  meetings  if  the  President  wishes 
him  to  do  so.     The  Vice  President's  salary  is  $12,000. 

Congress  passed  in  1886  an  act  arranging  for  the  succession  to 
the  presidency  in  case  both  the  President  and  the  Vice  President 
are  unable  to  serve,  so  that  the  Cabinet  members  in  the  following 
order  stand  next  after  the  Vice  President :  the  Secretary  of  State, 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  Secretary  of  War,  Attorney-General, 
Postmaster-General,  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  Secretary  of  the 
Interior.  There  were  no  other  Cabinet  members  at  the  time  the 
act  was  passed.  If  the  vice  presidency  becomes  vacant  it  remains 
vacant.  The  succession  of  the  Cabinet  officers  is  to  the  presidency 
only. 

Might  a  person  be  a  great  Congressman  and  not  a  great  Presi- 
dent? Might  he  be  a  great  judge  and  not  a  great  President? 
Would  a  business  man  with  no  political  experience  be  likely  to 
make  a  great  President  ?  Would  a  great  general  or  admiral  make 
a  great  President  ?  What  four  men  seem  to  you  to  have  met  most 
fully  the  requirements  of  the  presidency?  Why?  Be  sure  you 
distinguish  between  their  services  in  the  presidency  and  elsewhere. 

If  the  President's  appointments  have  to  be  confirmed  by  the 
Senate,  would  it  be  well  to  have  the  Senate  agree  when  he  removes 
an  official?  Review  the  points  involved  in  the  impeachment  trial 
of  President  Johnson.  Should  the  President  have  the  right  to 
veto  a  bill  simply  because  he  does  not  like  it,  or  should  the  veto  be 
reserved  for  measures  whose  constitutionality  he  questions?  In 
what  way  can  the  President  be  really  responsible  for  taking  care 
**  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  executed  "?  Why,  in  time  of  war,  is 
it  customary  to  give  the  President  so  much  more  power  than  in 
time  of  peace?  Could  the  President  pardon  a  man  convicted  of 
murder?  of  breaking  into  a  post  office?  of  deserting  from  the 
army  ?  of  embezzlement  ? 


464  Problems  of  American  Democracy 

227.  Our  Cabinet.  —  As  far  as  the  Constitution  or  laws 
of  the  United  States  provide,  there  is  no  such  thing  as  a 
Cabinet,  any  more  than  there  is  in  England.  It  is  true 
there  is  a  clause  which  says :  ''The  President  may  require 
the  opinion,  in  writing,  of  the  principal  officer  in  each  of  the 
executive  departments,  upon  any  subject  relating  to  the 
duties  of  their  respective  offices";    and  there  is  another 


President  Coolidge  and  His  Cabinet. 

reference  to  "heads  of  departments";  so  that  evidently 
the  makers  of  our  Constitution  expected  that  executive 
departments  would  be  organized.  The  number  of  Cabinet 
members  has  increased  from  four,  under  Washington,  to  ten. 
The  Cabinet  has  two  great  functions:  (1)  It  carries  out 
the  administrative  work  of  the  government.  Each  head 
of  a  department  is  responsible  to  the  President  for  his  partic- 
ular part  of  the  work,  and  has  under  him  many  officials, 
a  large  number  of  whom  he  either  appoints  or  recommends 
to  the  President  for  appointment.     (2)  The  Cabinet  mem- 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         465 

bers  act  as  advisers  to  the  President.  In  the  early  days  of 
our  government,  the  President  consulted  the  members  sep- 
arately, as  he  still  does  on  occasion.  But  now  they  meet 
regularly  as  a  group,  and  special  meetings  may  be  called  at 
any  time.^ 

The  President  is  under  no  obligation  to  follow  the  recom- 
mendations that  his  Cabinet  makes,  but  if  they  continually 
disagree,  the  members  usually  resign.  The  relations  be- 
tween the  President  and  the  Cabinet  are  so  close  that, 
unless  they  can  work  in  harmony,  matters  will  be  very 
uncomfortable.  It  is  presumed  that  Cabinet  officers  are  ap- 
pointed for  a  four-year  term ;  but  since  the  President  may 
at  any  time  require  the  resignation  of  a  Cabinet  member, 
or  put  him  out  of  office  if  he  does  not  resign,  their  tenure  is 
really  determined  by  the  President. 

Should  the  members  of  the  Cabinet  be  selected  because  the  Presi- 
dent likes  them  personally  or  because  they  are  capable  men? 
Which  is  more  likely  to  give  the  country  a  good  administration : 
a  strong  President  with  a  weak  or  ordinary  Cabinet,  or  a  Presi- 
dent who  is  not  a  leader  but  has  a  strong  group  of  advisers  ?  Should 
the  Senate  confirm  without  question  the  Cabinet  appointments 
made  by  the  President  ? 

Let  us  sum  up  the  principal  facts  about  the  administra- 
tive departments,  mentioning  in  connection  with  each  the 
date  of  its  organization,  and  the  officials  at  the  head  of  it. 
The  interesting  chart  on  the  following  page  shows  the  sub- 
divisions of  each  department  and  also  lists  the  numerous  in- 
dependent establishments,  as  they  existed  in  1921.  Officially 
there  is  no  distinction  in  rank  among  the  departments,  yet  it 
is  customary  to  mention  them  in  the  order  in  which  they  were 
created.  The  Secretary  of  State  is  sometimes  thought  of  as 
the  highest  ranking  member  of  the  Cabinet,  and  if  there  is 
any  primacy  among  the  Cabinet  officials  it  belongs  to  him. 


*  Many  people  think  that  the  Vice  President  ought  to  attend  the  meetings 
of  the  Cabinet.  Coolidge,  while  Vice  President,  did  so  at  the  invitation  of 
President  Harding.  In  the  present  administration,  this  precedent  is  not 
followed. 


466         Problems  of  American  Democracy 
(    GOVERNMENT  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES    } 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         467 

State  Department:  (1789)  in  charge  of  foreign  affairs  under  the 
President's  direction ;  keeps  government  archives,  such  as  original 
copies  of  laws,  treaties,  proclamations ;  Secretary  of  State ;  Under 
Secretary. 

Treasury  Department:  (1789)  administers  financial  affairs  of  the 
national  government ;  Secretary  of  the  Treasury ;  Assistant  Sec- 
retaries. The  Bureau  of  the  Budget  now  belongs  to  this  department 
(§  267),  and  the  General  Accounting  Office  has  taken  over  some  of 
the  work  formerly  done  here. 

War  Department:  (1789)  in  charge  of  the  United  States  army 
and  other  activities  performed  by  it  or  related  to  it ;  Secretary  of 
War;  Assistant  Secretaries. 

The  General  Staff,  headed  by  the  Chief  of  Staff,  including  a 
number  of  army  officers  of  different  ranks,  has  a  direct  oversight 
of  matters  relating  to  the  administration  of  the  army  and  forms  a 
kind  of  connecting  link  between  the  Army  and  the  War  Depart- 
ment. The  Secretary  of  War  is  usually  a  man  from  civil  life,  and 
though  he  is  next  to  the  President  in  authority  over  the  United 
States  Military  Service,  he  cannot  be  expected  to  know  intimately 
all  the  needs  of  the  army  as  they  appear  to  military  men.  The 
Chief  of  Staff  is  the  highest  officer  of  the  army  during  the  time  for 
which  he  holds  that  office. 

Department  of  Justice:  (Attorney-General,  1789,  Department 
organized,  1870)  the  legal  branch  of  the  federal  government,  re- 
sponsible for  the  prosecution  of  violators  of  federal  law ;  Attorney- 
General  ;  Solicitor-General,  who  makes  rulings  on  points  of  law ; 
one  assistant  to  the  Attorney-General ;  four  Assistant  Attorneys- 
General. 

Post  Office  Department:  (1829)  Postmaster-General ;  four  Assist- 
ant Postmasters-General. 

Navy  Department:  (1798)  Secretary  of  the  Navy ;  Assistant  Sec- 
retary. 

Department  of  the  Interior:  (1849)  a  composite  department  with 
little  unity  except  that  its  interests  are  domestic ;  Secretary  of  the 
Interior  ;   two  Assistant  Secretaries. 

Department  of  Agriculture:  (1889)  Secretary  of  Agriculture ;  two 
Assistant  Secretaries. 

Department  of  Commerce:  (1903)  Secretary  of  Commerce ;  Assist- 
ant Secretary. 

Department  of  Labor:  (1913)  Secretary  of  Labor;  Assistant  Sec- 
retary. 

Be  sure  you  know  the  names  of  the  present  occupants  of  the  Cabi- 
net positions.     Guess  why  the  Public  Health  Service  and  the  Se- 


468         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

cret  Service  should  be  in  the  Treasury  Department ;  the  Pension 
Office  in  the  Interior  Department.  Are  there  any  of  the  positions 
mentioned  in  this  section  which  could  be  satisfactorily  filled  by  a 
person  whose  only  public  experience  was  participation  in  politics  ? 
How  many  of  these  positions  need  to  be  changed  when  a  President 
of  a  different  party  takes  office?  The  present  salary  of  Cabinet 
members  is  $12,000.  What  inducement  do  you  think  the  offer  of 
a  Cabinet  position  would  have  for  a  successful  business  man  or 
lawyer  ?  How  many  members  of  the  present  Cabinet  do  you  ima- 
gine would  make  more  money  doing  something  else  ?  Is  money  the 
only  object  for  holding  a  public  position  or  any  other? 

228.  Special  Commissions  and  Institutions.  —  A  num- 
ber of  important  activities  of  the  federal  government  are 
conducted  outside  the  range  of  the  regular  Cabinet  depart- 
ments. They  are  of  such  special  character,  in  most  in- 
stances, as  to  require  experts  to  work  on  them  all  of  the  time, 
and  they  are  responsible,  as  a  rule,  directly  to  the  President. 

The  Interstate  Commerce  Commission,  created  in  1887,  and  now 
expanded  to  eleven  members,  has  jurisdiction  over  the  enforcement 
of  laws  for  the  regulation  of  railroads,  telephones  and  telegraphs, 
express  companies  and  oil  pipe  lines  doing  interstate  business. 

The  Civil  Service  Commission,  of  three  members,  who  must  not 
be  all  of  the  same  party,  attends  to  the  giving  of  examinations  be- 
fore appointments  to  offices  in  the  classified  service. 

The  Federal  Trade  Commission,  of  five  members,  not  more  than 
three  of  whom  may  belong  to  one  party,  investigates  the  workings 
of  corporations  and  may  make  recommendations  and  reports  con- 
cerning their  activities. 

The  Tariff  Commission,  of  six  persons,  not  more  than  three  of 
whom  may  be  of  one  party,  may  investigate  problems  affecting  the 
tariff  and  make  recommendations  for  changing  it. 

The  Federal  Reserve  Board  has  entire  supervision  of  the  national 
banking  system  in  the  country. 

The  Federal  Farm  Loan  Board  has  similar  authority  over  the 
Farm  Loan  Banks. 

The  United  States  Shipping  Board,  of  seven  members,  has  the 
important  duty  of  promoting  and  building  up  the  American  mer- 
chant marine. 

The  Railway  Labor  Board  has  extensive  powers  of  recommenda- 
tion in  the  matter  of  wages  and  other  questions  arising  between  the 
railroad  managers  and  their  employees. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         469 

The  Government  Printing  Office  does  the  printing  for  the  federal 
government,  and  is  the  largest  institution  of  its  kind  in  the  country. 

The  Library  of  Congress,  one  of  the  largest  in  the  world,  and 
housed  in  one  of  the  most  beautiful  buildings,  is  under  the  direc- 
tion of  the  Librarian  of  Congress.  It  has  charge  of  the  granting 
of  copyrights  for  books  and  other  publications  of  all  kinds. 

The  Smithsonian  Institution  and  the  National  Museum  have  col- 
lections of  almost  every  imaginable  nature,  which  are  of  great  sci- 
entific and  historical  value. 

229.  Administration  in  State  Governments.  —  So  much 
variety  appears  in  the  administrative  branch  of  the  state 


Copyright,  Harris  &  Ewing. 
The  Library  of  Congress. 

governments,  that  it  is  hard  to  make  general  statements 
about  them.  To  know  your  own  state's  business  you  will 
have  to  study  its  own  constitution,  its  Legislative  Manual 
or  Handbook,  and  whatever  printed  material  is  issued  under 
its  direction  to  explain  the  workings  of  its  government. 

At  the  head  of  the  executive  department  in  every  state  is  the 
Governor,  He  holds  very  much  the  same  place  in  the  state  that  the 
President  does  in  the  national  government.     He  may  be  elected  for 


470         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

two,  three,  or  four  years,  according  to  the  laws  of  the  state.  He 
passes  on  bills,  is  at  the  head  of  the  state  militia,  appoints  many- 
executive  officials,  and  has  the  other  usual  powers  of  a  chief  execu- 
tive. In  many  states,  the  Governor  has  the  pardoning  power,  but 
in  others  he  is  happy  to  turn  over  the  responsibility  to  a  Board  of 
Pardons. 

About  two-thirds  of  the  states  have  also  a  Lieutenant  Governor, 
who  presides  over  the  state  senate,  and  takes  the  governorship  in 
case  of  a  vacancy. 

Every  state  has  executive  officials,  but  in  only  a  few  of  them  are 
they  coordinated  in  any  such  way  as  to  form  a  cabinet.  The  Sec- 
retary of  the  Commonwealth  or  Secretary  of  State  keeps  official  records 
and  papers.  The  Attorney-General  is  the  legal  adviser  of  state  offi- 
cials. The  Treasurer  has  the  usual  duties  of  such  an  officer.  The 
Auditor  or  the  Auditor-General  or  Comptroller  inspects  the  accounts 
of  other  officers  and  sees  that  all  money  spent  from  the  treasury  has 
been  authorized  by  law.  Usually  there  are  several  other  more  or 
less  important  officials  who  are  in  charge  of  the  various  phases  of 
the  work  of  administration.  Whether  these  officials  are  appointed 
by  the  Governor  or  elected  by  the  voters  depends  upon  the  consti- 
tution and  laws  of  the  state. 

Study  thoroughly  the  administrative  organization  of  your  state. 
Know  the  names  of  its  chief  officials. 

230.  Obtaining  Capable  Oflacials.  —  Any  business  man 
will  tell  you  that  the  first  consideration  in  efficient  govern- 
ment is  to  get  competent  people  to  do  the  work.  But  how 
are  we  to  get  them?  Three  methods  are  available:  elec- 
tion by  popular  vote,  appointment  by  the  head  of  a  depart- 
ment or  bureau,  and  selection  by  competitive  examination. 

Law-makers  are  almost  universally  chosen  by  popular 
election,  but  this  is  by  no  means  the  surest  way  to  discover 
whether  a  man  possesses  the  particular  qualifications  needed 
for  an  executive  or  administrative  office.  For  state  gov- 
ernments, officials  who  handle  public  money  are  usually 
chosen  by  popular  vote,  on  the  somewhat  illogical  theory 
that  the  people  should  elect  the  officers  who  handle  the  peo- 
ple's tax  money. 

Appointment  often  secures  good  men,  when  the  appoint- 
ing officer  really  wants  to  get  that  kind  and  when  he  has 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         471 

personal  or  first-hand  information  of  the  iherits  of  suggested 
candidates.  But  an  appointing  officer  may  have  thousands 
of  jobs  to  hand  out.  Then  he  must  depend  upon  his  ad- 
visers to  suggest  names.  Here  is  where  the  spoils  system 
gets  in  its  deadly  work;  for  politicians  will  propose  the 
names  of  people  whose  only  claim  is  reward  for  party  serv- 
ice, regardless  of  the  fact  that  a  man  may  be  a  tremendous 
success  in  getting  voters  to  the  polls  but  a  howling  failure  as 
a  postmaster.  Americans,  however,  could  not  see  the  evils  in 
the  spoils  system  until  after  it  had  killed  President  Garfield. 
Then  the  Civil  Service  Commission  was  estabUshed,  un- 
der the  Pendleton  Act  of  1883,  to  give  examinations  before 
appointments  should  be  made  to  certain  positions  in  the 
government  service.  The  President  was  given  the  right, 
within  fixed  limits,  to  designate  what  offices  should  be  filled 
in  that  way.  President  Arthur  did  what  he  could  to  get 
the  plan  into  operation  and  later  Presidents,  notably  Cleve- 
land, during  his  second  term,  Roosevelt,  Taft,  and  Wilson, 
greatly  expanded  the  scope  of  the  *'  classified  service."  By 
this  term  is  meant  those  offices  which  are  arranged  for  pur- 
poses of  examination  so  that  appointments  can  be  made  on 
the  basis  of  merit.  In  a  few  state  and  city  governments 
a  similar  system  has  been  set  up. 

It  does  not  always  follow  that  the  person  who  can  pass  the  high- 
est written  examination  is  necessarily  the  very  best  person  for  the 
particular  position.  Therefore  a  choice  of  the  three  highest  is  usu- 
ally allowed  the  appointing  officer  when  a  selection  is  made.  This 
privilege,  of  course,  is  frequently  abused  so  as  to  take  the  person 
among  the  three  highest  who  is  most  satisfactory  politically.  For 
such  positions  as  important  postmasterships,  however,  a  written 
examination  counts  only  a  part  of  the  whole  test.  Candidates  are 
rated  very  largely  on  business  experience  and  proved  executive  abil- 
ity. Very  likely  executive  positions  in  which  great  responsibility  is 
vested  should  always  be  filled  by  personal  appointment,  for  there 
are  certain  qualities  which  cannot  be  tested  by  any  kind  of  examina- 
tion yet  devised.  But  for  clerkships  and  for  positions  demanding 
technical  skill  and  special  knowledge,  the  examination  system  is  ad- 
mirable. 


472         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

By  some  means  it  ought  to  be  possible  to  make  public 
service  a  dignified  profession  which  might  well  serve  as  a 
life  career,  but  this  will  not  be  as  long  as  party  politics  have 
as  much  influence  as  they  do  now.  Salaries  paid  are  not 
large  for  high-grade  workers,  and  this  is  perhaps  one  rea- 
son why  too  few  officials  do  high-grade  work.  A  system  of 
pensions  for  public  officials  has  been  proposed,  as  a  means 
of  encouraging  better  service,  but  the  general  public  has 
not  become  enthusiastic  over  the  idea. 

What  qualifications  should  an  officer  have  to  engage  effectively 
n  the  enforcement  of  laws  against  ordinary  crimes?  of  tax  legisla- 
tion ?  of  laws  that  raise  the  question  of  constitutionality  ?  Would 
a  former  saloon-keeper  be  a  good  man  to  enforce  prohibition? 

In  what  ways  would  you  test  a  person  if  you  were  considering 
him  for  appointment  as  postmaster?  postal  clerk?  clerk  in  a  cus- 
tom house?  census  official?  important  subordinate  in  the  Bureau 
of  Chemistry? 

Do  you  think  high  salaries  and  a  pension  system  for  public  officers 
would  get  better  people  into  public  services  ?  Make  a  list  of  5  of- 
ficials who  you  believe  should  be  elected;  5  who  should  be  ap- 
pointed; 5  who  should  be  chosen  by  competitive  examination. 
Be  able  to  give  your  reasons  in  each  case. 

Obtaining  capable  officials  involves  removal  of  the  unfit. 
Some  cities  and  states  permit  the  recall  of  officials  by  popu- 
lar vote  at  a  special  election  (§  264).  Usually  the  officer 
who  makes  an  appointment  may  also  remove  the  person 
whom  he  appoints,  but  in  the  classified  service  a  person 
may  be  removed  only  for  cause,  and  after  a  hearing  if  he 
wishes  it.  To  reach  judges  and  executive  officials  who 
are  charged  with  misconduct,  the  Constitution  gives  to 
Congress  the  power  of  impeachment.  State  legislatures 
and  city  councils  usually  have  similar  authority  with  refer- 
ence to  executive  or  judicial  offices. 

As  conducted  in  the  national  government  the  impeachment  trial 
follows  this  process.  The  House  of  Representatives  formally  draws 
up  charges  demanding  the  removal  of  an  official.  This,  be  it  under- 
stood, is  the  impeachment.     An  impeachment  does  not  necessarily 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         473 

mean  conviction.  After  the  impeachment  charges  are  presented 
the  accused  person  is  then  tried  by  the  Senate.  The  members  of 
that  body  hear  the  evidence  and  then  vote  as  if  they  were  jurymen. 
If  two-thirds  of  the  senators  vote  guilty  the  accused  official  is  au- 
tomatically removed  from  office.  The  Senate  may  add,  as  a  fur- 
ther penalty,  if  it  wishes,  that  the  officer  may  never  hold  another 
position  under  the  United  States  Government.  If  he  has  been 
guilty  of  a  crime  he  may,  after  removal  from  office,  be  subject  to  the 
same  kind  of  trial  in  ordinary  courts  that  another  person  would 
receive. 

Probably  impeachment  trials  have  not  been  as  numerous  as  the 
makers  of  the  Constitution  expected.  There  have  been  only  eleven 
impeachment  cases  in  our  national  history  and  only  three  of  these 
resulted  in  conviction.  A  few  governors  have  been  removed  from 
office  in  the  states  by  impeachment. 

Is  it  well  that  impeachments  should  be  few?  Why  is  a  two- 
thirds  vote  necessary  for  conviction  ? 

231.  Improvements  in  Law-Enforcement.  —  If  Ameri- 
cans break  more  laws  than  the  people  of  other  advanced 
nations,  some  of  the  fault  may  rest  on  the  machinery  of 
government.  We  will  not  willingly  admit  that  Americans 
are  more  criminally  inclined  or  more  wicked  than  other 
people.  Surely  the  great  majority  of  them  are  law-abiding. 
Law-making  bodies  sometimes  satisfy  the  clamor  of  would-be 
reformers  by  passing  laws  with  no  expectation  that  they 
will  ever  be  put  into  operation.  Almost  every  city  has  laws 
against  spitting  on  the  sidewalks,  but,  except  in  the  West, 
where  consumptives  throng  in  the  hope  of  being  cured,  is 
any  attempt  made  to  enforce  them?  Law-enforcement, 
then,  demands  that  laws  shall  be  made  only  in  response  to 
a  real  need  and  that  they  shall  be  so  drawn  as  to  make  en- 
forcement as  easy  as  possible,  and  to  permit  no  excuse  for 
misunderstanding  them. 

Next  we  must  get  officials  who  are  qualified  by  tempera- 
ment, intelligence,  and  energy  to  enforce  the  laws.  Com- 
mon honesty  and  common  sense  are  fundamental.  When 
such  officials  are  found,  their  superiors  should  back  them 
up  unflinchingly.     Neither  pohcemen  nor  any  other  oflBi- 


474         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

cials  will  exhibit  any  enthusiasm  in  catching  law-breakers 
if  political  pull  or  personal  friendship  or  any  other  baneful 
influence  enables  these  to  get  off  without  punishment. 
Speed  and  certainty  of  action  in  the  courts  mean  much 
in  bringing  about  obedience  to  law.  Back  of  it  all  is  public 
opinion.  Public  officials  are  for  the  most  part  cowards  be- 
fore public  sentiment.     They  will  enforce  or  ignore  a  law  as 


Central  News  Photo  Service. 
Caught  in  the  Act. 

This  view  of  an  illegal  still  in  operation  was  taken  in  the  hills  of  Georgia. 
The  making  of  moonshine  was  frequent  in  such  neighborhoods  long  before 
we  had  constitutional  prohibition.  What  reason,  if  any,  could  these  people 
offer  for  their  disregard  of  law  ? 

they  think  will  please  the  majority.  When  an  official  per- 
sistently fails  to  do  his  duty,  there  are  ways  to  bring  pressure 
to  bear  on  him.  Editorials,  cartoons,  and  communications 
in  newspapers  and  magazines  have  often  been  the  means  of 
stirring  up  a  dormant  public  sentiment.  Mass  meetings  and 
appeals  through  lodges,  churches,  boards  of  trade,  and  the 
like  also  have  a  place.  In  the  long  run  a  community  has 
only  itself  to  blame  if  it  has  a  reputation  for  lawlessness. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         475 

232.  Reforms  in  Administration.  —  Another  respect  in 
which  the  machinery  of  government  can  be  made  more 
effective  is  in  its  organization  and  arrangement.  Few  busi- 
ness men  would  expect  to  prosper  if  their  shops  and  fac- 
tories were  put  together  in  the  haphazard,  accidental  fash- 
ion in  which  the  public  service  has  been  scrambled. 

Consider,  for  instance,  the  grouping  of  bureaus  and  sub- 
divisions in  the  executive  departments  at  Washington: 
The  Pubhc  Health  Service  and  the  Secret  Service  in  the 
Treasury  Department;  the  Bureau  of  Pensions  in  the  De- 
partment of  the  Interior;  the  Alaskan  reindeer  under  the 
Bureau  of  Education ;  thirty-eight  different  bureaus  having 
to  do  with  Alaskan  affairs ;  brown  bears,  polar  bears,  and 
grizzly  bears,  it  used  to  be  said,  looked  after  by  three  dif- 
ferent departments  of  the  Cabinet !  It  is  funny  if  you  can 
forget  how  unbusinesslike  it  is. 

Readjustment  of  these  various  bureaus  is  now  (1922) 
under  serious  consideration.  It  has  been  proposed  to  create 
a  new  department  to  be  known  as  the  Department  of  Pub- 
lic Welfare  into  which  would  be  transferred  the  Bureau  of 
Education,  the  Children's  and  Women's  Bureau,  and  sev- 
eral others.  A  Department  of  Public  Works  has  also  been 
proposed  to  supervise  various  activities  which  would  natu- 
rally come  under  such  a  head.  This  might  mean  a  com- 
plete breaking  up  of  the  Interior  Department,  which,  after 
all,  might  not  be  a  calamity.  Such  a  reorganization  would 
probably  bring  about  a  reduction  in  the  number  of  subor- 
dinate bureaus  and  clerks,  with  a  consequent  saving  of 
money  to  the  people. 

State  governments  are  usually  even  worse  off.  Most 
governors  have  no  cabinet  at  all,  and  cooperation  among 
state  officials  has  been  almost  an  unknown  quantity.  This 
lack  of  efficiency  has  worried  the  souls  of  some  really  busi- 
nesshke  governors,  and,  beginning  with  Governor  Lowden, 
of  Ilhnois,  they  have  succeeded  in  inducing  the  legislatures 
of  several  states  to  reorganize  the  administrative  branch  of 


476         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

the  government.  Instead  of  dozens  of  bureaus,  commis- 
sions, secretaries,  and  the  Hke,  all  administrative  functions 
are  centralized  under  seven,  nine,  or  some  other  small  num- 
ber of  department  heads  appointed  by  the  governor.  To 
make  all  the  desirable  changes  it  may  sometimes  be  nec- 
essary to  amend  the  state  constitution.  Officers  who  are 
elected  by  popular  vote  usually  feel  independent  of  tho 
governor,  and  we  cannot  rightly  hold  a  governor  responsi- 
ble for  the  efficiency  of  officers  over  whom  he  has  no  au- 
thority. If  we  provide  honest,  capable  service,  people  are 
much  less  likely  to  complain  about  reasonable  taxes. 

Why  is  a  governor  generally  glad  to  get  rid  of  the  pardoning 
power?  Would  a  strong  man  or  a  weak  man  like  better  to  have 
administrative  authority  centralized  in  the  governor's  hands?  Is 
your  state  government  organized  on  a  business  basis?  Does  it 
need  house-cleaning  and  reconstruction  ?  Why  do  you  suppose  the 
reorganization  of  national  and  state  governments  suggested  here 
has  been  delayed  so  long?  Would  it  be  well  to  have  all  matters  in 
state  administration  of  a  distinctly  business  nature  handled  by  one 
official  after  the  plan  of  a  city  manager  (§254)? 

233.  Responsibility  in  Government.  —  To  a  greater  de- 
gree by  far  than  the  makers  of  the  Constitution  would  have 
imagined,  our  government  is  virtually  committed  to  a  sys- 
tem of  presidential  responsibility.  Yet  we  restrain  him 
constantly  by  the  system  of  checks  and  balances  on  which 
our  national  government  and  most  state  governments  are 
organized.  Altogether  too  often  there  is  no  coordination 
or  cooperation  between  the  executive  and  the  legislature. 
Each  one  seems  to  exist  for  the  purpose  of  preventing  the 
other  from  doing  something,  and  the  courts  come  in  as  a 
check  on  both  of  them.  Especially  if  the  President  be- 
longs to  a  different  party  from  the  majority  of  Congress, 
a  most  unpleasant  state  of  friction  may  develop.  In  the 
business  world  we  see  no  such  system  of  checks  and  bal- 
ances. Of  course  there  must,  in  any  well  organized  admin- 
istration, be  means  of  finding  out  whether  the  officials  are 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         477 

doing  their  duty  and  spending  money  properly,  but  gen- 
erally much  more  is  accomplished  when  they  are  given  au- 
thority to  do  things  and  held  to  strict  accountability  for  the 
way  they  exercise  that  authority. 

The  President  has  the  appointing  power,  as  do  the  gov- 
ernors. Sometimes  the  executive  makes  use  of  the  "  pat- 
ronage," or  jobs,  at  his  disposal  to  get  law-makers  to  sup- 
port bills  in  which  he  is  interested.  But  the  President  must 
submit  his  appointments  to  the  Senate  for  approval. 

In  this  connection  a  curious  custom  known  as  "  senatorial  cour- 
tesy "  has  arisen,  which  often  seems  childish.  The  senators  from  a 
state,  especially  if  they  belong  to  the  President's  party,  like  to  in- 
sist that  their  approval  shall  be  given  to  any  person  from  that  state 
who  is  appointed  by  the  President  to  any  public  office.  If  they  do 
not  like  him,  other  senators  may  vote  against  him,  expecting  that 
similar  "  courtesy  "  will  be  shown  to  them  if  the  occasion  should 
arise.  By  reason  of  this  custom,  good  men  have  failed  of  approval 
simply  because  some  senator  had  a  grudge  against  them. 

The  President's  control  over  foreign  affairs,  too,  may 
enable  him  to  commit  the  country  to.  poHcies  to  which  Con- 
gress can  hardly  refuse  to  consent  without  putting  us  in 
an  embarrassing  position  before  the  world.  Yet  the  Senate 
must  confirm  any  treaties  which  the  President  makes ;  and 
so  anxious  were  the  makers  of  the  Constitution  to  impose  a 
reasonable  check  on  this  feature  of  his  power  that  they  im- 
posed an  unreasonable  one.  Since  treaties  will  not  go  into 
effect  unless  ratified  by  a  two-thirds  vote  of  the  Senate,  33 
senators  out  of  the  present  96  may  thwart  the  wishes  of  the 
other  63  and  of  the  President.  This  would  be  minority  rule 
with  a  vengeance. 

The  President,  in  the  words  of  the  Constitution,  ^' shall 
from  time  to  time  give  to  the  Congress  information  of  the 
state  of  the  union  and  recommend  to  their  consideration 
such  measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient." 
President  Wilson's  revival  of  the  practice  of  delivering  mes- 
sages before  Congress  in  person,  continued  by  President 
Harding,  has  made  the  message  more  effective  than  for- 


478         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

merly.     But  if  Congress  is  controlled  by  the  opposite  party, 
presidential  opinions  may  not  accomplish  much. 

Before  Mr.  Harding  took  office  as  President,  he  an- 
nounced that  he  expected  to  be  a  constitutional  President. 
Many  presumed  that  he  would  make  no  attempt  to  tell 
Congress  what  it  ought  to  do,  but  would  simply  retire  to 
the  White  House  offices  and  wait  for  information  from  them 
as  to  what  laws  they  would  have  him  execute.  Yet  after 
he  became  President  he  interposed  directly  and  frequently, 
while  legislation  was  still  before  Congress.  He  found  how 
much  the  country  needed  the  President's  urging  to  get  any- 
thing done  on  time  or  in  order.  But  the  checks  and  bal- 
ances remain. 

Would  anybody's  liberties  be  endangered  if  the  check  and  bal- 
ance idea  were  at  least  partly  abandoned  ? 

234.  Should  We  Have  a  Real  Cabinet  System?  —  We 
take  the  name  ''  Cabinet  "  from  the  English  body  which 
has  that  name.  But  there  are  a  number  of  fundamental 
differences  between  our  President's  official  family  and  the 
English  Cabinet.     Ours  is  not  a  Cabinet  system  at  all. 

(1)  Members  of  the  English  Cabinet  are  members  of  Parliament, 
while  members  of  the  United  States  Cabinet  cannot  be  members 
of  Congress.     Why? 

(2)  The  English  Cabinet  may  and  does  prepare  all  important 
laws.  Cm*  Cabinet  can  only  recommend  bills  or  have  them  intro- 
duced by  some  member  of  Congress  as  a  special  favor. 

(3)  Members  of  the  English  Cabinet  belong  to  the  majority  party 
in  the  House  of  Commons.  When  they  lose  control  of  this  body, 
they  resign.  Our  Cabinet  members  are  usually  members  of  the 
President's  party  and  hold  their  offices  as  long  as  they  please  him. 
They  may  or  may  not  belong  to  the  majority  party  in  Congress. 

(4)  The  EngUsh  Cabinet  acts  together  with  the  prime  minister 
as  the  real  head  of  the  government.  Our  Cabinet  members  may 
disagree  on  any  matter,  and  all  are  subordinate  to  the  President. 

Some  people  think  that  the  United  States  would  do  well 
to  take  over  some  features  of  the  English  system.  As  it 
is  now,  the  Cabinet  cannot  have  anything  to  do  with  law- 


Making  Our  Government  EflScient         479 

making  except  in  a  roundabout  way.  It  sometimes  has 
difficulty  in  getting  the  necessary  laws  passed  to  carry  out 
the  work  of  the  various  departments.  If  Congress  would 
extend  to  Cabinet  members  the  courtesy  of  speaking  before 
sessions  of  either  house,  the  Cabinet  officers  could  explain 
their  plans  and  the  needs  of  their  departments,  answer  ques- 
tions, and  there  would  doubtless  be  a  better  understanding 
all  around.  The  fact  that  Cabinet  members  may  belong 
to  a  different  party  from  the  majority  of  the  members  of 
Congress  makes  the  two  groups  sometimes  pull  against 
each  other  when  they  should  cooperate.  Such  a  possibility 
cannot  be  prevented  without  amending  the  Constitution; 
and  as  long  as  the  responsibihty  for  the  administration  of 
the  government  is  centralized  in  the  President's  hands, 
Congress  is  interested  in  the  personnel  of  the  Cabinet  only 
as  all  good  citizens  are. 

Whatever  problem  exists  on  this  point  is  simply  this: 
is  it  better  to  centralize  both  law-making  and  law-enforcing 
responsibility  in  the  hands  of  one  group  of  men;  or  is  it 
better  to  have  the  responsibihty  divided  between  a  Con- 
gress to  make  laws  and  a  President  to  be  in  charge  of  their 
execution?  The  majority  of  civihzed  countries  prefer  a 
system  in  principle  like  that  of  England.  The  smaller  re- 
pubUcs  of  the  New  World,  which  patterned  their  govern- 
ments on  the  form  of  the  United  States,  generally  have  the 
presidential  system. 

If  we  should  care  to  adopt  the  English  Cabinet  system,  what 
changes  in  our  Constitution  would  have  to  be  made  ?  Is  there  any 
reason  why  a  self-governing  people  like  the  English  would  prefer  a 
Cabinet  system  to  our  system  if  they  continue  the  monarchy? 

.'.  Effective  administration  calls  for  well-planned  laws,  officials 
chosen  with  regard  to  their  fitness  for  the  work  which  they  have 
to  do,  and  a  strong  public  sentiment  to  sustain  capable  officials. 
Our  inherited  adherence  to  the  principle  of  political  checks  and 
balances  must  not  prevent  us  from  giving  responsibility  to  properly 
qualified  officials  and  holding  them  to  accountability  for  the  way 
their  work  is  done. 


480         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

The  Organization  of  Our  State  Administration. 

The  Personality  of  Our  Presidents. 

The  Present  Cabinet. 

The  History  of  the  English  Cabinet  System. 

The  History  and  Objects  of  Civil  Service  Reform. 

Civil  Service  Commissions. 

Reorganization  of  State  Administration. 

Reorganization  of  Federal  Administration. 

Resolved,  that  our  Constitution  should  be  amended  so  as  to  insti- 
tute the  English  Cabinet  System. 

Resolved,  that  the  check  and  balance  principle  is  a  detriment  to 
eflBicient  government. 

The  Library  of  Congress. 

The  Smithsonian  Institution. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  5-9,  21,  25,  41,  44. 

Young  —  American  Government,  Chapters  2,  17,  28. 

Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapters 

10,  14,  20,  24,  25. 
Cleveland  and  Schafer  —  Democracy  in  Reconstruction,  Chapters 

20,  21. 
Munro  —  Government  of  the  United  States,  Chapters  7-9,  30,  31,  36. 
Magruder  —  American  Government,  Chapters  8-13,  20. 
Beard  —  American  Government  and  Politics,  Chapters  10,  11,  24. 
Hart  —  Actual  Government,  Chapters  8,  15,  16. 
Haskin  —  American  Government,  Chapters  1,  16,  23-25. 
Bryce  —  Modern  Democracies,  Chapters  60,  63. 


XXI.    PROTECTING   RIGHTS   THROUGH   THE  COURTS 


Legislatures  may  make  laws  and  executives  put  them  into  opera- 
tion, but  something  more  is  needed  to  protect  the  rights  of  citizens 
and  restrain  those  who  disregard  the  rights  of  others  or  their  own 
obligations.  By  what  agencies  are  rights  safeguarded  and  obedi- 
ence enforced?  How  is  the  machinery  for  this  work  constituted? 
How  can  their  services  be  best  rendered? 


235.  Rights  That  Need  Protection.  —  We  move  toward 
the  attainment  of  our  ideals  by  getting  them  transformed 
Httle  by  little  into  rights.     The  rights  which  we  have  thus 


A  Quiet  Moment  in  Traffic. 

People  are  coming  from  a  subway  exit  on  Tremont  Street,  Boston, 
policeman  is  directing  their  crossing  of  the  street. 


The 


secured  may  be  classified  as  personal  rights,  property  rights, 
and  political  rights.     Since  the  latter  group,  including  such 

481 


482         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

rights  as  voting  and  office  holding,  are  possessed  by  only- 
part  of  the  people,  we  will  leave  them  out  of  our  discussion 
at  this  point. 

Among  our  personal  rights  are  those  forms  of  liberty  that 
we  refer  to  as  freedom  of  speech,  of  the  press,  of  religion, 
of  petition,  of  assembly,  of  unmolested  movement,  and  the 
right  to  a  good  reputation.  Our  property  rights  include  the 
ownership  of  private  property,  the  privilege  of  using  it  as 
we  please  if  we  do  not  harm  the  community  by  its  use,  and 
freedom  from  molestation,  seizure,  or  destruction  by  others. 

These  rights  may  be  menaced  by  either  the  unreason- 
able acts  of  others  or  false  definitions  of  their  meaning. 
The  right  of  free  speech,  for  instance,  must  sometimes  be 
restrained.  The  circulating  of  malicious  untruths  against 
an  individual  by  word  of  mouth  is  called  slander ;  by  print- 
ing or  writing,  libel.  Surely  no  one's  freedom  should  go  so 
far  as  to  justify  these.  And  if  a  person  is  wronged  by  such 
an  abuse  of  liberty  on  the  part  of  another,  he  may  justly 
ask  his  government  to  aid  him  in  obtaining  such  reparation 
as  is  possible. 

Show  how  any  of  the  other  rights  mentioned  may  be  violated 
by  other  citizens  or  by  officials.  Point  out  also  the  limitations 
that  may  be  needed  in  order  to  prevent  the  exercise  of  these  rights 
from  harming  other  citizens  or  the  welfare  of  the  community. 
What  persons,  if  any,  might  be  opposed  to  free  speech  or  a  free 
press?  Should  teachers  and  preachers  have  complete  liberty  to 
express  their  personal  views  on  public  matters  ? 

236.  Constitutional  Safeguards.  —  Did  it  ever  occur  to 
you  that  you  could  hardly  claim  anything  as  an  absolute 
right  until  it  was  set  down  in  black  and  white  by  some  sov- 
ereign authority  or  by  agreement  of  all  parties  concerned? 
If  I  claim  the  right  to  perform  a  certain  action  and  you  deny 
my  right,  which  of  us  is  correct?  Therefore  we  set  down 
definite  provisions  in  our  constitutions  and  laws,  that  none 
may  have  any  excuse  for  misunderstanding  their  rights  or 
their  limitations.    We  must  play  safe. 


Making  Our  Government  EflBeient         483 

We  therefore  added  to  our  national  Constitution  as  a 
Bill  of  Rights,  promptly  after  its  adoption,  the  first  ten 
amendments,  as  a  visible  guarantee  of  our  liberty.  Free- 
dom of  rehgion,  speech,  assembly,  and  press,  for  example, 
cannot  be  abridged  by  Congress.  Later  Amendments  XIII, 
XIV,  and  XV  aimed  to  secure  equality  before  the  law,  par- 
ticularly for  the  negro  but  incidentally  for  people  of  any  color. 

It  is  important  to  observe,  however,  that  an  American 
has  two  kinds  of  citizenship.  He  is  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  enjoying  certain  rights  and  privileges  on  that  ac- 
count, and  a  citizen  of  his  state,  which  has  jurisdiction  over 
a  much  greater  number  of  matters  than  the  national  gov- 
ernment. The  Bill  of  Rights  in  our  national  Constitution 
binds  only  the  national  government.  For  all  that  this  doc- 
ument says,  Pennsylvania  could  command  her  citizens  to 
join  the  Quakers  and  New  York  forbid  the  publication  of 
any  but  Republican  newspapers.  But  states  have  put 
similar  bills  of  rights  in  their  own  Constitutions,  and  thus 
we  have  a  twofold  safeguard. 

Study  the  Bill  of  Rights  in  your  state  constitution  and  compare 
it  with  that  of  the  national  Constitution.  Make  a  list  of  five  or 
more  rights  or  privileges  for  which  you  are  indebted  to  the  national 
government,  and  a  similar  list  for  the  state  government. 

Do  you  think  it  probable  that  any  of  these  rights  will  ever  be 
taken  away?  By  whom  or  in  what  way  might  the  number  or  ex- 
tent of  your  rights  be  altered? 

237.  Agencies  to  Maintain  Order.  —  In  a  free  govern- 
ment, maintaining  order  means  nothing  else  than  assuring 
us  that  rights  are  protected.  The  rural  constable,  the  city 
poUcemen  and  detectives,  and  the  county  sheriff  are  vested 
with  this  responsibiUty  in  particular.  Some  states,  too, 
have  a  state  police  force,  or  constabulary,  usually  wonder- 
fully capable  and  effective.  These  agencies  and  officers  are 
constantly  on  duty  or  subject  to  immediate  call. 

The  army  and  navy  of  the  nation  have  their  only  sensi- 
ble excuse  for  existence  in  the  need  for  suppressing  pirates 


484         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

and  outlaws  and  the  defense  of  citizens  from  foreign  ene- 
mies. The  secret  service,  too,  is  a  valuable  aid  in  detec- 
tion of  criminals.  Established  first  to  discover  counter- 
feiters, these  men  are  now  used  to  protect  pubhc  officials 
and  to  root  out  all  kinds  of  crime. 

An  agency  that  is  available  when  special  emergencies 
arise  is  the  state  militia  or  national  guard.  These  volun- 
teer troops  are  managed  by  state  officials  but  supported  in 


A  Limitation  of  Pebsonal  Liberty. 

For  your  sake  and  the  sake  of  the  community  this  man  may  command 
you  to  refrain  from  something  you  would  like  to  do. 


part  by  federal  contributions.  They  may  be  called  into 
active  service  by  the  Governor  of  the  state  when  local  po- 
lice forces  and  sheriff's  deputies  prove  inadequate.  Most 
often  this  is  done  when  serious  and  prolonged  disorder  oc- 
curs in  connection  with  an  industrial  dispute.  Federal 
troops,  too,  may  be  sent  by  the  President  when  national 
law  or  administration  is  menaced  or  when  the  state  authori- 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         485 

ties  appeal  for  help  in  a  situation  that  is  beyond  their  con- 
trol. When  conditions  like  these  arise,  "  martial  law  "  may- 
be proclaimed  in  the  disturbed  district,  and  miUtary  rule 
for  a  time  will  replace  civil  authority. 

But  the  courts,  after  all,  are  the  agency  by  which  law 
and  order  are  made  effective  upon  dishonest,  careless,  or 
unruly  citizens.  They  alone  have  the  right  to  deprive  men 
of  their  liberty  for  any  length  of  time,  or  to  command  them 
to  pay  money  as  compensation  for  wrongs  done  to  other 
men  or  to  the  state.  If  the  courts  are  strict  and  exacting, 
the  criminal  and  the  contract-breaker  have  little  encourage- 
ment to  disregard  law  and  justice. 

There  are  some  offenses  which  society  cannot  tolerate. 
Men  may  find  fault  at  ordinary  times  with  the  conduct  of 
public  officers,  but  when  such  fault-finding  incites  disre- 
spect for  law  and  order  or  urges  the  overthrow  of  the  gov- 
ernment it  becomes  sedition.  It  is  next  door  to  treason. 
This  latter  crime,  under  our  Constitution,  is  limited  to  mak- 
ing war  on  the  United  States  or  giving  aid  and  comfort  to 
their  enemies.  Conviction  for  it  is  not  easy,  since  it  can  be 
obtained  only  after  confession  or  the  testimony  of  two  wit- 
nesses to  the  same  treasonable  act. 

How  far  have  you  the  right  to  go  in  criticizing  public  officials? 
in  circulating  reports  unfavorable  to  some  one's  reputation?  When 
is  it  your  duty  to  do  this  kind  of  thing?  When  should  you  refrain 
from  doing  so  ?  May  the  same  piece  of  criticism  be  warranted  at 
one  time  and  unwarranted  at  another?  Is  there  a  "  revolt  against 
authority  "  in  America  today?  If  this  is  true  to  any  extent,  what 
causes  it? 

Courts  try  to  prevent  wrong-doing  as  well  as  punish  it. 
A  judge  may  issue  an  injunction  commanding  a  private 
citizen  or  an  officer  to  refrain  from  doing  something  which 
he  has  undertaken  or  is  expected  to  undertake  and  which 
is  said  to  be  detrimental  to  the  public  interest.  If  the  party 
who  is  *'  enjoined  "  can  show  that  the  act  in  question  is  not 
undesirable,  however,  the    injunction    will  be   ''  vacated." 


486         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

When  an  official  fails  to  perform  his  duties,  a  court  may 
issue  a  mandamus  instructing  him  to  do  so. 

238.  Protection  against  the  Government.  —  It  is  a  lit- 
tle surprising  to  discover  how  many  guarantees  are  assured 
to  the  citizen  against  his  own  government.  Most  of  these 
are  inherited  from  old  Enghsh  days  when  arbitrary  rulers 
were  a  terror  to  good  works  as  well  as  evil,  but  when  we  ob- 
serve how  much  some  people  enjoy  "  a  little  brief  author- 
ity," we  are  satisfied  to  leave  the  guarantees  where  they 
are.  The  fact  that  a  person  is  elected  to  office  by  popular 
vote  does  not  prove  that  he  has  no  tyrannical  instincts. 

No  person  may  be  tried  for  a  serious  crime  unless  he  has 
been  formally  indicted  by  a  grand  jury  (§241).  An  accused 
person  has  as  much  right  to  command  the  attendance  of 
persons  to  give  evidence  in  his  behalf  as  have  the  authori- 
ties who  are  prosecuting  him.  Moreover,  if  the  accused  can- 
not afford  to  hire  a  lawyer  to  assist  in  his  defense  the  court 
will  assign  some  one  to  perform  that  service. 

Unfortunately  this  provision  does  not  always  mean  as  much  as 
it  might,  because  some  judges  are  in  the  habit  of  handing  over  such 
work  to  young  lawyers  who  want  practice.  To  remedy  any  unfair- 
ness that  might  result  from  such  a  custom,  some  states  have  pro- 
vided for  an  officer  known  as  the  public  defender,  whose  duty  is  to 
see  that  any  one  accused  of  crime  gets  a  square  deal  in  the  court. 

Every  accused  person  is  guaranteed  a  speedy  trial  in  pub- 
lic by  a  jury  from  the  neighborhood  where  the  crime  with 
which  he  is  charged  has  been  committed.  To  aid  in  this 
direction  the  famous  old  English  writ  of  habeas  corpus  may 
be  employed.  The  attorney  or  friends  of  the  accused  may 
appeal  to  the  court,  which  will  instruct  the  sheriff  or  other 
person  in  charge  of  the  accused  to  bring  him  before  the 
court  for  a  hearing.  Then  it  will  be  determined  whether 
he  will  be  let  out  on  bail  or  tried  immediately  or  some  other 
disposition  made  of  the  case.  Of  course  it  is  not  meant 
that  this  writ  should  be  used  in  such  a  way  as  to  enable  a  crim- 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         487 

inal  to  escape  the  just  consequences  of  his  crime,  but  it  is 
intended  to  prevent  the  keeping  of  a  person  in  jail  for  an 
indefinite  period. 

Our  constitutions  provide  also  that  the  amount  demanded 
as  bail  when  a  person  is  let  out  to  await  trial  shall  not  be 
unreasonably  high.  The  law  assumes  that  a  person  is  in- 
nocent until  the  jury  has  been  convinced  that  he  is  guilty. 
He  cannot  be  forced  to  testify  in  his  own  trial  unless  he  is 
willing  to  do  so.  If  he  is  convicted,  the  sentence  imposed 
must  not  be  more  serious  than  the  offense  warrants,  and 
*'  cruel  and  unusual  punishments  "  are  specifically  forbidden. 

Even  then,  if  the  case  has  been  tried  in  one  of  the  lower 
courts  of  the  state  or  nation,  it  is  possible  to  appeal  the  case 
to  a  higher  court,  in  order  to  make  sure  that  everything 
has  been  done  in  a  legal  and  constitutional  manner.  In 
any  event  no  officer  may  deprive  a  person  of  his  life,  liberty, 
or  property  "  without  due  process  of  law."  We  are  as- 
sured privacy  in  our  homes  by  the  restriction  that  they 
shall  not  be  searched  unless  a  warrant  has  been  sworn  out 
^'  on  probable  cause."  Soldiers  may  not  be  quartered  in 
homes  except  in  time  of  war,  and  then  only  if  proper  pay- 
ment is  made.  We  reserve  the  right  to  "  keep  and  bear 
arms,"  but  for  the  safety  of  the  community  this  privilege 
must  be  limited  to  cases  of  self-defense  or  some  other  recog- 
nized necessity.  We  make  it  clear  also  that  any  rights  not 
bestowed  on  officials  are  reserved  to  the  people. 

The  history  of  most  free  people  is  in  part  a  story  of  strug- 
gle against  '*  special  privilege  "  granted  by  monarchs  to 
their  favorites.  An  echo  of  this  appears  in  the  clause  of 
the  fourteenth  amendment  to  the  national  Constitution 
which  forbids  any  state  to  deny  to  a  citizen  ''  the  equal  pro- 
tection of  the  laws,"  though  the  amendment  was  intended 
for  the  particular  benefit  of  the  negroes.  The  question  arose 
as  to  whether  the  national  government  was  limiting  the  power 
of  the  states  by  this  provision,  but  the  Supreme  Court  ruled 
that  it  simply  added  to  the  federal  government  the  power 


488         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

to  act  in  defense  of  citizens  when  a  state  failed  to  assure 
them  their  obvious  rights. 

Was  the  Volstead  Act  an  interference  with  any  kind  of  liberty- 
guaranteed  by  the  Constitution?  What  is  the  relation  of  Sunday 
laws  to  religious  liberty  ?  Should  we  talk  most  today  about  what 
our  governments  have  not  the  right  to  do  or  about  what  we  ought 
to  do  for  our  governments  ? 

If  you  see  another  breaking  a  law  what  should  you  do  ?  Are  you 
right  in  reporting  it  or  is  it  "  sneaky  "  to  do  so?  Should  you  pro- 
tect society  as  a  whole  or  let  one  law-breaker  get  away  to  do  it 
again  ? 

239.  State  Courts.  —  Every  state  has  a  fully  organized 
system  of  courts.  We  cannot  summarize  these  systems 
with  much  accuracy,  because  the  details  of  organization 
are  so  different  from  state  to  state.  In  a  large  state,  city, 
or  county  the  organization  of  the  courts  is  necessarily  ex- 
tensive and  complicated.  Judges  in  all  grades  of  courts 
are  in  most  states  elected  by  popular  vote.  In  a  few  states 
the  judges  of  the  higher  court  are  appointed  by  the  governor 
or  elected  by  the  legislature.  Their  terms  run  from  two 
years  in  Vermont  to  twenty-one  years  for  Supreme  Court 
judges  in  Pennsylvania. 

Every  state  has  a  Supreme  Court  or  Court  of  Appeals  at  the 
head  of  its  judicial  system.  It  meets  sometimes  at  the  state  capi- 
tal and  sometimes  at  other  places  in  the  state.  In  matters  involv- 
ing interpretation  of  the  state  laws  or  constitution  its  decision  is 
final,  unless  the  claim  is  made  that  such  a  decision  conflicts 
with  the  federal  law  or  Constitution.  Then  the  Supreme  Court 
of  the  United  States  can  pass  final  judgment  on  the  matter.  Most 
Supreme  Court  cases  are  appeals  from  lower  courts.  In  New 
York  the  Supreme  Court  is  organized  in  four  divisions  and  is  really 
not  "  supreme,"  because  the  Court  of  Appeals  has  still  higher  au- 
thority. 

Below  the  Supreme  Court  there  is  in  several  states  a  kind  of  in- 
termediate court  which  may  be  called  the  Superior  Court.  This 
also  is  a  court  of  appeals,  and  certain  specified  kinds  of  cases  are 
handled  by  it  rather  than  by  the  Supreme  Court. 

Every  state  has  a  grade  of  courts  called  district  courts,  circuit 
courts,  or  county  courts,  in  which  almost  all  of  the  cases  of  original 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         489 

jurisdiction  arising  under  state  law  are  tried.  Frequently  several 
counties  are  included  in  the  jurisdiction  of  one  of  these  courts, 
though  in  very  populous  counties  there  may  be  subdivisions  of  the 
court  for  the  county.  Frequently  where  the  cases  are  numerous 
separate  sessions  of  the  court  are  held  for  the  trial  of  civil  cases  and 
of  criminal  cases. 

The  courts  of  the  justice  of  the  peace,  magistrate,  or  alderman 
have  purely  local  authority  and  deal  with  only  minor  civil  suits  or 


Old  Courthouse, 


Copyrignt,  Detroit  PublisMng  Co. 
Williamsburg,  Virginia. 


This  is  a  specimen  of  the  old  style  county  buildings,  going  back  to  colonial 
days  when  there  was  less  to  be  done  than  at  present.  Notice  the  bulletin 
board  next  to  the  door,  on  which  public  announcements  were  posted. 


instances  of  law-breaking.  These  same  justices,  however,  fre- 
quently give  hearings  in  cases  which  they  cannot  try  and  decide 
whether  to  hold  the  accused  for  trial  in  a  district,  circuit,  or  county 
court.  In  some  communities  the  justice  of  the  peace  is  popularly 
called  the  "  squire  "  and  is  often  a  man  of  considerable  importance. 
He  may  perform  marriages  and  administer  oaths  for  any  legal  pur- 
pose. In  large  cities  there  are  frequently  separate  "  traffic  courts," 
"domestic  relations  courts,"  and  the  like. 

There  are  other  duties  than  the  trial  of  civil  and  criminal  cases 


490         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

that  devolve  upon  judges.  Where  the  amount  of  business  done  by 
the  ordinary  judge  is  not  excessive,  the  appointment  of  guardians 
for  orphans,  of  administrators  for  estates,  and  similar  matters,  are 
in  his  hands.  But  in  many  states  there  is  a  separate  court  known 
as  the  Probate  Court,  Orphans'  Court,  or  Surrogate's  Court,  which 
deals  with  this  kind  of  business  and  nothing  else.  Sometimes  there 
are  separate  Chancery  courts  or  Equity  courts  which  deal  with 
cases  that  involve  points  not  specifically  governed  by  the  general 
law. 

The  authority  of  the  state  courts  and  of  lower  courts  is 
therefore  very  extensive.  The  number  of  cases  tried  in 
these  courts  is  many  times  greater  than  in  federal  courts. 
Most  crimes  are  tried  here,  especially  crimes  against  per- 
son or  property.  Be  sure  to  understand  that  no  cases  are 
taken  from  state  courts  to  any  federal  court  unless  the  au- 
thority of  the  federal  Constitution  or  a  federal  law  or  treaty 
is  said  to  be  violated.  The  distinction  between  the  juris- 
diction of  state  and  federal  courts  does  not  depend  upon  the 
seriousness  of  the  matter  involved,  but  upon  the  constitu- 
tional division  of  powers  between  state  and  federal  gov- 
ernments. 

Inform  yourself  thoroughly  about  the  organization  of  the  courts 
of  your  community,  county,  and  state.  Are  you  likely  to  get  bet- 
ter judges  in  such  courts  by  appointment  or  by  election?  Should 
the  terms  of  judges  be  long  or  short?  Are  any  special  qualifica- 
tions demanded  of  judges  in  your  state? 

240.  Making  Use  of  the  Courts.  —  But  what  is  this  "  due 
process  of  law  "  that  is  mentioned  so  often?  How  do  we 
go  about  claiming  the  assistance  of  the  courts  in  protect- 
ing our  rights?  In  all  probability  the  courts  are  asked  to 
do  an  unnecessary  amount  of  work.  Some  people  cause 
cases  to  be  brought  against  others  when  there  is  no  just 
reason  for  doing  so,  and  other  cases  are  brought  to  court 
which  could  be  settled  less  expensively  for  both  parties  by 
mutual  agreement.  But  there  really  are  occasions  when 
a  law-suit  is  the  only  means  of  bringing  a  dishonest  man  to 
terms. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         491 

Remember  that  there  are  two  general  kinds  of  cases  in 
court.  Criminal  cases  are  those  in  which  a  person  is  ac- 
cused of  breaking  a  law.  Civil  suits  are  those  in  which  it 
is  alleged  that  private  rights  have  been  violated.  Civil 
suits  may  themselves  be  subdivided  into  suits  at  law  and 
suits  in  equity.  The  former  deal  with  acts  which  the  com- 
mon law  recognizes  as  unjust  and  for  which  money  damages 
are  asked.  Equity  cases  concern  questions  involving  the 
performance  or  non-performance  of  obligations,  such  as  the 
duty  of  a  guardian  toward  his  ward,  or  the  harm  done  to 
another  by  the  commission  of  an  act  which  under  some  cir- 
cumstances might  be  within  a  person's  right.  Such  cases 
are  usually  decided  by  the  judge  or  a  special  *'  master  "  or 
"  referee  "  appointed  by  the  court  to  render  a  decision  after 
taking  testimony  concerning  the  case. 

The  parties  to  a  suit  may  be  either  individuals  or  cor- 
porations. The  one  bringing  the  suit  is  called  the  plaintiff, 
and  the  one  sued,  the  defendant.  In  very  general  outline,  the 
steps  in  the  process  of  a  civil  suit  are  somewhat  as  follows : 

(1)  Complaint.  —  The  plaintiff,  generally  through  his  attorney, 
files  with  a  court  official  a  formal  charge  against  the  defendant. 

(2)  Summons.  —  From  the  clerk's  office  is  sent  to  the  defendant 
a  notice  of  the  charge  that  has  been  filed. 

(3)  Ansiver.  —  The  defendant,  generally  through  his  attorney, 
files  with  the  clerk  a  statement  of  his  side  of  the  ease.  If  he  offers 
no  reason  why  the  plaintiff's  claim  should  not  be  granted,  the  court 
can  at  once  order  such  action  as  will  satisfy  the  plaintiff.  If  the 
defendant  denies  the  justice  of  the  claim,  the  case  goes  on  the  court 
docket  for  trial. 

(4)  Trial.  —  Generally  a  jury  of  12,  called  a  petit  jury  or  trav- 
erse jury,  must  hear  the  case,  though  in  some  states  both  parties 
may  agree  to  allow  the  judge  to  settle  the  facts  in  the  case  as  well 
as  any  points  of  law  involved.  Witnesses  may  be  heard  for  either 
side  and  questioned  by  both  attorneys.  Each  attorney  deUvers  a 
plea  for  his  client  and  the  judge  "  charges  "  the  jury,  if  there  is  a 
jury,  explaining  the  points  of  law  which  they  must  consider. 

(5)  Verdict.  —  The  jury  decides  which  party  is  in  the  right  and 
how  much  in  the  way  of  damages  or  costs  shall  be  paid  by  either 
party.     In  some  states  an  agreement  of  three-fourths  of  the  jury  is 


492         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

sufficient  for  a  verdict,  but  more  often  a  unanimous  decision  is 
needed.  If  the  necessary  number  cannot  agree,  the  case  will  have 
to  be  tried  over  again  before  another  jury,  unless  it  is  settled  out  of 
court. 

(6)  Judgment.  —  If  a  verdict  has  been  agreed  upon,  the  court 
issues  instructions  to  have  it  put  into  effect.  It  may,  if  neces- 
sary, command  the  sale  of  the  defendant's  property  to  make  possi- 
ble the  payment  of  damages. 

The  defendant,  if  he  loses  the  case,  may  appeal  to  a  higher  court 
and  attempt  to  show  that  the  law  has  been  improperly  interpreted 
or  that  there  has  been  some  flaw  in  the  proceedings.  The  higher 
court  then  has  the  right  to  order  the  case  retried  if  it  thinks  justice 
calls  for  such  action. 

A  jury  for  any  particular  case  is  chosen  from  a  list  of  persons 
summoned  to  attend  a  particular  session  of  court.  These  in  turn  are 
usually  drawn  by  lot  from  a  much  longer  list  prepared  in  advance 
by  jury  commissioners  or  other  officers.  If  a  group  satisfactory  to 
both  sides  cannot  be  secured  from  the  persons  regularly  summoned, 
other  persons  may  be  called  upon.  Sometimes  the  "  impaneling  " 
of  a  jury  takes  several  days,  but  such  delays  are  much  more  common 
in  criminal  cnses. 

241.  Proceedings  against  Law-Breakers.  —  In  a  crimi- 
nal case  the  "  state  "  or  the  *'  commonwealth  "  takes  the 
place  of  the  plaintiff  in  prosecuting  the  case.  The  dis- 
trict attorney  or  ''  state's  attorney  "  is  responsible  for  con- 
ducting the  prosecution.  The  court  often  meets  under  a 
different  name  than  when  trying  civil  cases,  though  fre- 
quently the  same  judges  preside.  The  preliminary  steps 
preceding  a  trial  for  crime  differ  considerably  from  those 
in  a  civil  suit.  In  broad  outline  the  process  of  a  criminal 
case  is  as  follows : 

(1)  Arrest.  —  An  arrest  is  made  in  either  of  two  ways  :  first  by 
an  officer  who  saw  the  crime  committed  or  had  reasonable  suspi- 
cion as  to  who  committed  it ;  second,  by  an  officer  holding  a  war- 
rant issued  upon  information  tending  to  show  that  a  certain  per- 
son was  guilty  of  a  crime. 

(2)  Hearing.  —  The  accused  is  brought  before  a  magistrate  or 
justice  of  the  peace.  If  the  crime  is  not  a  serious  one,  the  accused 
is  very  likely  tried  at  once.  If,  however,  the  crime  is  beyond  the 
magistrate's  jurisdiction,  he  hears  the  charges  against  the  accused. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         493' 


If  the  evidence  indicates  a  possibility  of  guilt,  the  accused  is  held 
for  grand  jury.  Until  the  court  meets,  he  may  be  released  if  his 
friends  will  pledge  a  certain  amount  as  bail,  which  will  be  forfeited 
if  he  fails  to  appear  at  the  proper  time.  Bail  is  seldom  allowed, 
however,  in  murder  cases. 

(3)  Grand  jury.  —  The  prosecuting  attorney  draws  up  a  "  bill  of 
indictment,"  a  written  document  stating  the  charge.  This  is  pre- 
sented to  the  grand  jury,  and  testimony  given  to  show  the  guilt  of 
the  accused.     The  grand  jury  in  most  states  is  composed  of  twenty- 


^^ 


,|i^fi!!iHtiiiiiijimiiniiiiit:fi 


nmiii 


A  Moderate  Sized  Court  Room. 
See  if  you  can  pick  out  the  judge's  bench,  the  jury  box,  the  clerk's  desk, 
the  attorneys'  tables,  and  the  seats  for  witnesses  and  spectators. 

three  persons,  selected  for  each  session  of  the  criminal  court  in 
about  the  same  way  that  persons  are  summoned  for  service  on  petit 
juries.  If  the  required  number  of  grand  jurors  (varying  in  differ- 
ent states)  think  there  is  sufficient  evidence  to  warrant  a  court 
trial,  the  foreman  writes  across  the  face  of  the  indictment  the  words : 
'*  A  true  bill,"  and  the  indicted  person  must  appear  for  trial.  The 
jury  may  "ignore  the  bill"  if  they  think  the  case  does  not  deserve 
trial. 

(4)  Trial.  —  The  accused  appears  in  court  in  custody  of  the  sher- 
iff or  some  other  officer,  and  pleads  "  guilty  "or  "  not  guilty.'*     If 


494         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

he  pleads  "  not  guilty  "  he  must  stand  trial  by  a  petit  jury  of  twelve. 
The  process  of  trial  is  very  similar  to  that  in  a  civil  suit. 

(5)  Verdict.  —  A  verdict  must  be  unanimous.  Usually  the  jury's 
consideration  is  limited  to  the  question  of  whether,  on  the  basis  of 
the  evidence  presented,  the  accused  is  guilty.  If  the  prisoner  is 
judged  not  guilty,  he  is  freed,  and  may  not  be  tried  again  on  the 
same  charge.  If  the  jury  cannot  agree,  the  case  is  either  dropped 
or  preparations  made  for  a  new  trial  before  a  different  jury. 

(6)  Sentence.  —  If  the  verdict  is  "  guilty,"  the  judge  imposes  the 
sentence  within  the  limits  fixed  by  the  laws  of  the  state.  Juries 
sometimes  recommend  the  prisoner  "  to  the  mercy  of  the  court," 
if  they  believe  that  the  accused  is  guilty  but  that  there  were  some 
*'  extenuating  circumstances."  If  the  punishment  is  a  fine,  the  de- 
fendant must  pay  promptly  or  permit  his  property  to  be  sold  in 
order  to  collect  the  amount.  If  the  penalty  is  imprisonment,  it 
will  begin  as  soon  as  possible. 

The  defendant,  may,  however,  appeal  to  a  higher  court  if  he  be- 
lieves the  case  has  been  improperly  tried.  In  this  circumstance  he 
may  be  let  out  under  bonds  until  the  higher  court  passes  on  his  ap- 
peal. That  court  may  either  afi&rm  the  decision  of  the  lower  court 
or  order  a  new  trial. 

How  many  kinds  of  cases  are  there  in  which  the  accused  is  not 
or  ought  not  to  be  let  out  on  bail?  Of  what  use  is  a  grand  jury  in- 
dictment? Would  putting  murderers  to  death  by  chloroform  be 
a  cruel  and  unusual  punishment  ? 

Investigate  carefully  the  details  of  the  process  of  civil  and  crimi- 
nal cases  in  your  state,  finding  out  particularly  whether  it  differs 
at  any  point  from  that  described  here. 

242.  The  Courts  of  the  United  States.  —  Remember 
that  our  federal  courts  have  no  organic  connection  what- 
ever with  the  state  courts.  The  authors  of  the  Constitu- 
tion tried  to  make  the  judicial  department  as  independent 
as  possible,  so  that  it  might  be  wholly  free  from  any  other 
influence  than  a  desire  to  assure  justice.  Most  presidents 
have  been  careful  in  selecting  men  to  serve  as  judges  and 
the  courts  have  well  maintained  the  dignity  of  the  nation. 
Lower  judges,  the  President,  Congress,  and  the  public  usu- 
ally accept  the  word  of  the  Supreme  Court  as  final.  In- 
deed, any  other  course  than  this  would  be  fatal  to  orderly 
government. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient        495 


FACTS  ABOUT   THE   FEDERAL   COURTS 


Basis 

Term  of 

Judges 
Jurisdiction 

in  general 


Grades 
Judges' 

SALARY 

Number 


Special 
Functions 


Supreme  Court  required  by  Constitution.     Other  courts 

organized  by  act  of  Congress 
Appointed  by  President  for  "good  behavior" 
Removed  only  by  impeachment  proceedings 

1.  All   cases   arising  under  federal   Constitution   or  laws 

2.  Cases  relating  to  foreign  nations  or  their  representatives 

3.  Cases  of  interstate  character,  except  civil  suits  involv- 
ing not  over  S3000,  or  suits  by  citizen  against  state 


District 
$7500 


At  least  1  court  States  grouped 
in  each  state.       in  9  circuits 
At  least  1  judge  3  to  5  judges  in 
in  each  court,      each  circuit 
Over  100  dis- 
trict judges 
Original   juris- 
diction in  all 
federal  cases 
except  those 
reserved  for 
Supreme  Court 


Circuit  Supreme 

$8500  $14500 

($  15000,  Chief  Justice) 

1    Chief  Justice 

8  Associate  Justices 


Appellate  juris-  Final  authority  in  cases 
diction  in  cases    involving  interpretation 
tried  in  District  of  laws  or  Constitution. 
Courts.     Final    Original  jurisdiction 

when  a  state  is  a  party  to 
a  case  or  when  foreign 
representatives  are  in- 
volved 


Pbocess 


authority  in 
many  cases  not 
requiring  inter- 
pretation of 
laws 

Pleas  by  attor- 
neys before 
judges 


Pleas  by  attorneys  before 
justices.  Majority  may 
render  decision 


Special 
Courts 


Similar  to 
county  or  dis- 
trict courts  in 
states.     Grand 
and  petit  juries. 
District  attor- 
ney, marshal, 
and  commis- 
sioner in  each 
district 

The  Court  of  Claims  considers  claims  for  money  damages 
from  the  United  States  government.  It  has  no  power 
to  order  the  payment  of  money,  but  if  it  believes  that 
the  claim  is  just  it  will  so  decide  and  the  claimant  may 
then  ask  an  appropriation  from  Congress.  The  Court  of 
Customs  Appeals  hears  the  questions  arising  over  the 
application  of  the  tariff  laws  of  the  country.  There 
are  5  judges  in  each  court. 

Do  you  think  the  money  compensation  for  federal  judges  is  high  enough 
to  attract  the  most  capable  men?  Are  there  any  other  considerations 
than  salary  that  would  induce  a  man  of  ability  to  accept  an  appointment 
as  a  federal  judge?  What  mental  and  moral  qualities  ought  a  judge  to 
possess  in  a  high  degree?  Judges  may  retire  on  full  pay  at  the  age  of  70. 
Do  you  suppose  the  ordinary  judge  would  care  to  do  so? 


496         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

If  the  members  of  an  ordinary  jury  are  required  to  render  a  unanimous 
verdict,  why  is  the  Supreme  Court  allowed  to  render  a  verdict  by  a  ma- 
jority vote?  Mention  some  cases  in  American  history  in  which  the  Su- 
preme Court's  decision  was  unpopular  with  a  certain  element  of  the  people. 
Does  a  federal  judge  have  the  right  to  belong  to  a  political  party?  If  a 
president  should  refuse  to  be  bound  by  the  Supreme  Court's  decision, 
could  he  be  punished? 

243.  Courts  and  the  Laws.  —  Courts  are  judicial  bodies, 
not  legislative,  yet  the  attitude  of  the  courts  toward  a  law 
determines  its  effectiveness.     If  judges  will  not  impose  the 


Copyright,  Harris  «&  Eioing. 
The  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States. 
Chief  Justice  Taf t  is  seated  in  the  center  of  the  picture. 

necessary  penalties  upon  persistent  violators,  they  virtually 
invite  people  to  disregard  the  law.  If  a  question  arises 
about  the  meaning  of  a  phrase  or  clause  in  the  law,  officials 
do  not  go  to  the  original  author  of  the  provision  and  ask 
him  what  he  meant,  but  the  courts  decide  the  point  at  issue. 
They  sometimes  apply  ^'  the  rule  of  reason  "  in  such  cases, 
apparently  attempting  to  determine  what  the  author  ought 
to  have  meant,  whether  he  actually  did  say  just  that  or  not. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         497 

The  power  possessed  by  our  high  courts  in  state  and  na- 
tion is  possessed  by  no  other  courts  in  the  world  to  the  same 
extent.  If  the  EngUsh  Parhament  passes  a  law,  it  is  con- 
stitutional. If  the  corresponding  body  in  France  enacts  a 
law,  the  courts  must  accept  it.  In  this  country,  however, 
if  Congress  passes  a  law  and  the  Supreme  Court,  as  it  has 
done  on  a  number  of  occasions,  declares  the  law  to  be  con- 
trary to  the  Constitution,  the  situation  is  just  the  same  as 
if  the  law  had  never  been  passed.  The  judges  of  course 
have  no  right  to  base  their  decision  on  their  opinion  of  the 
wisdom  of  a  law.  Their  only  concern  is  whether  it  is  in 
accordance  with  the  Constitution.  They  do  not  have  a 
presidential  "  veto." 

There  was  a  time  when  judges  seemed  to  be  guided  in 
their  decisions  solely  by  precedent,  and  by  a  rigid  adherence 
to  hair-splitting  technicalities.  This  attitude  made  almost 
impossible  the  adaptation  of  laws  to  new  needs,  and  aroused 
popular  hostility  toward  the  courts  as  "  strongholds  of  re- 
action." It  led  to  the  adoption  of  the  recall  (§  264)  of 
judges  by  popular  vote  in  several  states,  and  the  advocacy 
by  Roosevelt  and  some  others  of  the  proposition  known  as 
the  *'  recall  of  judicial  decisions."  This  did  not  mean,  as 
some  supposed,  that  the  people  should  have  the  right  by 
popular  vote  to  set  aside  a  court's  verdict,  but  that  when  a 
judge  ruled  that  a  law  was  unconstitutional  the  people 
might  overrule  that  interpretation. 

For  at  least  two  reasons  we  do  not  hear  much  now  about 
this  proposition.  First :  while  in  the  long  run  democracies 
will  take  the  right  side  of  most  questions,  we  cannot  be 
sure  that  any  particular  election  or  vote  will  be  the  result 
of  sound  judgment  rather  than  emotion  or  misguided  senti- 
ment. Besides,  our  highest  courts  have  shown  an  increas- 
ing tendency  to  be  sensible  and  liberal  in  interpreting  con- 
stitutions, rather  than  to  maintain  that  the  light  of  1789 
is  the  light  by  which  we  are  to  be  always  guided  in  1925. 
They  often  assume  that  the  legislature  acted  with  the  be- 


498         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

lief  that  a  law  passed  by  them  was  constitutional  and  de- 
sirable, and  put  the  burden  of  proof  that  it  is  not  so  on  the 
critics  of  the  law.  Sometimes  it  may  be  a  court's  duty  to 
declare  a  law  unconstitutional.  Then  the  remedy  is  not 
to  take  a  popular  vote  and  say  that  the  law  is  all  right,  but 
to  amend  the  Constitution  so  that  there  can  be  no  ques- 
tion of  the  people's  legal  right  to  do  the  things  that  they 
feel  their  welfare  requires.  This  was  actually  done  in  the 
case  of  the  income  tax. 

One  custom  of  most  of  our  courts  in  this  connection  seems 
decidedly  awkward,  from  the  viewpoint  of  an  outsider.  No 
federal  court  and  few  state  courts  will  pass  an  opinion  on 
the  constitutionality  or  meaning  of  a  law  until  a  particular 
case  is  brought  before  them.  What  does  this  mean?  That 
no  matter  how  much  question  there  may  be  of  the  consti- 
tutionality of  a  law,  the  machinery  for  putting  it  into  oper- 
ation must  be  started,  persons  brought  before  the  court 
for  disregarding  the  law,  the  whole  process  of  trial  com- 
pleted and  a  conviction  secured,  if  it  is  a  criminal  case,  be- 
fore the  courts  will  render  any  opinion  as  to  whether  the 
law  in  question  violates  the  Constitution.  How  much  un- 
certainty and  sometimes  unavailing  activity  would  be 
avoided  if  the  Supreme  Court  would  pass  upon  the  princi- 
ples involved  before  the  law  was  finally  enacted ! 

244.  The  Personal  Element  in  the  Courts.  —  Fortu- 
nately or  unfortunately,  the  courts  are  operated  by  human 
beings,  and  we  need  not  hope  that  machine-Uke  precision 
will  ever  be  fully  developed.  Sometimes,  indeed,  mercy 
rather  than  abstract  justice  is  dssirable,  but  human  weak- 
nesses should  be  removed  from  court  action  as  far  as  possi- 
ble. The  sentimental  jury  which  sets  a  man  or  woman 
free  when  everybody  knows  he  or  she  committed  a  crime 
does  much  harm. 

"  Important  as  it  is  that  the  people  get  justice,  it  is  still 
more  important  that  the  people  feel  that  they  get  justice. '* 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         499 

People  sometimes  get  disgusted  with  the  whole  jury  sys- 
tem, even  though  we  have  always  been  taught  that  it  is  one 
of  the  foundations  of  our  hberties.  Citizens  of  intelligence 
and  experience  frequently  try  to  escape  serving  on  juries, 
with  the  result  that  the  twelve  people  who  sit  in  the  jury 
box  sometimes  look  as  if  they  were  chosen  because  they 
knew  nothing  about  anything  rather  than  because  they 
had  formed  no  opinion  about  a  particular  case. 

To  correct  this  situation  it  has  been  proposed  to  abolish 
the  jury  and  let  all  cases  be  decided  by  the  judge,  who  may 
be  an  intelligent,  thoughtful  man.  In  some  states  the  two 
parties  in  civil  suits  may  agree  to  have  the  judge  decide 
the  case  wHhout  reference  to  a  jury.  Yet  if  a  judge  made 
all  decisions,  in  criminal  cases,  the  criticism  might  be  of- 
fered that  he  had  arbitrary  power,  and  that  one  man  alone 
could  decide  the  fate  of  another.  Judges  are  human,  too, 
and  can  make  mistakes.  Even  with  them  the  influence  of 
money  or  pohtical  friendship  sometimes  enables  people  to 
escape  their  just  deserts.  It  is  therefore  particularly  im- 
portant to  select  as  judges  men  who  cannot  be  swerved 
from  the  right  by  special  influences  of  any  kind. 

Not  to  require  a  unanimous  decision  in  some  jury  cases 
would  prevent  the  holding  up  of  a  verdict  by  one  or  two 
stupid,  stubborn,  or  corrupt  individuals.  The  election  of 
}uries  would  not  assure  any  better  results.  Perhaps  the 
real  remedy  is  to  develop  such  a  public  spirit  on  the  part 
of  inteUigent  citizens  that  they  will  be  willing  to  make  what- 
ever sacrifice  is  necessary  to  permit  them  to  take  their  turn 
at  jury  service. 

If  you  were  on  trial  for  a  crime,  would  you  prefer  to  have  the 
case  decided  by  a  judge  or  a  jury?  Why  should  not  an  accused 
person  be  required  to  testify  in  his  own  case?  Will  the  introduc- 
tion of  women  into  jury  service  make  conditions  any  better  ?  Dis- 
regarding the  effect  upon  baseball  of  Judge  Landis's  accepting  the 
position  of  baseball  "  dictator,"  do  you  think  that  judges  ought  to 
occupy  such  positions?     Can  courts  and  policemen  be  law^less? 


500         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Does  a  lawyer  have  a  moral  right  to  defend  a  person  whom  he 
believes  to  be  guilty  of  wrong-doing?  Why  do  juries  sometimes 
fail  to  convict  people  about  whom  there  is  no  question  of  guilt? 
To  what  extent  should  sentiment  enter  into  the  consideration  of  the 
jury?  Does  a  woman  deserve  any  more  sympathy  than  a  man  if 
she  is  a  criminal  ? 

245.  Do  Our  Courts  Render  the  Service  That  They 
Should?  —  Most  of  the  judges  in  American  courts  have 
been  men  whose  intentions  were  good  and  whose  intelligence 
was  average  or  superior.  Yet  a  great  many  people  be- 
lieve that  American  courts  are  inefficient.  There  is  un- 
doubtedly a  great  deal  of  formality  and  waste  of  time  that 
should  be  avoided.  Lawyers  are  allowed  to  have  cases 
postponed  on  foolish  pretexts  and  days  are  consumed  in 
wrangling  over  little  points.  Dozens  of  cases  are  decided 
on  technical  details  of  procedure  rather  than  on  the  right 
and  wrong  of  the  case  itself.  There  is  much  following  of 
precedent,  and  an  amount  of  '^  red  tape  "  which  to  an  out- 
sider seems  inexcusable. 

When  a  person  feels  sure  that  he  will  be  punished  if  he 
breaks  the  law  he  is  likely  to  think  some  little  time  before 
he  breaks  it,  but  if  he  gets  the  notion  that  a  skillful  lawyer 
will  get  him  free,  he  will  be  much  more  likely  to  consider  his 
own  advantage  than  his  duty  under  the  law.  The  slow- 
ness with  which  cases  move  in  our  courts  contributes  to  the 
lack  of  respect  for  the  laws,  because  by  the  time  many  cases 
are  brought  up  for  trial  the  immediate  interest  of  the  case 
has  disappeared  and  people  in  general  have  forgotten  about 
that  case  of  law-breaking.  Then  even  if  punishment  is 
administered,  much  of  the  effect  of  it  is  lost  by  reason  of  the 
delay. 

The  reason  for  delay  in  the  courts  may  be  that  judges 
are  too  few  or  that  they  are  lazy.  It  is  not  at  all  uncommon 
in  the  national  courts  for  a  case  not  to  be  tried  until  a  year 
or  more  after  it  has  been  entered.  We  cannot  truthfully 
call  that  businesslike.     If  our  law-makers  have  not  pro- 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         501 

vided  enough  judges,  that  much  of  the  blame  rests  upon 
them.  Usually,  however,  Congress  is  ready  enough  to  create 
new  positions.  It  provided  for  about  20  additional  judges 
in  1922. 

We  hear  the  assertion,  too,  that  justice  is  far  from  free 
and  even-handed.  The  rich  man  can  hire  skillful  lawyers 
to  defend  him,  who  will  take  advantage  of  every  possible 
legal  technicality  to  have  the  case  set  aside,  and  to  tire  out 
or  cause  expense  to  the  opposing  party.  Some  judges  seem 
to  be  so  completely  devoted  to  the  protection  of  the  rights 
of  property  that  they  look  at  everything  from  the  wealthy 
man's  point  of  view.  The  poor  man  cannot  get  bail  if  he 
is  accused  of  crime,  or  afford  to  hire  a  lawyer  to  conduct 
a  suit  in  court. 

As  a  remedy  for  this  particular  difficulty,  several  cities 
have  established  courts  of  small  claims.  In  these,  without 
fees  or  **  red  tape,''  any  person  may  present  a  case  before  a 
judge,  who  has  power  to  take  immediate  action.  Undoubt- 
edly the  evil  which  this  is  intended  to  remedy  is  a  very  real 
one.  Altogether  too  often  the  magistrates  who  are  ap- 
pointed in  municipal  courts  are  cheap  politicians  with  no 
knowledge  of  law,  no  judgment,  and  no  sense  of  right.  A 
foreigner  who  gets  into  their  hands  sees  no  difference  be- 
tween American  "  justice  "  and  the  Russian  brand.  If  this 
is  to  be  a  government  '*  for  the  people,"  the  poor  as  well 
as  the  rich  should  be  able  to  get  justice  done.  Perhaps 
the  reform  of  our  judicial  system  needs  to  begin  at  the  bot- 
tom. 

Is  it  advisable  for  a  man  to  handle  his  own  case  in  court  rather 
than  to  hire  a  lawyer?  What  is  to  be  done  if  it  takes  all  his  regular 
earnings  to  support  his  family?  What  kind  of  person  should  be  a 
police  magistrate  or  municipal  judge  ? 

.-.  The  courts  are  a  vital  part  of  free  government,  for  through 
them  the  people's  rights  are  secured,  if  anywhere.  They  have  a 
right  to  demand  respect  and  should  maintain  a  high  standard  of 
dignity   and   complete   impartiality.      Simplicity   of    organization, 


502         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

ready  access  by  the  people,  the  administration  of  real  justice  and 
swift  justice,  are  ideals  of  judicial  service  that  should  be  every- 
where attained. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

The  Supreme  Court  Today. 

Resolved,  that  federal  judges  should  be  chosen  by  popular  vote. 
The  Organization  of  Our  State  Judicial  Department. 
Our  Local  Courts  and  Magistrates. 
The  Process  of  a  Civil  Suit. 
The  Process  of  a  Criminal  Case. 
Desirable  Reforms  in  Court  Proceedings. 

Resolved,  that  Roosevelt's  proposal  for  reviewing  judicial  decisions 
should  be  adopted  by  the  states . 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Young  —  New  American  Government,  Chapters  15,  23,  24. 
Magruder  —  American  Government,  Chapters  14,  15,  21,  22. 
Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  22-24,  42,  104,  105. 
Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,   Chapters 

13,  23. 
Beard  —  American  Citizenship,  Chapters  4-6. 
Haskin  —  American  Government,  Chapters  26-28. 
Munro  —  Government  of  the  United  States,  Chapters  6,  24,  25,  34. 
Beard  —  American  Government  and  Politics,  Chapters  15,  26. 
Leacock  —  Elements  of  Political  Science,  Part  I,  Chapter  5. 
Gettell  —  Introduction  to  Political  Science,  Chapters  9,  10. 
Hart  —  Actual  Government,  Chapters  3,  9,  17,  30. 
Tufts  —  The  Real  Business  of  Living,  Chapters  33,  34. 
Bryce  —  Modem  Democracies,  Chapters  43,  62. 


XXII.   GOVERNING  LOCAL  COMMUNITIES   CAPABLY 


A  great  part  of  the  activities  which  our  Constitution  reserves  to 
the  states  or  the  people  are  actually  performed  through  our  local 
governments.  What,  then,  is  the  best  form  of  organization  for 
them  that  they  may  secure  the  best  results? 


246.  Problems  Right  at  Home.  —  We  do  not  need  to 
go  far  away  to  find  problems  of  democracy.  They  are 
knocking  at  our  doors.  The  protection  of  our  homes,  our 
business,  and  our  leisure,  the  means  of  education,  the  care 
of  our  health,  the  maintenance  of  highways,  sewers,  street 
lights,  and  water  systems,  the  care  of  the  rich  and  the  poor, 
the  "stranger  within  our  gates,"  housing,  zoning,  slums  — 
indeed,  is  there  much  that  comes  into  our  daily  lives,  ex- 
cept the  post  office  and  our  money  system,  that  is  not  con- 
nected in  some  way  with  the  work  of  local  governments? 

Washington  is  too  far  away.  It  could  not  possibly  look 
out  for  the  details  of  these  matters.  Harrisburg,  or  Tren- 
ton, or  Columbus,  or  Sacramento  may  make  laws  for  us,  but 
men  and  women  who  live  right  among  us  must  administer 
them  if  they  are  administered  at  all  in  normal  times.  To 
subdivide  a  state  is  necessary  in  furnishing  convenient  ma- 
chinery for  punishing  law-breakers,  collecting  taxes,  and 
doing  many  other  things  for  which  the  state  is  responsible. 
Moreover,  it  is  well  that  the  responsibility  of  government 
should  rest  in  some  degree  as  closely  as  possible  to  the  peo- 
ple themselves.  In  a  democracy  too  much  authority  ought 
not  to  be  turned  over  to  distant  officials. 

Every  state  is  divided  into  counties,  except  that  in  Louisi- 
ana they  are  called  parishes.  They  are  usually  formed  by 
act  of  the  legislature,  although  in  some  states  the  consti- 
tution specifies  area  and  population  requirements  for  new 

503 


504         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

counties.  If  a  county  is  to  be  formed  of  part  of  another,  a 
popular  vote  is  usually  taken,  and  if  a  majority  of  the  peo- 
ple favor  the  division,  it  is  made. 

In  many  states  the  counties  are  subdivided  into  town- 
ships or  towns.  A  thickly  populated  section  may  become 
a  borough,  village,  or  city.  Cities  usually  remain  a  part  of 
the  county,  although  St.  Louis,  Baltimore,  and  the  cities  of 
Virginia  are  entirely  independent  of  the  county.  New  York 
City  is  unique  in  that  it  comprises  five  counties.  Phila- 
delphia city  and  Philadelphia  county  occupy  the  same  area. 

Who  ought  to  decide  about  the  form  of  government  of 
local  communities?  Most  states  prescribe  a  definite  form 
for  each  type  of  community.  The  legislature  plans  for  all 
the  officers,  their  duties,  terms,  and  perhaps  even  their  sal- 
aries. All  the  voters  can  do  is  choose  people  to  fill  the 
places  which  the  legislature  permits  them  to  fill.  Many 
students  of  public  affairs  advocate  what  they  call  *'  home 
rule  "  ;  that  is,  letting  the  people  of  a  community  choose, 
within  certain  limits,  their  own  form  of  local  government. 
This  might  give  the  people  a  greater  interest  in  their  gov- 
ernment, and  the  type  or  plan  that  a  community  chose  for 
itself  would  probably  fit  the  needs  of  the  people. 

Other  political  *'  experts  "  declare  that  the  people  are 
not  capable  of  exercising  this  power  wisely  and  that  the 
activities  of  a  local  government  need  to  be  closely  super- 
vised by  the  state,  lest  it  may  do  something  to  harm  itself 
or  its  neighbors.  But  the  reply  is  suggested  that  the  aver- 
age state  legislature  would  not  do  much  better  for  them 
than  they  could  do  for  themselves.  In  states  which  have  a 
well  developed  state  pohtical  machine,  movements  for  local 
home  rule  are  not  in  favor  with  the  political  leaders. 

In  many  states  the  various  forms  of  local  government, 
especially  cities,  are  classified  in  three  or  more  groups  ac- 
cording to  population.  Then  a  special  form  of  government 
is  required  for  all  communities  of  a  certain  class.  In  other 
states  several  types  of  local  government  are  recognized  by 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         505 

law,  and  a  community  is  allowed  to  decide  for  itself  which 
type  it  prefers.  Ohio  allows  its  cities  almost  complete  free- 
dom to  select  their  own  form  of  government,  and  New  York 
gives  them,  except  New  York  City,  a  wide  range  of  choice. 
Pennsylvania  gives  its  cities  no  choice  at  all,  except  as  the 
state  legislature  cares  to  listen  to  their  wishes.  States  like 
Massachusetts,  New  York,  and  Pennsylvania  feel  that 
their  largest  cities  —  Boston,  New  York,  and  Philadel- 
phia —  are  of  such  importance  to  the  whole  state  that  the 
legislature  must  keep  them  under  close  control. 

247.  Systems  of  Local  Government.  —  But  why  do  we 
have  so  many  kinds  of  government?  When  the  New  Eng- 
land colonists  made  their  first  settlements  they  kept  rather 
near  one  another  in  groups  or  villages,  for  protection,  for 
religious  reasons,  and  because  the  community  spirit  was 
strong  among  them.  So  the  village  or  the  town  was  the 
center  of  interest.  As  the  population  grew,  the  town  still 
remained  of  the  greatest  importance. 

In  the  South,  on  the  other  hand,  the  development  of 
great  plantations  tended  to  spread  the  people  over  a  con- 
siderable area.  So  when  its  governments  were  organized 
the  greatest  stress  was  laid  on  the  county  as  the  center  of 
activity.  Today,  while  New  England  has  the  counties  and 
the  South  parishes  or  ''hundreds,"  the  old  political  centers 
of  interest  still  dominate. 

In  the  middle  colonies,  where  geography  showed  some  of 
the  features  of  both  the  North  and  South,  both  the  town 
and  the  county  developed  importance  as  subdivisions  of 
the  state.  So  three  types  of  local  government  were  pro- 
duced —  the  town  system,  the  county  system  and  the 
county-township  or  mixed  system. 

These  various  types  were  carried  into  the  West  by  tHe 
pioneers  from  various  parts  of  the  Union,  and  they  moved 
frequently  along  parallels  of  latitude.  Michigan  and  Wis- 
consin, for  example,  have  the  town  system ;   Ohio,  Indiana, 


506 


Problems  of  American  Democracy 


and  Kansas  have  the  mixed  system,  and  the  southwestern 
states  have  the  county  system.  In  some  states  both  sys- 
tems exist  in  different  portions,  and  the  people  of  a  county 
themselves  decide  \^hat  system  of  local  government  they 
will  have. 

Can  you  think  of  any  other  features  of  our  political  organiza- 
tion for  which  geography  or  industry  is  largely  responsible? 

248.    The    County.  —  The   state's   laws   are   usually   ad- 
ministered   through    the    county.     The    construction    and 


Copyright,  Detroit  PubHshing  Co. 
Courthouse,  Rochester,  New  York. 
In  this  building  is  done  the  pubUc  business  for  the  county  in  which  this 
large  city  is  situated. 

care  of  highways,  the  supervision  of  schools,  the  care  of 
the  poor  and  insane,  and  particularly  the  work  of  the  courts, 
are  wholly  or  partly  administered  through  the  county. 
In  many  states  each  county  has  its  courthouse  and  jail, 
and  perhaps  other  buildings  for  the  conduct  of  public  busi- 
ness.    The  community  where  they  are  situated  is  called 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         507 

the  county  seat.  It  is  usually  near  the  center  of  a  county, 
but  it  is  frequently  not  so  large  or  important  today  as  it 
probably  expected  at  one  time  to  be. 

The  most  important  officers  of  the  county  in  many  states  are  the 
•county  commissioners  or  supervisors.  They  have  general  charge 
of  the  business  of  the  county,  fix  the  tax  rate,  and  may  have  many 
other  duties.  They  come  the  nearest  of  any  county  officials  to 
being  a  legislative  body.  The  sheriff  keeps  order  and  has  various 
duties  as  a  kind  of  enforcement  officer  for  the  courts.  The  treasurer 
has  charge  of  the  county  money,  and  the  controller  or  auditors  in- 
spect the  accounts  of  county  officers.  Other  officers  may  include 
a  recorder  of  deeds,  who  copies  and  files  deeds,  mortgages,  and  other 
legal  papers,  a  district  attorney  or  state's  attorney,  to  prosecute  law- 
breakers, a  superintendent  of  schools  or  commissioner  of  education, 
directors  of  the  poor  or  of  charities,  and  the  like.  These  are  usually 
elected  by  popular  vote,  and  the  terms  of  office  are  most  frequently 
two  or  four  years. 

It  is  almost  impossible  to  expect  businesslike  government  to 
result  from  the  choice  of  so  many  officials  by  popular  vote.  In 
fact,  the  county  has  been  called  the  jungle  of  American  politics 
because  of  the  confusion  so  often  existing  in  its  administration. 
One  proposed  remedy  is  the  reduction  of  the  number  of  elected 
officers,  and  the  installation  of  a  county  manager,  on  the  principle 
described  for  city  governments  in  Section  254.  Maryland  counties 
have  virtually  a  commission  form  of  government,  with  from  3  to  5 
elected  officials  possessing  practically  all  legislative  and  executive 
power.  They  have  the  privilege  of  adopting  a  county  manager  sys- 
tem if  they  wish. 

There  is  not  much  use  in  attempting  to  give  here  a  complete  list  of 
county  officers,  for  they  differ  much  'from  state  to  state.  Be  sure 
you  learn  not  only  what  they  are  in  your  state,  but  who  they  are  and 
what  they  do. 

249.  The  Town  or  Township.  —  The  earliest  and  sim- 
plest type  of  local  government  is  the  town  or  township.  In 
several  states  this  government  has  almost  entire  charge  of 
such  activities  as  public  schools,  road  construction,  tax 
collection,  and  the  like.  Brookline  town  in  Massachu- 
setts, and  Lower  Merion  township  in  Pennsylvania  are 
among  the  richest  communities  in  the  country  per  capita. 


508         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  relation  of  the  town  or  township  to  the  county  depends 
upon  the  state.  In  New  England  the  county  has  very  lit- 
tle authority  over  the  town,  while  in  many  states  the  town- 
ship is  simply  a  division  of  the  county.  The  even  size  and 
regular  shape  of  the  "  Congressional  township  "  in  the  West, 
which  may  also  be  the  basis  of  local  government,  are  in 
sharp  contrast  with  the  irregular  townships  of  the  East. 

The  New  England  town  is  unique  in  its  nature.  It  means  not  a 
group  of  people,  but  a  political  organization.  The  distinguishing 
feature  of  the  New  England  town  is  the  town  meeting.  It  is  usually 
held  in  the  spring,  and  all  voters  may  attend.  It  concerns  itself 
with  a  great  many  things  of  interest  to  the  town,  such  as  fixing  the 
tax  rate,  erecting  schools,  keeping  the  streets  in  condition,  and  even 
deciding  whether  to  supply  free  band  concerts.  It  is  difficult  for 
large  communities  to  hold  a  town  meeting  which  really  means  any- 
thing. In  a  great  many  large  towns  they  still  go  through  the  mo- 
tions of  having  it,  though  if  all  the  voters  came  the  meeting  would 
have  to  be  held  out  in  the  park. 

There  are  many  town  officers.  Perhaps  the  most  important  are 
the  selectmen,  who  look  after  the  town's  business  in  general  and 
act  in  its  name.  Others  are  the  assessors,  justices  of  the  peace,  con- 
stables, auditors,  school  directors,  road  commissioners,  fence  viewers^ 
pound  keepers,  ad  finem  and  ad  infinitum.  In  New  England,  all 
town  officers  have  short  terms,  very  frequently  one  year. 

In  other  states,  the  most  important  officers  of  the  towns  or  town- 
ships are  supervisors.  In  New  York  the  duties  of  the  supervisor 
correspond  somewhat  to  those  of  the  selectmen,  and  the  supervi- 
sor of  each  town  is  a  member  of  the  county  board,  which  has  the 
general  oversight  of  county  affairs.  In  a  Pennsylvania  township  the 
chief  duty  of  the  two  supervisors  is  the  care  of  the  roads.  There 
are  also  the  usual  officials  —  treasurer,  assessors,  auditors,  constables, 
tax  collectors,  justices  of  the  peace,  and  school  directors. 

In  states  outside  of  New  England  townships  and  towns  do  not 
have  the  town  meeting  or  give  it  little  to  do  except  elect  officers. 
Often  some  important  township  officers  have  both  legislative  and 
executive  powers.  These  officers  are  usually  elected  for  longer 
terms  than  those  of  New  England  towns. 

If  you  live  in  a  town  or  township  be  sure  to  familiarize  yourself 
thoroughly  with  its  officials  and  their  duties.  Does  it  seem  sensi- 
ble for  Brookline,  Massachusetts,  with  over  30,000  people,  to  re- 
main a  town?     Why  do  you  suppose  it  does  so? 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         509 

250.  Boroughs  and  Villageis.  —  Sometimes  a  certain 
section  of  a  town  or  a  township  becomes  more  thickly  pop- 
ulated than  the  other  parts,  or  acquires  community  inter- 
ests of  its  own.  It  may  want  a  number  of  improvements 
such  as  paved  streets,  street  Ughting,  better  schools,  or 
something  of  the  sort.  Since  it  might  cost  too  much  to 
make  these  improvements  over  the  entire  township,  the 
community  is  organized  as  a  borough  or  an  incorporated 
village.  The  establishment  of  such  a  government  must 
usually  have  the  approval  of  the  majority  of  the  voters  or 
property  owners.  A  Pennsylvania  borough  becomes  in- 
dependent of  the  township  of  which  it  formerly  was  a  part. 
A  New  York  village  is  established  to  meet  certain  needs, 
but  is  still  politically  a  part  of  the  township. 

Boroughs  and  villages  usually  elect  a  body  known  as  a  council 
or  a  hoard  of  trustees,  who  are  the  legislators.  The  Pennsylvania 
borough  has  an  executive  officer  known  as  the  chief  burgess.  The 
New  York  village  has  a  president.  There  are  other  officers  similar 
to  those  of  the  township.  Boroughs  may  develop  into  cities,  but  a 
great  many  of  them  choose  to  retain  their  borough  organization 
rather  than  to  undertake  the  extra  expense  of  city  government. 

If  you  live  under  a  borough  or  village  government,  study  it 
thoroughly. 

251.  The  Growth  of  American  Cities.  —  Cities,  even 
big  cities,  are  not  new.  They  are  as  old  as  civilization. 
We  all  know  of  Babylon,  Nineveh,  Rome.  Cities  have 
had  special  problems  as  far  back  as  we  know  them  —  plan- 
ning, housing,  government,  wealth,  and  poverty.  Now 
more  than  half  of  the  total  population  of  our  country  is 
found  in  urban  communities.  True,  many  of  these  are 
only  villages  and  offer  no  such  problems  as  those  of  Chicago, 
Cleveland,  or  New  York.  But  the  big  cities  are  steadily 
growing  bigger  and  moderate-sized  towns  are  becoming  big. 

Two  tendencies  are  at  work  to  bring  about  the  gi'owth 
of  cities.  One  of  them  is  specialization,  which  causes  the 
investment  of  great  amounts  of  capital  and  the  bringing 


510         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

together  of  a  large  number  of  laborers  into  a  place  where 
some  industry  can  be  carried  on  with  some  particular  ad- 
vantage. Foreigners  especially  show  a  tendency  to  stay 
in  cities  because  work  is  available.  The  other  tendency  is 
concentration.  By  this  term  we  do  not  mean  any  partic- 
ular emphasis  upon  line  of  activity  so  much  as  the  centrali- 
zation at  one  point  of  all  the  financial  interests  connected 


A  Famous  Western  Center  of  Trade. 

This  is  Denver,  Colorado,  the  capital  of  the  state,  and  the  business  center 
for  the  Rocky  Mountain  district.     In  1850  there  was  not  a  house  here. 


with  some  particular  section.     Trade  centers  are  inevitable 
in  every  distinct  area  within  a  nation. 

We  have  already  referred  to  the  reasons  why  communities  be- 
come famous  through  specialization  (§103).  No  city  becomes  a 
first-rank  community,  however,  which  devotes  itself  solely  to  one 
occupation.  Not  even  Pittsburgh  is  an  exception  to  this  state- 
ment, for  while  people  outside  of  Pittsburgh  know  it  mainly  be- 
cause of  its  reputation  for  steel,  smokiness,  and  the  57  varieties  of 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         511 

pickles  and  preserves,  yet  not  over  half  of  its  total  output  is  con- 
nected with  the  things  that  make  the  city  famous. 

Seaports  which  are  centers  for  large  areas  reaching  inward  and 
upward  inevitably  become  centers  for  the  entire  region  which  they 
trade  upon.  Boston  for  New  England,  New  York  for  its  own  state 
and  even  for  the  whole  country,  Baltimore,  Philadelphia,  New  Or- 
leans, San  Francisco,  Seattle,  and  lake  ports  such  as  Buffalo  and 
Cleveland,  are  centers  of  trade  for  thousands  of  square  miles  of 
territory  which  feed  them.  New  Orleans,  while  it  probably  will 
never  be  a  city  of  enormous  population,  has  for  generations  been 
the  center  of  commerce  for  the  Mississippi  Valley,  especially  the 
southern  portion  of  it. 

Some  cities  just  naturally  grow  up  as  the  center  of  business  for 
a  distinct  geographical  or  industrial  area.  St.  Louis  for  many  years 
was  the  center  of  the  entire  southwest  of  the  United  States.  Re- 
cently Atlanta  has  taken  a  promising  place  in  the  South  Atlantic 
states.  Denver  is  the  center  for  the  Rocky  Mountain  district.  Los 
Angeles  in  the  far  southwest  has  added  the  attractions  of  a  wonder- 
ful climate  to  the  inevitable  need  of  that  region  for  some  city  as  a 
business  center.  Minneapolis  is  favorably  suited  with  reference  to 
great  wheat  fields,  and  had  the  water  power  on  which  its  milHng 
interests  were  first  founded.  Just  as  England  has  centered  its 
interests  in  London  and  France  in  Paris,  so  in  this  country  New 
York  has  become  the  capital  of  the  nation  in  all  respects  except  the 
matter  of  government.  Washington  would  never  have  existed  if 
it  had  not  been  deliberately  picked  out  as  the  headquarters  of  the 
nation's  government. 

Will  the  adoption  of  the  18th  Amendment  be  likely  to  ruin  Mil- 
waukee? What  is  likely  to  be  the  effect  of  the  Panama  Canal  on 
any  cities  of  the  United  States?  Will  Washington  ever  become  a 
great  industrial  city?  "Find  from  the  census  list  the  names  of  any 
other  cities  over  100,000  population  whose  growth  you  can  ex- 
plain. Did  the  railroad  make  your  community  possible?  What 
effect  has  it  had  upon  the  growth  of  your  town  ? 

Sometimes  it  seems  as  if  a  city  grows  too  fast  for  its  own 
good.  With  so  many  people  working  in  such  small  space, 
in  order  to  live  in  walking  distance  of  their  work,  they  crowd 
into  tenements  and  shacks  not  fit  for  human  habitation. 
Then  we  have  a  slum  district,  with  all  its  possibilities  of 
danger  to  health,  morals,  and  prosperity.  But  suppose  the 
workers  do  get  wages  enough  to  pay  car  fare.     Can  we  find 


512         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

homes  for  them  within  a  distance  which  can  be  covered  in 
the  time  they  can  afford  to  spend  in  travehng?  North- 
eastern New  Jersey  has  been  characterized  as  a  great  bed- 
room for  people  whose  business  interests  are  in  New  York. 
Every  large  city  calls  upon  numerous  suburban  towns  to 
keep  its  workers  when  they  are  away  from  their  places  of 
business. 

The  bigger  a  city  is,  the  greater  its  dependence  upon  the 
country  outside  its  limits.  Its  food  supphes  must  be  raised 
hundreds  or  thousands  of  miles  away.  Its  milk  is  brought 
in  from  long  distances.  If  the  railroad  employees  were  to 
go  on  a  strike  the  city  might  experience  fearful  suffering. 
And  for  these  same  food  supplies  the  people  must  depend 
upon  men  whose  business  profits  come  from  dealing  in  the 
things  that  keep  men,  women,  and  children  alive.  The 
commission  merchant  and  the  wholesale  grocer  who  buy 
the  food  supplies  for  a  large  city  have  its  life  in  their  hands. 
Yet  dependence  is  not  entirely  one-sided.  Manufacturing 
for  the  country  is  done  in  the  city,  and  many  of  the  prod- 
ucts of  the  farm  are  marketed  or  made  ready  for  market 
in  the  cities. 

252.  City  Politics.  —  Politically  cities  are  vitally  im- 
portant. Often  they  are  progressive  and  take  more  kindly 
than  rural  districts  to  new  ideas.  In  national  and  state 
elections  they  are  the  center  of  activity  of  political  organi- 
zations. The  vote  of  Boston  or  of  New  York  City  often 
favors  a  different  party  from  that  of  the  rest  of  the  state, 
but  the  size  of  the  majority  in  those  cities  may  determine 
how  the  state  as  a  whole  will  go. 

One  of  the  best  known  statements  of  Mr.  Bryce,  who 
though  an  Englishman  has  been  one  of  the  fairest  and  most 
observing  witnesses  of  American  life,  is  this:  ''The  gov- 
ernment of  American  cities  is  the  one  conspicuous  failure 
of  the  United  States."  These  cities  have  been  cited  again 
and  again  as  examples  of  what  government  ought  not  to  be. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         513 


Party  machines  are  perhaps  stronger  in  cities  than  any- 
where else.  The  foreign-born  voters  can  be  easily  swayed 
by  demagogues  and  sensational  newspapers.  Election 
frauds  and  all  kinds  of  political  tricks  have  been  endured 
by  the  people  for  years. 

Management  of  city  affairs  has  been  inefficient,  to  state 
it  mildly.  Graft  and  extravagance  are  far  from  unknown. 
Contracts  for  construction  of  public  works  have  been 
awarded  to  people  who 
had  a  "  pull,"  regard- 
less of  their  efficiency. 
Such  things  have  cost 
the  people  of  the  cities 
millions  of  dollars  which 
ought  to  have  been  spent 
for  some  good  purpose. 

The  granting  and  con- 
trol of  franchises  has 
been  closely  linked  with 
many  city  political  scan- 
dals. People  wishing  a 
franchise  have  bribed 
councilmen  to  vote  for 
it.  Street  railway  and 
light  companies  have 
gone  directly  into  local 
politics  and  have  worked  for  the  election  of  mayors  and 
councilmen  who  would  be  friendly  to  them.  In  fact,  if  we 
could  take  out  of  the  history  of  cities  the  tale  of  their  rela- 
tion to  gas  and  electric  companies,  street  railway  companies, 
and  the  construction  of  streets  and  public  buildings,  we 
should  get  rid  of  most  of  the  dirty  part  of  the  story  and  most 
of  the  big  cases  of  dishonesty. 

Many  people  throw  up  their  hands  in  despair  at  the  evils 
of  city  government.  Others  are  indifferent  to  it.  And 
still  others  find  their  opportunity  in  it.     Many  want  to 


CopyHyhl,  Detroit  ruUWdng  Co. 

City  Hall,  Philadelphia. 


514         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

improve  conditions,  but  ask  "  Can  it  be  done?  "  Yes, 
if  good  citizens  regardless  of  party  will  get  together  and 
stick  together  to  elect  good  men  to  office,  and  to  demand 
the  right  service  from  officials.  Only  thus  can  even  the 
notorious  evils  be  removed. 

Has  your  city  been  afflicted  with  public  utility  scandals  ?  If  so^ 
how  did  they  turn  out  ?  Are  you  doing  better  now  ?  What  is  the 
relation  of  your  government  to  your  public  utilities  ? 

253.  Typical  City  Governments.  —  When  cities  were 
first  formed,  they  were  usually  given  a  mayor  and  a  legis- 
lative body  composed  of  two  parts,  just  because  the  state 
had  a  governor  and  two  houses  in  the  legislature.  The 
two  parts  of  the  city  legislature  were  known  either  as  the 
aldermen  and  the  council  or  the  select  council  and  common 
council.  As  time  went  on,  however,  the  tendency  was  to- 
reduce  the  membership  of  these  bodies  and  to  have  one 
council  instead  of  two. 

Today,  a  majority  of  the  cities  of  the  United  States  still  have  the 
mayor  and  council  system.  This  plan  is  based  on  the  check  and 
balance  idea  that  prevails  in  both  the  state  and  the  national  govern- 
ment. The  mayor  may  be  elected  for  one,  two,  or  four  years,  a& 
may  the  council,  according  to  the  laws  of  the  state.  The  mayor's- 
principal  duties  are  to  enforce  city  ordinances,  to  act  on  ordinances 
passed  by  the  council,  and  to  appoint  officials. 

Besides  the  mayor  as  chief  executive  official,  large  cities  need  a 
great  many  other  administrative  officials.  These  are  usually  or- 
ganized in  departments.  Under  some  name  and  some  form  the 
following  departments  are  to  be  found  in  practically  all  cities :  a 
department  of  Public  Works,  to  take  care  of  streets  and  highways, 
sewers,  water,  and  the  like ;  a  department  of  Public  Safety,  under 
which  are  the  policemen  and  firemen;  a  department  of  Health, 
whose  name  suggests  its  duties ;  a  department  of  Charities,  and  per- 
haps a  department  of  Supplies  to  buy  the  things  the  city  needs. 
There  are  also  other  officers  such  as  the  treasurer,  controller,  solici- 
tor and  the  like.  Many  of  the  departments  have  numerous  subor- 
dinate bureaus  and  officials. 

The  judicial  department  of  cities  consists  of  magistrates,  judges,. 
or  aldermen.     They  preside  over  cases  involving  city  ordinances, 


Making  Our  Government  Ejfficient         515 

and  give  hearings  in  cases  of  crimes  against  state  law,  deciding 
whether  or  not  the  offender  shall  be  held  for  trial.  This  branch  of 
the  city  government  unfortunately  has  been  looked  upon  as  less 
important  than  the  others,  and  here  a  great  many  of  the  evils  and 

MAYOR— COUNQL 


VOTERS  OF  PITTSBURGH 


COUNTY 
VOTEKS 


Controller 


Mayor 


Impeach 


Council 


-Corifirni  and  Impeach 


Highways 
Sewers 

Smoke 
Regulation 

Police 

Water 

Infectious 
Diseases 

Fire 

Parks 

Food 
Inspection 

Elec- 
tricity 

Recrea- 
tion 

Building 
Inspection 

A  Mayor-and-Council  City. 

This  is  far  less  complex  than  the  organization  of  many  such  city  govern- 
ments. Even  at  that,  it  is  much  different  from  the  comparative  simplicity 
of  organization  of  the  types  shown  on  pages  516  and  518. 


abuses  of  city  government  may  be  seen.  Too  many  cheap  politicians 
get  into  the  local  courts  and  by  their  incompetency  and  dishonesty 
disgrace  themselves  and  the  city.     Many,  especially  foreigners,  get 


516         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

scant  justice  here,  while  political  friends  of  the  magistrate  do  as 
they  please.  And  thus  Bolshevists  are  made.  The  city  magistrate 
ought  to  be  as  fine  a  man  as  can  be  found  in  the  city. 

254.  Making  City  Government  Better.  —  The  check  and 
balance  system  in  city  government  has  often  been  a  farce. 
Sometimes  its  only  results  have  been  to  enable  mayor  and 

COMMISSION 


VOTERS  OF  DES  MOINES 


INITIATIVE 


REFERENDUM 


RECALL 


Safety 


^\ 


Street 
Clean- 
ing 


Cul- 
verts 


City  Government  under  the  Commission  Form. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         517 

council  to  "  pass  the  buck  "  from  one  to  the  other  when 
things  went  wrong,  and  to  cause  deadlocks  when  they  hon- 
estly disagreed.  But  can  we  do  otherwise?  A  popular 
remedy  today  is  to  centralize  power  in  the  hands  of  fewer 
people,  who  can  be  watched,  and  who  cannot  escape  re- 
sponsibility. 

A  form  of  city  government  which  has  now  been  adopted 
in  several  hundreds  of  the  cities  of  the  country  is  the  com- 
mission system.  The  people  elect  a  small  commission  of 
perhaps  five  members.  Each  member  is  at  the  head  of  an 
administrative  department  and  collectively  they  enact  the 
city  ordinances.  They  are  directly  responsible  for  every- 
thing that  is  done.  Having  both  legislative  and  executive 
authority  there  can  be  no  "  passing  the  buck,"  though  there 
is  still  the  possibility  of  disagreement  among  the  members 
of  the  commission. 

Some  cities  go  still  further  in  this  matter  of  centraliza- 
tion. The  people  elect  a  council  or  commission  which 
chooses  one  man  to  be  the  city  manager.  He  assumes  entire 
charge  of  the  work  of  administration  and  is  given  as  much 
power  as  he  needs  to  get  the  best  results.  A  number  of 
cities  have  adopted  this  plan,  including  Cleveland,  but  Day- 
ton is  the  most  famous  example,  as  it  was  the  first  large 
city  to  try  it. 

The  advantage  of  this  plan  is  that  it  gives  one  man  all 
the  administrative  responsibility.  The  people  know  whom 
to  blame  when  things  go  wrong  and  who  deserves  the  credit 
when  the  city's  business  is  well  done.  The  Manager  ap- 
points a  number  of  directors,  who  in  turn  have  the  neces- 
sary bureaus  and  officials  under  their  charge. 

The  centralization  of  the  commission  and  commission 
manager  system  promotes  efficiency,  economy,  and  honesty. 
Few  places  which  have  adopted  them  wish  to  go  back  to  the 
old  plan  of  divided  authority.  How  well  they  will  work  in 
very  large  cities  can  be  told  only  when  one  of  them  tries  it, 
but  one  can  hardly  believe  a  city  manager  could  make  a 


518         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

worse  mess  of  administration  than  many  of  these  cities  have 
suffered. 

Is  the  experience  of  Galveston  or  Dayton  a  sufficient  warrant 
for  New  York  to  adopt  their  system  of  government?     Would,  in 

CITY  MANAGER 


VOTERS  OF  DAYTON 

INITIATIVE  REFERENDUM  RECALL 


Board  of 
Education 


Library 
Board 


Commission 

5  members 


Civil 
Service 
Board 


Municipal 
Court 
3  Judges 


City 
Manager 


Finance 


Public 
Service 


Clerk  of 
CommisBion 


Public 
Welfare 


I J>irec_tor__j    !._Director_  i    !._J>|rector_ 


Account- 
ing 


Treas- 
ury 


Pure  has 
-ing 


"A 

\ 

\ 

Engi- 
neering 
Lighting 

Streets 

/ 

\ 

Water 

Lands 

Dog 
Pound 

Public 
Safety 


Director     i 


Legal 
Aid 


Recrea- 
tion 


Correc- 
tion 


Law 


City  Attorney 


Play- 

Grounds 


WelghtB 
Meaeures 

Building 
Inspec- 
tion 

Charities 
Hospitals 


City-Manager  Government. 
Compare  this,  for  businesslike  arrangement,  with  the  diagram  on  page  279, 
and  with  the  plans  of  city  government  on  pages  615  and  516. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         519 

your  opinion,  the  adoption  of  the  commission  or  city  manager 
plan  improve  your  local  government  ?  Or  if  you  have  either,  how 
has  it  worked?  Be  thoroughly  familiar  with  your  own  commu- 
nity's plan  of  government.  How  far  did  your  community  have  any 
voice  in  deciding  its  form  of  government?  What  legal  process  is 
necessary  in  setting  up  such  a  government  as  yours,  and  what 
would  be  necessary  to  change  it  to  some  other  form?  Is  it  any 
concern  of  your  state  legislature  what  form  of  government  your 
community  has?  What  is  the  plan  of  classifying  communities  in 
your  state? 

.-.  The  functions  of  local  governments  are  far-reaching  and 
important,  and  the  problems  of  administration,  particularly  in 
cities,  very  difficult.  The  best  solution  for  this  situation  appears 
to  be  the  centralization  of  responsibility  under  such  conditions 
that  the  people's  interest  in  their  own  immediate  affairs  is  kept 
active.  The  form  of  government  should  be  adjusted  to  meet  the 
needs  of  each  community. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

The  Political  Subdivisions  of  Our  State. 

The  History  of  Our  County. 

The  History  of  Our  Town. 

Resolved,  that  each  county  should  have  the  right  to  adopt  by 
referendum  vote  its  own  form  of  local  government. 

The  Government  of  our  County. 

Local  Government  in  Our  State  in  Divisions  Smaller  than  Counties. 

The  Congressional  Township. 

The  History  of  Our  City. 

The  City  of  New  York. 

The  Cities  of  Our  State. 

The  Government  of  Our  State. 

The  Government  of  Our  City. 

Commission  Government  in  Galveston  and  Des  Moines. 

City  Manager  Government  in  Dayton. 

Resolved,  that  every  city  with  less  than  500,000  people  should 
adopt  the  city  manager  form  of  government. 

Resolved,  that  our  city  should  adopt  the  commission  (or  city  man- 
ager) form  of  government. 

Resolved,  that  a  city  should  be  allowed  to  determine  for  itself  its 
form  of  government. 

The  Ten  Largest  Cities  of  the  United  States. 


520         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

REFERENCE  READINGS 

Bryce — ^American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  48-52,  88,  89. 

Tufts  —  The  Real  Business  of  Living,  Chapters  29,  30. 

Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapters 

15-18,  39. 
Munro  —  Government  of  the  United  States,  Chapters  37-43. 
James — Local  Government  in  the  United  States. 
Beard  —  American  City  Government,  Chapters  1-4. 
Magruder  —  American  Government,  Chapters  23,  24. 
Beard  —  American  Government  and  Politics,  Chapters  27-29. 
Hart  —  Actual  Government,  Chapters  10-12. 
Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  A-4,  A-24,  B-24,  C-25. 
Ellwood  —  Sociology  and  Modern  Social  Problems,  Chapter  12. 


XXIII.   DISCOVERING  THE  PEOPLE'S  WILL 


We  call  our  government  a  representative  democracy,  a  "  govern- 
ment of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for  the  people."  But  how 
many  of  us  do  or  should  have  a  voice  in  determining  the  govern- 
ment's policies?  Through  what  agencies  do  we  make  our  wishes 
known?  What  are  the  methods  provided  by  our  Constitution  and 
laws  to  enable  "  the  people  "  to  express  their  wishes  in  regard  to 
the  choice  of  oflB^ials  or  anything  else  ? 


255.  Who  Are  the  People?  —  We  are  a  democracy  in 
the  sense  that  the  people  are  sovereign  —  that  is,  supreme 
power  rests  with  them  and  nowhere  else,  to  determine  their 
form  of  government  and.  the  officials  who  shall  rule  them. 
But  *^  the  people  "  who  express  this  determination  never 
has  meant  all  the  people.  Our  national  Constitution  was 
drawn  up  at  a  time  when  only  a  very  few  people  could  vote, 
but  its  makers  realized  that  the  number  of  voters  might 
eventually  be  much  greater.  Some  of  them  shuddered  at 
the  possibility,  but  they  thought  that  the  "  masses  "  could 
not  do  a  great  deal  of  harm  if  the  actual  government  was 
done  by  representatives. 

We  can  readily  sympathize  with  the  motives  of  those 
who  beheve  that  even  in  a  democracy  only  those  should 
vote  who  know  enough  to  vote  intelligently;  Yet  how  and 
where  shall  we  draw  the  line  so  that  we  may  as  far  as  pos- 
sible be  governed  wisely,  and  at  the  same  time  not  become 
an  aristocracy  in  fact?  The  contest  over  "  equal  suffrage  " 
between  black  and  white  and  between  men  and  women  is 
now  history,  as  far  as  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
can  make  it  so.  Yet  the  national  Constitution  does  not 
specify  any  qualifications  which  a  person  must  have  in  order 
to   vote.     Amendments   XV   and   XIX   declare   that   the 

521 


522         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

vote  must  not  be  denied  because  of  *'  race,  color,  or  pre- 
vious condition  of  servitude,"  or  sex ;  but  outside  of  these 
limitations,  the  matter  is  left  entirely  to  the  states.^  For 
this  reason,  the  qualifications  vary  greatly. 

One  qualification  is  universal :  every  voter  must  be  twenty- 
one  years  of  age.  In  most  states  he  must  be  a  United 
States  citizen,  although  in  a  few  states  a  person  may  vote 
if  he  has  declared  his  intention  of  becoming  a  citizen. 
There  is  usually  a  residence  requirement  for  the  state,  the 
county,  or  the  voting  district,  and  some  states  require  the 
payment  of  some  sort  of  tax.  Property  ownership  used  to 
be  required,  but  nowhere  now  is  it  an  essential  qualifica- 
tion for  all  voters.  A  few  states  require  a  person  to  be  able 
to  read  and  write,  or  to  understand  either  the  state  or  the 
national  Constitution.  In  large  cities  personal  registration 
of  voters  is  required  in  advance  of  elections,  to  prevent 
"  padding  "  the  voting  lists,  "repeating,"  and  other  frauds, 
which  are  less  probable  in  small  towns,  where  everybody 
knows  everybody  else. 

Do  we  have  a  real  democracy  if  intelligent  and  law-abiding  men 
and  women  fail  to  do  their  duty  by  voting  at  every  election  on  all 
questions  concerning  public  interest  ?  What  are  the  qualifications 
for  voting  in  your  state?  What  mental  and  moral  qualities 
are  desirable  in  a  voter  which  could  not  well  be  set  down  in 
law  ?  Do  women  vote  as  their  husbands  do  ?  Should  they  ?  High 
school  and  college  students  would  vote  at  least  as  intelligently  as 
older  voters,  and  could  even  more  easily  be  made  acquainted  with 
the  issues  of  a  campaign.  Why  not  let  them  vote?  Will  women's 
voting  make  government  better?     If  so,  in  what  respects? 

256.    The   People    Speaking    through    Parties.  —  If     you 

wished  to  induce  people  to  adopt  a  policy  in  which  you  be- 
lieved, would  you  go  about  it  by  "  buttonholing  "  every- 


*  A  clause  in  the  14th  Amendment  threatens  the  reduction  of  represen- 
tation in  Congress  from  states  that  deny  men  the  right  to  vote  for  any  reason 
except  "participation  in  rebellion  or  other  crime,"  but  Congress  has  never 
dared  to  apply  the  penalty. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient        523 


body  whom  you  could  see?  Perhaps,  but  if  you  were  sen- 
sible you  would  try  also  to  find  others  who  have  ideas  like 
yours  and  form  an  organization.  This  is  the  fundamental 
principle  upon  which  political  parties  are  formed.  A  polit- 
ical party  is  a  group  of  people  who  hold  similar  political 
opinions,  and  who  organize  to  make  their  principles  the 
policy  of  the  government.     All  the  people  who  belong  to  a 


wm*.mm 


International. 
Notifying  Governor  Cox. 

This  enormous  crowd  had  assembled  for  the  ceremonies  attending  the 
notification  of  the  Ohio  governor  of  his  nomination  for  the  presidency. 
Speeches  delivered  on  such  occasions  are  often  expected  to  sound  the  "key- 
note" for  a  campaign. 

party  do  not  have  exactly  the  same  ideas,  but  they  have  at 
least  some  things  in  common.  And  when  the  party  draws 
up  its  platform  —  the  statement  of  the  principles  it  holds 
and  the  policies  for  which  it  stands  —  the  discussion  of  the 
various  topics  helps  others  to  discover  what  they  really  be- 
lieve. Parties  help  to  bring  important  issues  before  the 
people,  and  to  make  them  think  on  subjects  that  might 


524         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

otherwise  be  ignored.  When  there  is  more  than  one  party, 
competition  is  stirred  up,  and  competition  in  poHtical  affairs 
is  usually  helpful,  if  it  is  fair. 

The  makers  of  the  Constitution  had  no  idea  that  there 
would  be  national  political  parties,  but  parties  began  soon 
after  Washington's  administration  got  under  way.  In 
practice  most  government  is  done  through  their  agency. 
Persons  are  selected  as  party  candidates,  and  the  average 
voter,  instead  of  voting  his  own  first  choice  for  a  position, 
selects  one  of  two  or  more  candidates  presented  by  political 
parties. 

We  seem  to  be  devoted  rather  strongly  to  the  idea  of  hav- 
ing two  big  parties.  Third-party  movements  do  not  seem 
to  be  lasting  unless  the  third  party  finally  displaces  one  of 
the  others.  If  there  were  always  one  outstanding  issue  in 
elections  the  two-party  system  would  be  inevitable.  But 
this  is  not  the  case,  and  frequently  the  party  system  forces 
combinations  of  voters  together  which  are  hard  to  satisfy 
after  the  election  is  over.  Both  the  two  so-called  great 
parties  of  today  are  therefore  in  a  state  of  aggregation 
rather  than  consolidation.  A  new  big  problem  might  split 
them  both.  The  Socialist  party  is  waiting  in  the  back- 
ground to  be  the  beneficiary  of  any  such  break-up  of  the 
present  great  party  organizations. 

To  what  extent  do  you  think  Abraham  Lincoln  would  recognize 
the  present-day  Republican  party  or  Thomas  Jefferson  the  present- 
day  Democratic  party  if  they  were  alive?  Would  a  man  who  voted 
for  Lincoln  in  1860  be  likely  to  vote  the  Repubhcan  ticket  today? 
Why  ?  Do  you  see  any  advantage  in  the  two-party  system  as  com- 
pared with  the  French  and  German  custom  of  having  several  par- 
ties?    Is  a  Woman's  party  desirable? 

257.  How  Parties  Ought  to  Be  Used.  —  Some  issues 
which  cause  parties  to  be  formed  are  not  settled  finally  by 
one  election  or  by  several  elections.  Parties,  therefore, 
to  work  most  effectively  must  have  a  very  thorough  and 
complete  organization.     Each  important  party  has  a  na- 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         525 

tional  committee,  composed  of  one  person  from  each  state. 
It  has  also  state  committees,  county  committees,  city  and 
township  committees,  and  even  committees  in  wards  and 
precincts.  These  committees  look  after  the  interests  of 
the  party  in  their  particular  districts.  They  try  to  arouse 
enthusiasm,  to  get  friendly  voters  out  on  election  day,  and 
to  win  doubtful  voters  to  their  party.  The  members  of 
permanent  committees  are  usually  chosen  in  the  same  way 
that  candidates  are  nominated  for  office. 

Investigate  the  method  of  organization  of  your  local  political  par- 
ties. Are  their  committee  men  people  of  prominence,  intelligence, 
or  leadership  in  the  community  ?     Are  they  holders  of  public  offices  ? 

A  party  platform  is  supposed  to  be  a  statement  of  what 
the  party  believes.  Often,  however,  it  is  drawn  up  not  to 
express  the  sincere  opinion  of  the  party  —  perhaps  it  has 
none  —  but  to  get  votes.  A  few  people  draw  it  up  and 
frequently  the  party  convention  meekly  adopts  it  without 
question,  though  occasionally  there  may  be  a  real  fight  over 
some  one  ''  plank." 

Are  there  any  instances  in  which  the  victorious  party  in  the  last 
campaign  did  not  keep  its  platform  promises  ?  Did  its  platform  do 
anything  more  than  attack  the  other  party?  To  what  extent  is  a 
candidate  who  accepts  a  party  nomination  bound  to  support  the 
platform?  Must  he  support  everything  that  is  in  it?  Why  are 
some  law-makers  and  executives  referred  to  as  "  rubber  stamps  "? 
Why  would  any  official  act  that  way?  What  is  a  farm  '*  bloc  "? 
a  labor  "  bloc  "?  Is  it  desirable  that  members  of  a  law-making 
body  should  represent  some  particular  economic  interest?  What 
is  a  statesman?     Do  statesmen  do  any  good? 

In  no  countries  having  popular  government  have  the 
voters  yet  invented  any  other  way  of  carrying  on  the  busi- 
ness of  electing  officials  and  deciding  issues  than  through 
political  parties.  Yet  it  does  not  follow  that  when  a  person 
connects  himself  by  his  vote  or  published  statement  with 
some  political  party  he  binds  himself  forever  to  vote  that 
ticket  nor  to  advocate  anything  or  everything  that  may 


5'^6         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

appear  in  the  platform  of  that  party.  It  is  because  voters 
are  so  much  inchned  to  vote  by  habit  that  party  bosses  and 
party  machines  are  able  to  make  themselves  undesirable 
factors  in  our  political  life.  If  every  political  organization 
knew  that  it  could  not  hold  its  forces  together  except  by 
selecting  the  strongest  candidates .  who  could  be  obtained 
and  by  pursuing  a  policy  of  sincerity  and  straightforward- 
ness in  regard  to  public  questions  it  would  be  of  much 
greater  service  than  most  of  them  are. 

One  other  difficulty  in  good  government  is  that  voters 
are  not  sufficiently  wilUng  to  "  split  the  ticket  "  —  that  is, 
to  vote  for  some  candidates  of  one  party  and  some  of  an- 
other. There  is  no  merit  in  voting  a  split  ticket  just  for 
the  sake  of  showing  your  independence;  but  if  we  are  to 
have  good  government,  voters  should  not  hesitate  to  ignore 
an  unworthy  man  on  the  ticket  of  the  party  which  they 
commonly  support  and  vote  for  his  rival  on  the  other  ticket. 

Parties  can  be  of  the  greatest  service  only  when  they  are 
the  agents  of  the  people.  They  do  not  exist  for  the  pur- 
pose of  telling  the  voters  what  to  do.  Their  excuse  for  ex- 
istence is  that  through  them  the  voter  may  express  his  own 
opinion  more  effectively  than  if  he  did  not  associate  him- 
self with  other  voters  in  such  an  expression.  It  is  only  when 
a  voter  uses  the  party  and  not  when  he  takes  orders  from 
it  that  the  party  is  serving  either  the  individual  or  our  polit- 
ical system. 

If  in  a  campaign  the  two  parties  which  usually  have  the  largest 
number  of  votes  each  had  nominated  an  unfit  candidate  for  an  office, 
what  would  be  the  duty  of  the  voter  who  believed  in  good  govern- 
ment? If  you  are  dissatisfied  with  the  party  whose  ticket  you  have 
been  voting,  would  it  be  your  duty  to  try  to  reform  the  party,  to  vote 
the  opposition  ticket,  or  to  start  a  new  party  ?  Would  your  duty  al- 
ways be  the  same?  Under  what  circumstances  is  it  desirable  that 
new  parties  should  be  organized  ?  What  is  meant  by  a '  'protest  vote ' ' 
and  by  "  throwing  away  your  vote  "  ?  Is  either  wise  or  justifiable? 
If  so,  when?  Can  you  make  an  estimate  of  the  number  of  people 
of  your  acquaintance  who  vote  as  they  do  by  reason  of  traditional 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         527 

attachment  to  a  party  name,  by  reason  of  personal  advantage  to  be 
gained,  and  by  reason  of  their  honest  opinion  on  issues  involved  in 
the  particular  election  ?  Is  it  good  to  have  opposition  parties  even 
when  the  party  in  power  is  doing  its  best  ?  Under  such  circumstances 
what  honorable  reasons  might  exist  for  supporting  the  opposite 
party  ? 

The  use  of  national  party  names  in  state  and  local  poli- 
tics sometimes  makes  people  take  sides  in  a  way  that  is  con- 
trary to  the  interest  of  the  state  or  the  local  community. 
It  is  particularly  responsible  for  the  extent  to  which  party 
bosses  and  machines  maintain  themselves  in  power  in  some 
of  the  states.  We  cannot  tell  much  about  a  man's  fitness 
to  be  mayor  of  Philadelphia  by  discovering  his  views  about 
the  ownership  of  the  Philippines ;  and  even  a  man's  views 
on  the  tariff  cannot  show  whether  he  knows  how  to  govern 
a  state,  since  he  cannot  possibly  get  any  revenue  for  the 
state  by  means  of  the  tax  on  imported  goods. 

In  a  number  of  states  provisions  have  been  made  for 
electing  officers  of  local  governments  without  the  use  of 
party  names.  Perhaps  officers  chosen  in  such  a  manner 
have  not  always  exhibited  any  very  noticeable  improve- 
ment over  those  chosen  by  party  nominations,  but  at  least 
they  have  been  voted  for  on  local,  not  national,  issues.  If 
voters  were  sufficiently  independent  to  switch  from  one 
party  to  another  with  freedom  it  would  not  make  very  much 
difference  whether  we  used  party  names  or  not.  But  the 
cause  of  good  local  government  would  undoubtedly  be  pro- 
moted if  voters  could  be  aided  to  forget  their  national  poli- 
tics temporarily  by  not  seeing  national  party  names  on 
local  tickets. 

If  there  were  no  party  organization  to  advertise  its  candidates, 
by  what  means  would  candidates  make  themselves  known  to  the 
voters?  Is  it  true,  as  party  organizations  have  often  urged,  that 
the  poor  man  has  a  better  chance  of  election  through  party  organi- 
zation than  as  an  independent  ?  Are  leaders  necessary  in  politics  ? 
When  does  a  leader  become  a  boss?  Could  a  man  regularly  vote 
the  ticket  of  one  party  at  national  elections  and  the  ticket  of  another 


528         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

party  in  local  elections,  and  be  sincere  in  both  cases?  Should 
school  directors  be  chosen  on  party  tickets  ?  If  a  man  says  "  I  am  a 
Republican"  or  "  I  am  a  Democrat,"  as  an  explanation  for  his  vote, 
what  may  it  signify  in  regard  to  his  mental  processes  or  his  atti- 
tude toward  good  government  ? 

258.    Methods    of    Selecting    Candidates.  —  But  how   are 

candidates  picked  out?  The  old  method  of  nomination 
for  office,  still  used  to  some  extent,  was  through  the  caucus 
or  convention.  By  a  caucus  we  mean  a  meeting  of  the 
members  of  a  party  in  a  certain  neighborhood,  whether  a 
precinct,  a  township,  a  state  legislature,  or  Congress.  A 
convention  is  made  up  of  people  elected  by  caucuses  or  by 
some  other  means  to  meet  for  some  definite  purpose.  Nom- 
inations in  a  convention  are  made  by  a  vote  of  the  majoritj^ 
or  whatever  other  percentage  of  members  the  party  rules 
require.  National  candidates  are  still  chosen  in  this  way, 
as  no  satisfactory  substitute  for  it  has  been  invented.  The 
direct  primary  has  not  worked  well  for  presidential  candidates. 

There  are  very  serious  objections  to  the  caucus  and  con- 
vention system  of  nominations.  At  best,  they  are  made  up 
of  only  a  few  people,  who  may  not  represent  the  will  of  the 
party.  There  is  plenty  of  opportunity  for  pohtical  trickery 
and  for  the  underhand  work  of  bosses  and  party  leaders. 
In  states  and  smaller  political  units  '*  snap  '^  caucuses  have 
sometimes  been  called  on  very  short  notice,  or  else  held  so 
far  in  advance  of  the  time  of  the  election  that  the  party  as 
a  whole  could  not  realize  what  was  to  be  done.  Dissatis- 
faction with  this  system  has  led  to  a  reform  in  most  of  the 
states. 

This  attempted  reform  is  the  direct  primary.  The  con- 
vention system  is  based  on  the  supposition  that  the  voters 
can  choose  delegates  who  will  do  better  than  the  voters  in 
determining  who  should  be  candidates  for  office.  The  di- 
rect primary  assumes  that  the  voters  are  able  to  decide  what 
candidates  they  want  for  their  respective  parties,  and  puts 
the  matter  directly  up  to  them. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         529 

Primary  elections  are  usually  held  some  weeks  or  months 
before  the  regular  elections.  A  person  who  wishes  to  be  a 
candidate  for  a  party  must  present  to  the  officers  who  pre- 
pare the  ballots  a  petition  signed  by  a  certain  number  of 
voters.  Separate  ballots  are  provided  for  each  party,  on 
which  are  the  names  of  all  the  people  who  wish  to  be  nomi- 
nated by  the  party.  Each  voter  who  has  enrolled  as  a 
member  of  some  party  is  given  a  ballot  of  that  party,  and 
he  marks  the  names  of  those  whom  he  wants  as  candidates 
for  the  various  offices.  If  he  wants  to  vote  for  some  one 
whose  name  is  not  printed  on  the  ballot,  he  may  write  or 
paste  it  in  a  space  that  is  provided  for  that  purpose. 

It  was  hoped  that  the  direct  primary  would  get  rid  of  the 
poUtical  bosses  and  machines  and  produce  a  much  higher 
order  of  candidates;  but  unfortunately  it  has  not  done  all 
the  good  that  was  hoped,  for  people  do  not  take  as  much 
interest  in  primaries  as  they  should.  Political  bosses  have 
found  ways  to  control  the  primaries,  and  many  voters  sim- 
ply vote  for  the  candidates  whom  they  know  the  bosses 
prefer.  But  after  all  the  direct  primary  puts  the  nomina- 
tion of  candidates  fully  in  the  people's  hands.  If  the  peo- 
ple have  bad  government  now,  it  is  their  own  fault,  for  the 
rank  and  file  of  each  party  can,  if  they  wish,  nominate  the 
party  candidates. 

Why  do  you  suppose  people  take  so  little  interest,  relatively,  in 
primary  elections?  Are  we  warranted  in  discarding  a  scheme  or 
plan  just  because  it  does  not  do  as  much  good  as  we  expected  ? 

259.  The  Choice  of  a  President.  —  The  selection  of  our 
chief  magistrate  is  a  matter  of  such  importance  that  we  ought 
to  understand  it  thoroughly.  No  part  of  our  Constitution 
has  worked  so  differently  from  the  intention  of  its  makers  as 
its  provisions  on  this  point.  Since  they  did  not  trust  the  peo- 
ple at  large  to  select  the  right  person,  they  provided  that 
the  state  legislatures  should  arrange  for  the  selection  of  a 
certain  number  of  men  for  each  state  and  that  these  men 


530         Problems  of  American  Democracy 


should  pick  out  the  President  and  the  Vice  President. 
Now,  in  practice,  what  happens?  Each  voter  may  vote 
for  a  list  of  presidential  electors,  as  they  are  called,  for  his 
state ;  but  he  does  not  care  who  they  are,  for  he  knows  in 
advance  that  these  electors  will  consider  themselves  mor- 


T  0^ 


Copyright,  Keystone  View  Co.,  Inc.,  of  New  York. 

A  Presidential  Nominating  Convention. 

At  this  convention,  held  at  Cleveland,  June,  1924,  President  Coolidge 
was  nominated. 

ally  pledged  to  vote  for  particular  persons  already  named 
by  a  party  for  President  and  for  Vice  President. 

(1)  Nomination.  —  In  June  or  July  of  every  leap  year  each  na- 
tional party  holds  in  some  large  city  —  more  often  Chicago  than 
any  other  place  —  a  convention  made  up  of  delegates  from  every 
state  and  territory.  These  delegates,  sometimes  after  prolonged 
and  wearisome  balloting,  settle  upon  men  who  will  stand  as  the  can- 
didates of  the  party  for  President  and  for  Vice  President.  The 
Democratic  rule  insists  that  two-thirds  of  the  delegates  of  the  con- 
vention must  vote  for  a  candidate  before  he  can  be  the  party  nomi- 
nee, but  in  other  parties  a  majority  is  sufficient. 

(2)  Choice  of  Electors. — After  several  months  of  campaigning, 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         531 

the  voters  of  each  state,  on  the  Tuesday  after  the  first  Monday  in 
November  of  the  same  year,  mark  their  ballots  for  the  presidential 
electors  whose  names  have  been  put  on  the  ballot  in  accordance 
with  the  laws  of  that  state.  Each  party  which  nominates  a  can- 
didate for  the  presidency  puts  up  a  list  of  electors  equal  to  the  whole 
number  to  which  the  state  is  entitled.  Then  the  individual  voter 
can  vote  for  the  entire  list  proposed  by  the  party  whose  presiden- 
tial candidate  he  prefers.  This  method  gives  the  large  states  an 
advantage,  for  each  state  chooses  as  many  presidential  electors  as 
it  has  senators  and  representatives  in  Congress,  and  unless  some 
voters  in  a  close  state  have  been  foolish  or  careless  in  marking  their 
ballots,  the  entire  list  of  electors  of  one  party  in  any  one  state  will 
get  more  votes  than  any  electors  of  other  parties.  New  York's 
45  votes,  for  instance,  will  in  all  probability  go  to  one  man. 

For  all  practical  purposes  the  process  of  electing  the  President 
might  stop  right  here,  unless  the  electoral  votes  have  been  divided 
among  more  than  two  parties  in  such  a  way  that  no  candidate  re- 
ceives a  majority,  but  there  are  several  steps  required  by  the  Con- 
stitution which  must  still  be  taken.  Once  some  of  them  really 
meant  something,  but  now  they  are  mere  formalities. 

(3)  Voting  by  the  Electors.  —  On  the  second  Monday  of  January 
of  the  next  year,  the  electors  meet  in  the  state  capital  and  go  through 
the  form  of  casting  their  ballots  for  the  persons  that  the  country  has 
known  for  months  they  were  going  to  vote  for.  Then  three  reports- 
of  their  votes  are  made  out,  one  of  which  is  turned  over  to  the 
United  States  District  Judge  in  whose  district  the  state  capital  is 
situated,  and  the  other  two  sent  to  the  president  of  the  Senate  at 
Washington  by  different  methods. 

(4)  Counting  the  Electoral  Votes.  —  On  the  second  Wednesday  of 
February  the  two  houses  of  Congress  meet  and  listen  to  the  read- 
ing of  the  returns  from  the  various  states.  If  one  candidate  has 
received  a  majority  of  the  electoral  votes  for  President  or  Vice 
President  he  is  declared  elected,  and  then  curiously  enough,  after 
going  through  all  this  formality,  nobody  has  any  ofl&cial  authority 
to  inform  the  successful  candidate.  He  is  expected  to  show  up  on 
the  4th  of  March  at  the  proper  time  to  be  inaugurated. 

In  the  rare  case  when  the  majority  of  the  electoral  votes  is  not 
given  to  any  one  candidate  something  further  has  to  be  done.  If 
no  presidential  candidate  has  a  majority  of  electoral  votes,  the 
House  of  Representatives,  each  state  casting  one  vote,  must  make 
the  choice  from  the  three  highest  candidates.  If  no  one  has  a  ma- 
jority for  Vice  President,  the  Senate,  its  members  voting  individ- 
ually, selects  one  of  the  two  highest. 


532         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

When  has  the  House  or  the  Senate  elected  a  President  or  a  Vice 
President  ?  What  reason  would  explain  the  adoption  of  the  three 
constitutional  qualifications  for  the  President?  Should  the  Vice 
President  be  any  less  capable  a  man  than  the  President  ?  In  case 
the  candidate  of  the  successful  party  in  the  presidential  election 
should  die  before  the  electors  had  met,  what  do  you  think  the 
electors  would  do?  in  case  a  similar  misfortune  should  occur 
after  the  electors  met,  but  before  March  4?  in  case  the  suc- 
cessful candidates  for  both  President  and  Vice  President  should 
die  between  the  second  Monday  of  January  and  the  4th  of 
March?  Why  is  no  cabinet  member  below  the  Secretary  of 
State  ever  likely  to  become  President?  Why  do  we  continue  the 
antiquated  formality  in  electing  the  President  which  has  long  ceased 
to  have  any  political  use?  Would  you  care  to  be  a  presidential 
elector?  Is  there  any  reason  why  the  President  should  not  be 
chosen  by  nation-wide  direct  popular  vote?  If  it  seems  desirable 
to  preserve  the  present  general  plan  of  election,  could  it  be  done 
without  the  formality  of  having  presidential  electors? 

260.  Methods  of  Casting  the  Vote.  —  In  England  and 
in  the  American  colonies  voting  was  once  done  by  word  of 
mouth.  Every  one  knew  how  people  voted,  and  there  was 
plenty  of  opportunity  for  bribery.  After  political  parties 
became  active,  printed  ballots  came  into  use,  each  party 
printing  its  own.  But  as  long  as  parties  furnished  the  bal- 
lots, secret  voting  was  difficult  and  dishonest  voting  easy. 

Now  almost  everywhere  in  this  country  we  use  the  so- 
called  Australian  ballot.  It  has  three  distinguishing  fea- 
tures: (1)  The  names  of  the  candidates  of  all  parties  are 
printed  on  the  same  ballot.  (2)  The  marking  is  done  in  a 
private  booth,  a  plan  which  discourages  bribery,  because 
there  is  no  proof  that  a  person  votes  the  way  he  has  been 
paid  to  vote.  (3)  The  ballots  are  supplied  by  the  state  or 
county.  Therefore  no  person  can  get  any  extra  ones,  and 
ballot  box  stuffing  cannot  take  place,  if  the  election  board 
is  honest.  In  several  places,  especially  in  New  York  State, 
voting  machines  are  used  which  automatically  record  and 
count  the  votes.  This  saves  the  election  board  a  good  deal 
of  work. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         533 

On  what  basis  do  newspapers  often  announce  results  early  in 
the  evening  after  an  election?  Do  you  know  of  any  elections 
when  the  result  was  in  doubt  for  several  days  ? 

From  the  various  voting  precincts  the  election  officers 
send  in  their  reports  of  the  vote  to  some  official,  commonly 
an  officer  of  the  county.  If  the  election  affects  state  officers 
or  Congressmen,  reports  are  sent  in  from  each  county  to  a 
state  official.  By  this  official  the  votes  are  tabulated  and 
certificates  of  election  sent  out  to  the  persons  who  have  been 
elected  to  office.  If  there  are  disputes  over  the  honesty  or 
correctness  of  the  count  in  a  district  the  defeated  candidate 
sometimes  asks  a  recount,  and  if  he  can  show  a  judge  suffi- 
cient reason  for  having  the  ballots  counted  over  again,  the 
judge  will  issue  an  order  to  that  effect. 

**  Padding  "  the  voting  lists  with  the  names  of  dead  men, 
dogs,  and  wholly  imaginary  people,  "  repeating,"  that  is, 
casting  more  than  one  vote,  *'  colonizing,"  that  is,  bringing 
men  into  a  district  to  vote  who  do  not  belong  there,  and 
other  evils,  have  at  times  been  frequent,  especially  in  large 
cities.  The  penalty  for  this  kind  of  thing  is  heavy,  but  it  is 
sometimes  hard  to  get  a  jury  to  convict  anybody.  Jurymen 
fear  the  wrath  of  the  "  boss  "  if  they  say  "  guilty."  Yet 
these  offenses  are  not  nearly  as  common  as  they  used  to  be. 

Upon  the  election  board  depends  to  a  great  extent  the 
honesty  of  an  election,  for  if  the  board  is  dishonest, 
no  scheme  of  voting  will  work.  If  the  board  does  not  hand 
in  true  returns  of  the  votes  cast,  the  election  is  not  repre- 
sentative, for  the  will  of  the  voters  is  not  carried  out.  Peo- 
ple do  not  pay  enough  attention  to  the  make-up  of  their 
election  boards.  Sometimes,  too,  the  pay  provided  is 
so  small  that  nobody  wants  to  serve  on  the  board  except 
people  who  cannot  be  trusted. 

Is  it  a  citizen's  duty  to  serve  on  an  election  board  when  he  is 
asked,  even  if  it  means  sacrificing  much  of  a  day's  pay?  Should 
the  person  who  takes  a  bribe  be  punished  as  severely  as  the  one 
who  gives  it  ? 


534         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

261.  Ballots.  —  Such  a  simple  matter  as  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  names  on  the  ballot  may  determine  whether 
independent  voting  is  encouraged  or  discouraged,  and 
whether  marking  the  ballot  will  take  brains  or  be  a  mere 
mechanical  making  of  a  cross.  In  some  states  the  candi- 
dates of  one  party  are  all  grouped  in  one  column,  and  a  per- 
son can  vote  for  them  all  by  putting  a  cross  in  a  square  or 
circle  at  the  top  of  the  column.  Some  have  a  separate 
**  party  square  ''  in  which  the  voter  may  place  one  cross 
that  counts  for  all  that  party's  candidates. 

The  Massachusetts  ballot  puts  all  the  candidates  for  an 
office  together  in  alphabetical  order.  The  party  names  are 
placed  beside  the  names  of  the  candidates,  but  no  voter  can 
vote  a  straight  party  ticket  without  marking  each  name 
separately.  Sometimes  instead  of  placing  the  names  in 
alphabetical  order,  lots  are  drawn  for  first  place.  This 
takes  away  the  advantage  which  a  candidate  has  under  the 
alphabetical  arrangement  if  his  name  begins  with  A  or  B. 
Sometimes,  too,  the  first  place  goes  to  the  party  which  won 
the  last  election.  Having  some  such  fixed  order  prevents 
the  purchasing  of  first  place. 

Does  your  state  seem  to  care  whether  its  voters  vote  independ- 
ently or  not?  Be  familiar  with  the  form  of  ballots  used.  Does 
it  seem  to  be  satisfactory  ?     How  is  the  order  of  places  determined  ? 

A  reform  proposal  about  which  we  have  heard  much  is 
the  short  ballot.  The  term  does  not  refer  so  much  to  the 
size  of  the  ballot  as  to  the  principle  involved,  though  the 
blanket  sized  ballots  used  in  some  states  make  us  question 
whether  any  one  can  vote  them  intelligently.  The  short 
ballot  has  been  adopted  to  some  extent  in  a  number  of  the 
states,  especially  for  local  elections. 

The  idea  is  to  have  only  a  few  officers  elected  by  the  peo- 
ple, and  have  them  appoint  their  subordinates.  It  is  argued 
that  when  the  people  have  only  a  few  candidates  to  vote 
for,  they  can  find  out  something  about  them  and  vote  in- 
telligently and  wisely.     The  supposition  is  that  if  a  few 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         535 


A  New  York  Ballot. 

In  Pennsylvania  the  candidates*  names  are  similarly  arranged,  but  there 
is  a  row  of  "party  squares"  at  the  left  of  the  ballot,  where  a  voter  may  make 
one  cross  which  will  count  for  all  the  candidates  of  one  party.  In  Massa- 
chusetts the  candidates'  names  are  arranged  in  alphabetical  order  with  refer- 
ence to  each  office.  New  York  formerly  had  all  the  candidates  of  one  party 
arranged  in  one  column,  as  many  of  the  states  do  still.  By  making  one  cross 
at  the  top  of  the  column  you  could  vote  for  all  the  candidates  of  one  party. 
New  York  also  used  to  have  a  picture  at  the  head  of  each  column  to  help 
the  ignorant  voter  locate  his  party.  It  still  retains  the  picture,  though  it 
has  abolished  the  party  column. 


536         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

officials  are  well  chosen  their  subordinates  will  be  well  ap- 
pointed. The  fact  that  progressive  communities  are,  as  a 
rule,  the  ones  in  which  the  plan  is  most  popular  is  one  point 
in  its  favor. 

Are  there  any  other  devices,  such  as  the  recall  (§  264),  needed  to 
make  the  short  ballot  safe? 

The  marking  of  ballots  often  is  done  carelessly,  with  the 
result  that  the  election  officers  sometimes  throw  out  ballots. 
If  the  election  is  close,  it  may  be  that  the  result  will  be  de- 
termined by  the  acceptance  or  rejection  of  ballots  whose 
markings  are  in  dispute.  Every  voter  ought  to  be  particu- 
larly careful  to  see  that  no  election  officer  shall  have  any 
excuse  for  misunderstanding  what  he  means. 

Consult  election  officers  whom  you  know  with  reference  to  the 
common  kinds  of  mistakes  made  in  marking  ballots  in  your  state. 
Are  you  sure  you  could  mark  a  ballot  correctly  yourself  ?  Remem- 
ber that  if  you  are  a  good  citizen  you  will  sometimes  want  to  vote 
otherwise  than  a  straight  party  ticket. 

262.  Representing  Everybody.  —  Our  nation  and  states 
are  built  upon  the  theory  that  the  people  shall  choose  men 
to  be  their  agents  in  the  government,  and  the  will  of  the 
majority  shall  stand.  If  the  representatives  do  not  act 
satisfactorily  as  agents  of  the  people,  and  do  not  carry  on 
the  people's  wishes  in  the  government,  the  voters  can  re- 
place them  with  others  at  the  next  election.  Thus  we  shall 
have  a  "  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for 
the  people." 

But  this  is  the  case  only  when  the  will  of  the  people  is 
honestly  determined  and  fairly  expressed.  The  people  may 
pick  good  men  or  bad  men,  they  may  choose  the  right  side 
or  the  wrong  side  of  the  question  at  issue,  but  if  there  is  "  a 
free  ballot  and  a  fair  count  "  we  must  not  deny  that  the 
election  represents  the  people's  will.  We  are  often  not 
sure,  however,  whether  the  will  of  the  majority  prevails, 
because  if  several  parties  nominate  candidates  each  of  them 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         537 

may  have  less  than  a  majority  of  all  the  votes.     And  some- 
times the  party  system  is  so  strong  that  it  seems  as  if  we 


rtf^mrr" 


riFrriAV    r«fT"»-  'v»^ 


INSTRUCTIONS: 

To  vote  for  any  person  mark  a  cross  (X)  in  a  square  to  the  right  of  the  name 


Vote  first  choice  for  Mayor  and  two  ( 2)  Co 
Vote  second  choice  for  Mayor. 
Vote  third  choice  for  Mayor. 
Vote  your  first  choices  in  the  first  coliunn. 
Vote  your  second  choices  in  the  second  column. 
Vote  your  third  choices  in  the  third  column. 
D9  not  vote  more  than  one  choice  for  any  one  candidate. 
If  ^any  voter  shall  vote  more  than  one  choice  for  any  one  candidate  the  vote 
highest  in  grade  shall  be  counted  and  others  rejected. 


MAYOR— One  to  be  elected. 

NAMES  or  CJUroiDATES 

c^'ir„ 

Second 

ThUd 

CboiM 

»6— SAK£K,  GEO.  I.—               "V/iU  roniinue  to  meet  all  issues  fear- 
lessly  and   impartially   for   Portlana« 
progress." 

97— GORDON,  HEEBEET—       ' '  A  business  man-for  SUyor. ' ' 

.S«— WCHA.ROS.  NOKMAN  S.—" Immediate  reduction  car  iva;  electric 
light  and  telephone  rates.    Municipal 
owoership  " 

esto." 

C0MMI8SI0NEB&-TWO  to  be  olected. 


aoo-MAinr,  ttohn 


'For  reelection.  More  industries — 
more  payrolls — a  common  sense,  busi- 
ness administration." 


101— BABBXIB,  A.  I..— 


'Greater  Portland;  greater  industries; 
lower  prices  for  street  and, sewer  im- 
provements." 


lOa-PEBKINS,  T. 


:i(»-ZIK>LES,  3.  B.- 


*ProgTeseive     development     for     public 
'•maiW.   Resist  bonds,  taxes  for  waste- 
profiteering  oligarchs." 


A  Preferential  Ballot. 


have  a  government  of  the  people,  by  a  party,  and  for  a  polit- 
ical boss  or  machine. 


538         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Suppose  in  a  city  election  18,000  votes  are  cast  in  all,  for  four  can- 
didates for  mayor.  A  gets  6,000,  B,  5,000,' C,  4,000,  D,  3,000.  Ac- 
cording to  the  usual  custom  A  would  be  elected  although  he  received 
only  one-third  of  the  total  votes.  But  is  A  really  the  choice  of  the 
people?  Perhaps  none  of  the  supporters  of  B,  C,  or  D  have  any 
liking  for  A  at  all,  but  he  has  been  elected  because  they  divided 
their  vote  among  three  candidates.  Is  there  any  remedy  for  this? 
Some  would  say,  let  the  supporters  of  the  three  candidates  get  to- 
gether on  one  candidate.    But  that  is  more  easily  said  than  done. 

The  remedy  might  be  the  plan  known  as  'preferential  voting.  By 
this  plan  a  voter  designates  not  only  his  first  choice,  but  also  his 
second  and  often  his  third  choice  for  an  office.  Then,  if  no  one  has 
a  majority  of  first-choice  votes,  the  candidate  who  has  a  majority  of 
both  the  first- and  second-,  and  sometimes  the  third-choice  votes 
will  win,  instead  of  the  one  having  merely  the  largest  number  of  first- 
choice  votes.  Sometimes  the  second-  and  third-choice  votes  count 
only  half.  By  means  of  the  preferential  ballot,  the  person  who  is 
elected  is  at  least  fairly  satisfactory  to  a  majority  of  the  voters. 
This  method  has  worked  satisfactorily  in  several  Ohio  cities  and 
elsewhere. 

Are  elections  really  representative  unless  the  minority  party  or 
parties  have  a  chance  of  electing  somebody  to  something?  Sup- 
pose that  every  county  in  a  state  gave  a  Republican  plurality  in 
an  election,  and  the  total  vote  in  the  state  was  180,000  Republi- 
can, 110,000  Democratic,  and  10,000  of  other  parties.  Under  any 
common  system  of  electing  members  of  the  legislature  the  Republi- 
cans would  elect  nearly  if  not  quite  all  of  them.  Then  the  forty 
per  cent  of  the  voters  who  did  not  vote  the  Republican  ticket  would 
have  no  voice  whatever  in  the  government.     Is  this  quite  fair? 

To  meet  such  a  situation  some  would  recommend  a  form  of  pro- 
portional representation.  Various  plans  for  working  this  out  have 
been  suggested.  One  such  plan  would  have  the  representatives  so 
arranged  as  to  have  three  chosen  from  a  district  and  then  give  a 
voter  the  right  to  cast  three  votes,  with  the  right  to  lump  all  three 
for  one  candidate  or  to  divide  them  otherwise  as  he  pleased.  In 
all  probability  the  minority  would  do  some  such  "  lumping  "  and 
this  would  result  in  the  election  of  some  Democrats,  so  that  the 
forty  per  cent  of  the  voters  who  now  elect  nobody  would  have 
some  representation. 

Does  this  plan  seem  fairer  than  the  usual  method  ?  In  the  imag- 
inary state  referred  to  above,  would  the  Republican  party  organi- 
zation be  likely  to  favor  proportional  representation?  would  the 
Democratic  organization  ?     the  independent  voters  ? 


BEFEBBED  TO  THE  PEOPLE  BT  THE  LEOISI^TIVE  ASSEMBLY 

8ubmitt«d  by  the  Legialature— COMPULSORY  A'OTING  AND  REOI8- 
TBATION  AMENDMENT— Purpose:  To  amend  Section  2  of  Article 
n.  of  the  constitvition  of  the  State  of  Oregon  so  that  provisions  ma>- 
ba  made  by  law  to  require  compulsory  votioc,  to  require  registratioii 
in  their  respective  election  precincts  by  ail  persons  who  are  eutillea 
to  vote,  to  permit  such  pcrdons  to  cast  their  ballots  by  mail  or  other- 
wise, when  nocoseary  by  reason  of  illness,  or  in  case  of  absence  from 
tbA  voting  precinct  during  the  entire  day  of  eldztion,  or  service  in 
the  army,  navy  or  marine  of  the  United  States.     Vote  YES  or  NO 

300  Tm. 


Submitted  -by'  the  Legislature— CONSTITUTIONAL  AMENDMENT 
BEGULATING  LEGISLATIVE  SESSIONS  AND  TUE  PAYMENT 
OF  LEGISLATORS— Purpose:  To  amend  Section  29  of  ArtieW  IV 
of  the  Constitution  of  the  Stater  of  Oregon  to  limit  regular  legislative 
sessions  to  sixty  working  days'  and  extra  sessions  to  twenty  days,  to 
regulate  the  introdiietion  of  bills  after  the  fortieth  day  of  the  ses- 
sion, and  to  provide  that  each  legislator  shall  receive  not  more  than 
three  hundred  dollars  for  services,  or  when  convened  in  extra  session 
by  the  governor  not  more  than  five  dollars  per  day,  also  mileage  at 
the  rate  of  three  dollars  for  every  twenty  miles  traveled  to  and  from 
the  place  of  meeting  by  the  most  usual  route.     Vote  YES  or  NQ 


^ 


302 


Yes. 


BEFEBENDUM  OBDEBED  BY  PETITION  OF   THE  PEOPLE 

Referred  by  Associated  Industries  of  Oregon,  offices  607  Oregon  Build- 
ing, Portland,  Oregon:  H.  C.  Huntington,  President;  H.  J.  Frank, 
First  Vice-President;  C.  J.  Ball,  Second  Vice-President;  R.  B.  Bain, 
Jr.,  Secretary;  all  of  Portland.— OLEOMARGARINE  BILL— Purpose: 
To  regulate  and  license  the  manufacture  and  sale  of  oleomargarine, 
nut  margarine,  butterine,  r«?noviitcd  butter,  process  butter  or  any 
butter  substitute,  and  to  provide  license  fees  to  be  paid  by  manu- 
facturers, wholesale  dealers  and  proprietors  of  hotels,  restaurants, 
dining  rooms  and  boarding  houses;  to  prevent  and  punish  fraud  and 
deception  in  such  manufacture  -and  sale  as  an  imitation  of  butter, 
and  to  prescribe  penalties  and  punishment  for  violations  of  this  act 
and  means  and  methods  of  procedure  for  itff  enforcement. 

Vote  YES  or  NO 


304 

Yes.. 

306 

No. 

PBOPOSED  BY  INITIATIVE  PETITION 

Initiated  by  the  Oregon  Single  Tax  League:  Harrv  A.  Rice,  President, 
1640  Front  Street,  Portland,  Oregon;  Mrs.  Christina  H.  Mock,  Sec- 
retary, 151  Seventeenth  Street,  Portland,  Oregon. — SINGLE  TA'X 
CONSTITUTIONAL  AMENDMENT— Purpose:  To  assess  all  taxes 
neccsiiary  for  the  maintenance  of  state,  county,  municipal  and  dis- 
trict government,  upon  the  value  of  land  itself  irrespective  of  the 
improvements  in  or  on  it  and  to  exempt  all  other  property  aad  rights 
»S4  privile^'us  from  taxation,  from  July  1,  1921,  to  Julj  1,  1925,  and 
thereafter  to  take  the  full  rental  value  of  the  land,  irrespective  of' 
improvements,  as  taxes,  and  no  other  taxes  of  any  kind  to  be  levied^ 
by  amending  Section  1  of- Article  IX  of  the  Oregon  Coiistitution. 

Vote  YES  or  NO 


The  Referendum  at  Work  in  Oregon. 
Notice  the  different  ways  by  which  these  measures  were  put  on  the  ballot. 
On  this  particular  ballot  the  voters  were  asked  to  express  an  opinion  on  each 
of  thirteen  such  propositions,  and  in  the  city  of  Portland  several  charter 
amendments  were  also  voted  upon.  Among  what  kind  of  people  would  it 
be  safe  to  call  for  such  extensive  expressions  of  popular  opinion  ? 

539 


540         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

263.  The  Initiative  and  Referendum. — When  the  services 
of  representatives  are  persistently  unsatisfactory,  there  are 
two  methods  of  remedy.  The  people  can  elect  different 
officers,  or  they  can  take  away  their  powers.  Dissatisfaction 
with  state  legislatures  and  city  councils,  and  a  belief  that 
the  people  have  a  right  to  express  an  opinion  on  many 
matters,  have  been  responsible  for  the  introduction  of  the 
initiative  and  the  referendum  —  examples  of  direct  legislation. 

The  initiative  is  a  plan  by  which  citizens  may  draw  up 
a  law  and  by  filing  with  a  state  or  local  officer  a  petition 
signed  by  a  certain  percentage  of  the  voters  may  cause  it  to 
be  submitted  to  popular  vote  at  a  regular  or  special  election. 
The  referendum  is  the  submitting  of  a  measure  to  the  vote 
of  the  people  before  it  goes  into  effect.  In  many  cases  a 
certain  percentage  of  the  voters  may,  by  signing  and  filing 
a  petition,  force  an  act  of  the  legislature  to  be  submitted 
to  the  voters. 

The  two  often  go  hand  in  hand,  although  some  states 
have  the  referendum  without  the  initiative.  In  some  places 
referendum  votes  are  taken  on  amendments  to  the  state 
constitution  or  on  large  bond  issues,  but  not  on  any  other 
measures.  The  initiative  without  the  referendum  can  do 
nothing  but  suggest  laws  to  the  legislature,  and  show  the 
law-makers  how  public  opinion  stands.  The  referendum 
would  undoubtedly  be  very  helpful  under  certain  circum- 
stances in  enabling  the  people  to  register  their  will  on  par- 
ticular matters.  Who  knows,  for  instance,  just  what  the 
American  people  in  1920  wanted  done  with  the  Versailles 
treaty  and  the  League  of  Nations?  Some  of  the  treaty's 
leading  advocates  as  well  as  its  bitterest  opponents  voted 
for  Mr.  Harding.  The  personality  of  a  candidate,  too, 
often  influences  votes  to  such  an  extent  that  the  policies 
which  he  represents  are  overlooked. 

The  privilege  of  the  initiative  may  be  abused  if  too  small 
a  percentage  of  the  people  are  able  to  use  it,  for  then  a  small 
minority  may  constantly  bother  the  people  by  forcing  votes 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         541 

on  matters  that  are  unimportant  or  not  understood.  Some- 
times the  people  do  not  take  enough  interest  when  measures 
are  submitted  to  them  for  their  opinion,  and  they  vote 
"  no  "  on  general  principles.  These  forms  of  direct  legis- 
lation have  been  used  very  extensively  in  the  West,  which 
is  always  ready  to  try  something  new,  and  they  are  making 
headway  elsewhere. 

If  the  initiative  and  referendum  are  to  be  most  useful,  what  safe- 
guards must  accompany  them?  Of  what  use  are  legislatures  if 
laws  can  be  passed  by  the  initiative  and  referendum  ? 

264.  The  Recall.  —  Those  who  believe  in  making  our 
government  as  nearly  a  pure  democracy  as  possible  have 
another  proposal  —  the  recall.  The  principle  of  it  is  that 
officers  are  simply  agents  of  the  people  and  can  be  removed 
if  they  do  not  please  the  people.  When  a  certain  number 
of  voters  are  dissatisfied  with  the  actions  of  an  official,  they 
can  draw  up  a  petition  against  him  and  compel  a  new  elec- 
tion. Usually  when  a  vote  is  taken  on  such  a  matter,  the 
people  may  vote  for  new  candidates.  If  there  is  a  majority 
against  the  person  who  is  in  office,  the  new  candidate  who 
receives  the  largest  number  of  votes  takes  the  office. 

The  recall  is  a  form  of  impeachment,  but  it  is  conducted 
by  the  people  themselves.  The  danger  is  that  in  a  fit  of 
resentment  or  misunderstanding  the  people  may  reject  an 
officer  merely  because  in  performing  his  sworn  duty  he  has 
had  to  do  something  unpopular  with  a  certain  element. 
It  should  not  be  possible  to  force  recall  elections  on  slight 
pretexts.  Some  people  who  do  not  object  to  the  recall  in 
connection  with  legislative  or  executive  officers  feel  that 
judges  ought  to  be  exempt  from  the  use  of  it. 

Is  the  recall  suitable  for  use  on  a  national  scale?  Should  judges 
be  subject  to  recall? 

265.  The  Citizen's  Attitude  toward  Government.  —  We 
often  find  fault  with  the  members  of  our  law-making  bodies 
and  with  our  executive  officers.    But  has  not  even  a  political 


542         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

boss  the  right  to  assume  that  the  people  want  his  opinion 
to  prevail  in  the  direction  of  public  affairs,  if  they  elect  him 
or  his  tools  to  office?  If  his  constituents  wish  him  to  do 
otherwise,  they  must  let  him  know  convincingly  what  thei/ 
think.  Sometimes,  it  is  true,  we  are  deceived  by  fine 
promises  which  are  never  carried  out.  But  we  can  usually 
get  ''  as  good  government  as  we  really  want  or  as  bad  as 
we  will  allow." 

Is  it  a  representative's  duty  to  vote  as  his  conscience  and  judg- 
ment dictate  or  as  he  knows  the  majority  of  his  constituents  would 
like  to  have  him  vote?  If  you  were  a  representative  in  the  legis- 
lature and  a  bill  came  up  making  prize-fighting  legal,  what  would 
you  do  about  it?  Why?  If  a  delegation  of  clergymen  came  to 
ask  you  to  oppose  it,  how  would  you  receive  them? 

Your  attitude  toward  a  law  helps  to  decide  what  the  com- 
munity's attitude  is  to  be.  A  few  standard  principles  in 
this  connection  are  important.  "All  laws  are  equally  bind- 
ing, if  they  do  not  conflict  with  higher  laws."  You  are 
under  just  as  much  obligation  to  obey  the  laws  of  your  town 
or  state  as  those  of  the  nation.  *'  The  law  is  no  respecter  of 
persons."  Whether  rich  or  poor,  you  have  no  right  to  claim 
exemption  from  a  law  which  you  expect  some  one  else  to 
obey.  "  Ignorance  of  the  law  excuses  no  one."  A  judge 
will  probably  be  lenient  with  you  once  for  failure  to  obey  a 
law  of  whose  existence  you  were  unaware,  but  if  you  have 
any  reason  to  suspect  that  you  may  be  in  danger  of  breaking 
a  law,  the  responsibility  rests  with  you  to  make  sure  you 
are  right. 

''  A  law  remains  in  force  until  it  is  repealed."  That  you 
do  not  like  it  or  that  somebody  else  is  disobeying  it  is  not 
sufficient  reason  for  you  to  ignore  it.  We  talk  much  about 
our  rights,  but  sometimes  forget  that  rights  bring  duties 
with  them.  It  has  been  said  that  right  is  the  personal  side 
of  duty,  and  duty  is  the  social  side  of  right.  Laws  are  made 
for  the  general  good,  and  each  man's  duty  is  to  respect  his 
neighbor's  rights. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         543 

Majorities  sometimes  ignore  the  rights  of  minorities. 
The  fact  that  the  number  of  your  fellow-citizens  who  agree 
with  you  may  be  greater  than  the  number  who  disagree 
with  you  does  not  by  any  means  deny  your  opponents  the 
right  of  free  speech,  freedom  of  religion,  freedom  of  assembly, 
and  all  the  other  '^  freedoms  "  that  belong  to  any  citizens 
who  exercise  them  in  a  reasonable  manner.  Might  does  not 
make  right,  and  majorities  are  not  always  right.  In- 
trenched evil  could  never  be  overthrown  if  the  minority's 
views  were  to  be  suppressed. 

A  citizen  may  personally  dislike  a  public  official,  but  that 
does  not  excuse  him  from  respecting  the  latter's  lawful  posi- 
tion. He  may  try  to  prevent  the  official's  reelection,  but 
he  has  no  right  to  undermine  his  authority  or  to  counsel 
disobedience.  For  the  time  being,  the  official  represents 
the  whole  people.  The  services  which  the  people  do  for 
one  another  through  their  government  are  so  vital  and  valu- 
able that  we  owe  thorough  respect  to  those  who,  in  a  lawful 
manner,  are  at  any  particular  time  performing  those  serv- 
ices for  us. 

Is  there  any  real  danger  of  conflict  between  one's  conscience  and 
the  law?  To  what  extent  did  the  "  conscientious  objectors  "  have 
a  right  to  carry  their  "  objection  "  during  the  war?  •  Is  it  wrong 
for  a  person  by  peaceful  means  to  urge  the  adoption  of  communism? 
What  cases,  if  any,  do  you  know  of  in  which  a  citizen  was  denied 
his  rights  because  he  disagreed  with  the  personal  opinions  of  people 
in  authority?  Do  people  ever  become  so  enthusiastic  in  religion 
that  they  take  no  interest  in  public  affairs  ?  Who  or  what  is  wrong 
in  such  a  case?  Is  rotten  politics  a  sufficient  reason  for  a  good 
citizen's  staying  out  of  politics?  Why  are  politics  rotten,  if  they 
are?  What  per  cent  of  the  people  of  your  community  and  state 
actually  do  vote?  Does  your  state  have  a  boss  or  a  machine? 
If  so,  why?  Would  you  think  differently  if  you  belonged  to  a  dif- 
ferent party? 

.-.  Since  the  will  of  the  people  is  usually  expressed  through 
parties,  these  should  be  made  agencies  to  voice  the  people's 
desires  and  not  to  control  them.  Our  election  machinery  should 
offer  every  encouragement  for  free,  independent,  intelligent  voting. 


544         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Every  citizen  should  not  only  have  the  opportunity  to  make  known 
his  wishes  on  public  questions,  but  should  qualify  himself  to  do  so 
thoughtfully  and  courageously,  with  due  respect  to  those  in  author- 
ity and  to  the  opinions  of  those  who  disagree  with  him. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

Party  Divisions  in  Washington's  Time. 

The  Local  Organization  of  Political  Parties. 

The  Tammany  Society  as  a  Factor  in  New  York  Politics. 

Resolved,  that  no  party  name  should  appear  on  the  ballot  in  cam- 
paigns for  local  or  state  offices. 

The  Duties  of  a  Young  Voter  in  Connection  with  Political  Parties. 

The  Management  of  National  Parties. 

The  Last  Presidential  Campaign. 

The  Presidential  Nominating  Convention. 

The  Primary  Laws  of  Our  State. 

Qualifications  for  Voters  in  Our  State. 

The  History  of  Woman  Suffrage. 

The  Short  Ballot,  in  Theory  and  Practice. 

Plans  for  Proportional  Representation. 

Forms  of  Ballots. 

The  Initiative  and  Referendum  in  Operation. 

The  Work  of  the  Recall. 

The  Election  Laws  of  Our  State. 

Resolved,  that  the  President  should  be  chosen  by  direct  popular 
vote. 

Resolved,  that  a  system  of  direct  primaries  should  be  devised  for 
the  nomination  of  presidential  candidates. 

The  Registration  of  Voters. 

Resolved,  that  every  state  should  so  arrange  its  election  laws  as  to 
require  the  selection  of  some  important  officials  every  year. 

Bribery  and  its  Prevention. 

Corrupt  Practices  in  Controlling  Legislation. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  39,  46,  53-75. 

Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapters  5- 

8,  19. 
Magruder  —  American  Government,  Chapters  17,  25,  26. 
Young  —  New  American  Government,  Chapters  26,  29. 
Ray  —  Introduction  to  Political  Parties. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         545 

Munro  —  Government  of  the  United  States,  Chapters  22,  23,  33, 

35. 
Beard  —  American  Government  and  Politics,  Chapters  6,  7,  9,  23,  30. 
Leacock  —  Elements  of  Political  Science,  Part  II,  Chapter  8. 
Hart  —  Actual  Government,  Chapters  4,  5. 
Tufts  —  The  Real  Business  of  Living,  Chapters  37,  38. 
Lowell  —  Public  Opinion  and  Popular  Government,  Part  II,  Part 

III,  Chapter  9,  Part  IV,  Chapters  11,  12,  15. 
Bryce  —  Modern  Democracies,  Chapters  40,  65,  70. 


XXIV.    MANAGING  PUBLIC  FINANCES  WISELY 


Public  work  is  not  done  as  charity.  Supplies  and  materials  of 
all  kinds  are  expensive  to  the  government  as  well  as  to  private  citi- 
zens. From  what  source  does  the  government  obtain  the  revenue 
to  carry  on  this  work?  How  is  its  business  planned?  What  forms 
of  taxes  are  most  desirable  and  how  should  they  be  collected? 


266.  Why  Governments  Spend  Money.  —  The  govern- 
ment, like  individuals,  spends  money,  because  there  are 
certain  things  which  it  must  do  and  certain  other  things 
which  it  desires  to  do.  We  have  mentioned  the  three  types 
of  service  which  the  governments  perform  —  protective, 
industrial,  and  social.  For  the  first  purpose  the  national 
government  spends  most ;  the  second  item  rests  to  some 
extent  upon  the  national,  state,  and  local  governments 
alike;  the  third  is,  to  a  greater  degree,  a  matter  of  state 
and  local  concern.  It  is  said  that  93  per  cent  of  the  appro- 
priations made  by  Congress  are  for  purposes  related  to  war 
or  arising  out  of  past  wars. 

From  the  printed  reports  of  your  state  and  local  officers  find  the 
various  causes  of  expense,  and  classify  them  under  the  three  gen- 
eral heads  that  have  been  mentioned. 

We  might  suppose  that  the  forty-eight  states  put  together 
would  spend  a  great  deal  of  money.  Perhaps,  therefore,  we 
shall  be  surprised  to  learn  that  they  spend  very  much  less 
than  either  the  national  government  or  the  local  govern- 
ments. The  number  of  matters  which  the  state  regulates, 
as  we  have  seen,  is  very  extensive ;  but  since  the  active 
work  of  government  is  largely  done  through  county,  city, 
and  township  authorities,  the  actual  collection  and  expendi- 
ture of  money  is  done  to  a  great  degree  by  them.  Not  more 
than  one-fourth  as  much  money  is  spent  by  the  states  as 
by  the  divisions  of  the  states.     The  objects  for  which  local 

546 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         547 

governments  may  levy  taxes  are  limited,  in  the  case  of  cities, 
to  the  jurisdiction  given  them  by  their  charters.  Often, 
too,  state  legislation  imposes  limits  to  the  taxing  power  of 
small  communities.  For  example,  sometimes  a  city,  school 
district,  or  town  may  not  levy  more  than  a  certain  fixed 
rate.  In  other  cases,  however,  there  is  no  limit  beyond 
the  ability  of  the  community  to  pay ;  and  whether  the  com- 
munity will  supply  its  people  with  an  abundance  of  public 
services  or  give  them  as  little  as  they  can  decently  put  up 
with  depends  upon  the  community  spirit  that  prevails. 

Here  is  a  list  of  revenues  and  expenditures  for  a  certain  city.  Do 
these  seem  to  be  in  the  right  proportion  to  each  other?  To  what 
extent  does  your  community  do  better  or  worse  than  the  one 
whose  report  is  here  printed? 


Receipts 


Tax  Levy  of  1920 

Water  Rents  of  1920 

Taxes  of  Prior  Years 

Water  Rents,  Prior  Years 

Miscellaneous  Resources  (licenses,  fines,  fees,  etc.)       .     . 

Sale  of  Bonds 

Special  Assessments  for  Street  and  Sewer  Improvements 

Special  Funds         

Total        


$12,439,855.72 

2,502,703.12 

733,041.20 

345,411.09 

2,233,315.93 

5,694,000.00 

418,489.14 

247.641.05 

$24,614,457.25 


Warrants  Drawn 

General  Government       .... 

Protection  to  Person  and  Property 

Conservation  of  Health 

Sanitation 

Highways 

Charities 

Libraries 

Recreation 

Miscellaneous 

Public  Service  Expenses 

Interest  on  Debt    .     . 

Judgments  and  Refunds 

Amortization  of  Debt 

Expenditures  on  Bond  Issues,  Debt  Liquidation,  etc. 

Total         

Payment  to  Police  Pension  Fund 

Nearly  $1,000,000  remained  to  be  paid  on  account  of 
tracts,  unpaid  bills  and  the  like 


$1,276,578.18 
4,175,743.53 
594,361.35 
2,003,835.60 
1,922,995.02 
638,243.42 
435,092.06 
702,090.17 
597,623.72 
1,806,796.30 
1,684,181.01 
40,808.32 
1,757,310.56 
5.805.467.18 
$23,441,126.42 
147.799.56 
$23,588,925.98 
uncompleted  con- 


Under  separate  administration  this  city  was  spending  about  $7,000,000 

p  anVinnln  n.t.  f.his  t.imft. 


for  schools  at  this  time. 


548         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

267.  Making  a  Budget.  —  We  know  what  will  happen 
if  a  family  gets  everything  that  it  wants,  runs  charge  ac- 
counts, and  afterwards  tries  to  make  a  two  thousand  dollar 
income  cover  a  five  thousand  dollar  expense  bill.  The  same 
thing  will  happen  with  a  government  as  with  a  family.  Yet 
in  many  law-making  bodies,  revenue  bills  and  appropria- 
tion bills  are  frequently  referred  to  entirely  different  com- 
mittees, and  several  committees  may  propose  appropria- 
tion measures.  Appropriations  are  made  without  any 
reference  to  the  amount  of  money  that  is  in  or  is  likely  to  be 
in  the  treasury.  No  wonder  governments  get  into  unnec- 
essary debt.  Budget  making  is,  indeed,  a  needed  art  in 
government  as  in  private  business. 

European  governments  for  many  years  have  had  budget 
systems.  In  England,  for  example,  it  has  been  the  duty 
of  the  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer  to  bring  in  a  budget 
measure  for  the  consideration  of  Parliament,  which  will 
contain  not  only  an  estimate  of  the  expenses  of  the  govern- 
ment for  the  coming  year,  but  a  careful  estimate  of  the  way 
to  meet  those  expenses. 

Any  American  city  government  that  pretends  to  have 
an  intelligent  administration  attempts  something  in  the 
nature  of  a  budget.  Perhaps  the  mayor  receives  the  esti- 
mates that  are  made  by  the  heads  of  the  different  city  de- 
partments and  then  turns  these  estimates  over  to  the  coun- 
cil. In  the  preparation  of  the  budget  there  is  generally  the 
opportunity  for  a  public  hearing,  at  which  the  community 
has  a  chance  to  learn  how  much  expense  is  proposed  for  the 
year  to  come.  In  New  York  City  the  Board  of  Estimate 
and  Apportionment  has  almost  as  much  legislative  power 
in  financial  matters  as  the  Aldermen  who  actually  have  to 
pass  the  needed  legislation. 

Some  states  have  also  attempted  something  on  the  same 
order.  There  may  be  a  State  Board  of  Estimate  or  a  com- 
mission under  some  other  name  to  which  the  departments 
of  the  state  government  and  institutions  asking  for  state 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         549 


'?3 


appropriMions  must  submit  their  requests.  Then  the  state 
board  submits  its  rtecommendations  to  the  legislature.  The 
same  body  sometimes  has  the  right  to  require  reports  from 
each  of  the  departments  or  institutions  using  public  money, 
to  show  definitely  how  this  money  has  been  spent. 

In  the  national  government,  for  years,  there  was  nothing 
like  a  budget  system,  but  after  much  urging  from  several 
presidents  a  budget  bill  was  finally  passed  by  Congress  in 
1921.  Under  this  bill  there  is  provided  in  the  Treasury 
Department  a  Bureau  of  the  Budget,  headed  by  a  Director 
and  an  Assistant  Director,  who  are  appointed  by  the  Presi- 
dent without  limit  as  to  term.  The  Director  of  the  Bud- 
get will  prepare  each  year  for  submission  to  Congress  an 
estimate  from  all  the  various  governmental  administrative 
departments,  and  will  have  the  right  to  revise  or  reduce  the 
estimates  made  by  the  various  departments.  The  same 
law  also  establishes  a  General  Accounting  Office,  which  is 
not  under  any  of  the  Cabinet  departments.  This  is  headed 
by  a  Comptroller-General  and  an  Assistant  Comptroller- 
General  who  are  appointed  by  the  President  with  the  ap- 
proval of  the  Senate  for  terms  of  fifteen  years.  The  Comp- 
troller-General may  not  be  reappointed.  This  General 
Accounting  Office  may  investigate  any  matter  with  refer- 
ence to  the  expenditure  of  public  funds,  and  make  reports 
to  the  President  and  Congress,  particularly  when  any  vio- 
lation of  law  has  appeared  in  the  expenditure  of  money. 

As  long  as  we  insist  that  the  law-making  body;  as  the 
people's  own  representatives,  shall  determine  how  money 
shall  be  raised  and  spent,  we  cannot  take  out  of  their  hands 
the  actual  power  to  levy  taxes  and  to  pass  appropriation 
bills.  But  such  a  system  as  we  have  just  outlined  will  en- 
able the  law-making  body  to  act  intelligently  if  it  wishes 
to  do  so.  Administrative  officials,  moreover,  will  have  lit- 
tle opportunity  for  graft  and  extravagance. 

Why  do  you  suppose  Congress  was  so  long  unwilling  to  insti- 
tute the  budget  system?     What  kinds  of  public  officials  would  be 


550         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

opposed  to  anything  of  that  character?  Does  your  state  or  local 
government  have  anything  corresponding  to  a  budget  system  ?  If 
so,  how  does  it  operate? 

268.  Sources  for  Revenue. — But  from  what  sources  does 
public  money  come?  Some  people  seem  to  think  there  is 
some  kind  of  magic  fund  that  is  available  for  the  government 
without  any  burden  upon  anybody.  But  there  are  only  five 
general  sources  from  which  governments  may  obtain  funds. 

(1)  Taxation.  —  A  tax  is  in  reality  the  taking  of  private 
property  for  public  purposes,  though  usually  a  money  equiv- 
alent is  taken  instead  of  the  property  itself. 

(2)  Loans.  —  Money  obtained  by  borrowing,  however, 
does  not  become  the  permanent  property  of  the  govern- 
ment and  is  only  a  temporary  source  of  revenue,  for  it  has 
to  be  paid  back  through  taxes. 

(3)  Sale  or  gift.  —  Our  government  once  obtained  much 
income  from  the  sale  of  public  land,  but  this  amount  is  now 
limited.  To  depend  much  upon  the  generosity  of  public- 
spirited  citizens  would  also  be  foolish. 

(4)  Fines  imposed  on  law-breakers,  licenses  required  for 
people  who  engage  in  certain  kinds  of  business,  and  fees  for 
the  performance  of  such  public  services  as  the  recording  of 
deeds. 

(5)  Special  assessments  collected  from  the  people  who  are 
benefited  by  certain  kinds  of  public  work,  like  the  laying 
out  of  a  street,  or  the  constructing  of  a  sewer.  In  one  sense 
this  is  different  from  the  other  sources  of  revenue,  because 
it  is  a  payment  for  actual  benefit  received  by  the  one  upon 
whom  the  assessment  is  levied  and  does  not  help  the  public 
treasury  as  a  whole. 

Use  again  the  reports  of  your  state  or  local  officers  and  classify 
under  the  five  heads  which  are  mentioned  the  revenue  received. 
What  percentage  of  the  total  revenue  has  been  obtained  by  each  of 
the  five  methods  ? 

The  principal  forms  of  taxation  for  our  federal  government  have 
been  the  tariff  on  imported  goods,  and  various  forms  of  excise 
taxes,  —  that  is,  taxes  on  goods  produced  within  the  country,  such 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         551 

as  tobacco,  oleomargarine,  playing  cards,  cigarettes,  admission 
tickets  to  places  of  amusement  and  the  like.  Now  the  federal 
government  collects  a  tax  on  inheritances  over  $50,000  in  value, 
and  large  sums  through  taxes  on  incomes  of  individuals  and  cor- 
porations. 

Borrowing  has  been  extensively  employed  in  the  times  of  our 
great  wars  to  secure  the  necessary  funds.  We  shall  speak  a  little 
more  about  this  later.  By  far  the  greatest  part  of  such  emergency 
needs  could  not  possibly  be  met  by  taxation.     During  the  Great 


The  Entrance  to  a  Toll  Bridge. 

Notice  the  toll  house  at  which  travelers  must  stop.  This  bridge  at  Harris- 
burg  has  been  constructed  in  a  much  more  beautiful  form  than  many. 

War,  for  example,  our  government  issued  five  series  of  Liberty  and 
Victory  Bonds  amounting  in  all  to  somewhat  more  than  $20,000,- 
000,000. 

Which  of  the  various  forms  of  revenue  mentioned  could  be  de- 
pended upon  to  produce  the  needed  amounts  most  regularly,  and 
which  might  vary  considerably  from  year  to  year?  From  figures 
which  you  can  find  in  the  World  Almanac  or  some  other  reference 
book,  determine  the  percentage  of  national  government  revenue  at 
different  periods  which  has  been  derived  from  each  of  the  different 
sources.     Perhaps   you   can   show   this   by   means   of   a  chart  or 


55'^         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

graph.  Could  the  federal  government  constitutionally  levy  a  tax 
on  land?  Could  it  levy  a  tax  of  25%  on  coal  imported  at  Philadel- 
phia, and  15%  on  coal  imported  at  New  York?  Could  it  levy  a 
tax  of  50%  a  ton  on  coal  exported  from  the  country?  Could  it 
pay  money  out  of  the  national  treasury  for  putting  up  schoolhouses 
in  the  city  of  Washington? 

The  powers  of  the  state  to  levy  taxes  are  hmited  only  by 
restrictions  imposed  either  in  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States  or  in  that  of  the  state  itself.  For  example,  Uke  the 
national  government,  no  state  has  the  right  to  levy  a  tax 
on  exports,  but,  unUke  the  national  government,  it  has  no 
right  to  levy  a  tax  on  imports  except  for  the  purpose  of  in- 
specting goods  brought  into  the  states.  Moreover,  it  may 
not  levy  any  "  tonnage  duty,"  that  is,  a  tax  on  the  weight 
of  goods  a  vessel  may  carry,  because  such  a  tax  might  in- 
terfere with  interstate  commerce.  Various  court  decisions 
have  also  ruled  that  no  agency  of  the  federal  government, 
like  a  national  bank,  for  instance,  is  subject  to  taxation  by 
the  state. 

The  means  by  which  the  state  obtains  money  are  various.  A 
tax  on  corporations,  on  either  their  capital  stock  or  net  proceeds  or 
gross  earnings,  is  very  popular.  Inheritance  taxes  are  employed 
by  every  state  to  a  considerable  extent.  A  few  states  have  income 
taxes.  Automobile  licenses  and  taxes  are  also  a  valuable  source  of 
revenue,  but  in  some  states  money  received  from  these  sources  must 
be  spent  on  the  highways.  A  number  of  other  licenses  and  fees  are 
used  by  many  states  as  a  source  of  revenue.  Several  states  have 
personal  property  taxes,  but  these  are  not  at  all  dependable,  for 
reasons  that  we  shall  see  later.  Fines,  interest,  and  rents  on  pub- 
lic property  also  bring  in  some  revenue.  The  largest  source  of 
state  revenue,  speaking  generally,  is  a  general  property  tax,  though 
some  states  do  not  have  this  at  all. 

The  agencies  which  levy  local  taxes  vary  in  different  sec- 
tions of  the  country  in  accordance  with  the  type  of  local 
government  that  is  prevalent.  In  some  sections  practi- 
cally all  taxes  are  collected  through  the  county.  In  other 
cases  there  are  separate  county  taxes,  school  taxes,  and 
city  or  township  taxes.     The  tax  on  real  estate  constitutes 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         553 

more  than  half  of  all  the  revenue  obtained  by  local  govern- 
ments. Supplementing  this  tax  are  fines,  license  fees  and 
sometimes  poll  taxes  and  occupation  taxes. 

269.  The  Qualities  of  a  Good  Tax.  —  Quite  likely  there 
are  people  who  would  say  there  is  no  such  thing,  but  surely 
some  taxes  may  be  less  objectionable  than  others.  For  an 
American  citizen  to  object  to  paying  any  taxes  whatever 
is  a  sign  that  he  is  either  ignorant  or  ungrateful.  There 
are  at  least  these  five  cardinal  principles  of  just  taxation: 

(1)  Ability  to  pay.  —  A  man  who  has  property  receives 
more  extensive  protection  from  the  government  than  one 
who  has  no  property.  The  man  who  has  much  can  make  a 
large  payment  and  not  miss  it  as  greatly  as  a  man  with  lit- 
tle property  would  feel  a  smaller  tax.  Not  even  the  govern- 
ment can  get  money  from  somebody  who  does  not  have  it. 

(2)  Use  for  public  purposes  rather  than  to  enlarge  pri- 
vate fortunes  of  pubUc  officials. 

(3)  Definiteness  in  the  conditions  of  payment.  —  A  tax- 
payer should  know  how  much  he  is  to  pay,  when  it  is  to  be 
paid,  and  to  whom.  Hence  the  publication  of  tax  notices 
in  newspapers  by  county  and  city  treasurers  and  the  post- 
ing of  them  in  public  places. 

(4)  Convenience  in  payment.  —  A  sacrifice  made  in  the 
public  interest  should  not  become  needlessly  burdensome. 
For  this  reason  one  may  pay  his  federal  income  tax  in  quar- 
terly installments  if  he  prefers.  On  some  taxes  a  discount 
is  permitted  if  paid  before  a  certain  date. 

(5)  Uniformity  in  rate  for  all  who  are  in  similar  circum- 
stances. 

The  -progressive  or  graduated  tax  has  come  to  be  very  popular. 
This  kind  of  tax  is  graded  so  that  a  higher  rate  is  collected  from  the 
larger  objects  of  taxation  than  from  smaller  ones.  The  federal  in-, 
come  tax,  for  example,  on  incomes  not  over  $4000  is  at  present 
2  per  cent  on  that  part  of  the  income  on  which  a  tax  is  paid. 
Over  that  figure  the  rate  increases  until  very  large  incomes  have  to 
pay  as  much  as  40  per  cent  on  the  excess  of  the  income  over  the  last 


554         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

step  in  the  scale.  People  with  large  incomes  are  not  en- 
thusiastic about  this  principle  of  taxation,  but  it  appeals  very 
strongly  to  the  masses. 

Discuss  the  justice  of  a  progressive  tax  as  compared  to  the  or- 
dinary percentage  rate.  Is  it  right  to  collect  school  taxes  from 
people  who  have  no  children  attending  pubHc  schools?  Is  it 
right  to  take  so  much  of  the  large  incomes  in  the  form  of  taxes? 
Would  it  be  any  harder  for  a  man  with  a  $3000  income  to  pay  a 
$40  tax  than  for  a  man  with  a  $50,000  income  to  pay  a  $2000  tax  ? 
What  would  you  think  of  a  tax  collector  who  announced  that  people 
might  pay  their  taxes  whenever  he  was  at  home?  Has  a  citizen 
the  right  to  expect  the  collecting  officer  to  send  him  a  bill  for  his 
taxes? 

There  are  only  three  limitations  on  the  taxing  power  of 
Congress :  that  taxes  must  be  uniform  all  over  the  United 
States ;  that  taxes  must  not  be  levied  on  exports ;  that  direct 
taxes  upon  the  states  must  be  levied  in  proportion  to  popu- 
lation. Since  the  per  capita  wealth  of  the  states  does  not 
by  any  means  correspond  to  the  population,  this  method  of 
direct  taxation  may  be  exceedingly  unfair.  Theoretically 
the  House  of  Representatives,  because  it  was  presumed  to 
speak  for  the  people  more  directly  than  the  Senate,  was 
given  the  sole  right  to  introduce  revenue  measures.  The 
power  of  the  Senate  to  amend  all  bills  has  made  this  sup- 
posed privilege  of  the  House  of  little  value.  The  only  Hmit 
upon  the  raising  and  spending  of  money  by  Congress  is  that 
bills  for  the  support  of  the  army  and  navy  cannot  cover, 
more  than  two  years'  needs.  In  practice  such  measures 
are  passed  every  year. 

Why  is  such  a  time  limit  imposed  on  this  kind  of  bill  ? 

In  the  states  where  the  general  property  tax  is  an  impor- 
tant source  of  revenue  some  system  of  equalization  is  nec- 
essary. Different  counties,  intentionally  or  unintention- 
ally, may  put  very  widely  different  estimates  upon  the  value 
of  pieces  of  property  which  are  really  alike.  Therefore  we 
find  in  very  many  states  a  State  Board  of  Equalization, 
which  has  the  right  to  make  such  adjustments  as  seem  nee- 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         555 

essary  in  order  to  prevent  one  county  or  section  of  the  state 
from  paying  less  than  its  fair  share  of  state  taxes. 

Find  the  sources  of  revenue  used  by  your  state  government. 
Does  the  constitution  of  your  state  Hmit  the  legislature  in  any 
way  in  the  matter  of  taxation  or  in  the  objects  for  which  it  may 
spend  money?  Could  your  state  levy  a  tax  on  railroad  tickets? 
Could  it  appropriate  money  for  the  construction  of  a  church? 
Could  it  appropriate  money  in  the  aid  of  a  hospital  maintained  by 
some  religious  denomination?  Does  your  state  constitution  re- 
quire a  larger  vote  in  its  legislature  for  appropriations  to  private 
than  to  public  institutions,  if  it  permits  such  appropriations  at  all  ? 

270.  How  Taxes  Are  Collected.  —  All  taxes  can  be  in- 
cluded in  two  great  groups,  direct  and  indirect.  Direct 
taxes  are  those  whose  burden  the  taxpayer  himself  is  ex- 
pected to  bear.  Indirect  taxes  are  those  whose  burden  the 
taxpayer  is  expected  to  shift  to  some  one  else.  Income 
taxes  are  direct.  Taxes  on  imported  or  manufactured 
goods,  tobacco,  and  the  like  are  indirect  taxes,  for  the 
importer  or  manufacturer  charges  his  customers  enough 
to  include  the  amount  of  the  tax.  Indirect  taxes  are  the 
more  popular  kind  with  a  great  many,  because  those  who 
use  the  taxed  goods  do  not  realize  that  they  are  paying  the 
tax.  The  burden  of  all  taxes,  whatever  the  method  of  col- 
lection, will  ultimately  be  distributed  over  the  whole  com- 
munity. Higher  taxes  on  a  storekeeper,  for  instance,  mean 
that  he  will  charge  more  for  his  goods,  and  higher  taxes  are 
often  used  as  an  excuse  for  a  good  many  forms  of  robbery 
for  which  they  are  not  really  responsible. 

Customs,  duties,  and  imposts  are  taxes  on  imported  goods,  and  we 
generally  use  the  word  tariff  in  this  country  to  mean  the  same. 
Excise  taxes  are  levied  on  the  production  and  sale  of  goods  within  the 
country.  These  may  be  levied  either  as  specific  duties,  that  is,  a 
fixed  amount  per  pound,  or  yard,  or  other  unit  of  measure,  or  ad 
valorem,  a  certain  percentage  of  the  value  of  the  goods.  In  one 
sense  the  ad  valorem  duty  is  fairer,  but  cheating  the  government 
by  misrepresentation  of  the  value  of  imports  is  not  so  easy  when  the 
duty  is  specific.  A  poll  tax  is  a  fixed  sum,  say  $1,  $2,  or  $3,  on 
each  person  affected.     Sometimes  this  is  called  a  capitation  tax. 


556         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Many  object  to  this  form  of  tax  as  not  in  accordance  with  our 
principles  of  good  taxation,  but  a  poll  tax  is  seldom  high  enough  to 
be  an  expensive  burden  on  very  many  people. 

Does  the  relative  popularity  of  the  indirect  tax  as  compared 
with  the  direct  tax  mean  that  people  like  to  be  fooled  ?  Do  any  of 
these  forms  of  taxes  which  we  have  mentioned  here  disagree  with 
our  standards  of  good  taxation  ? 

A  principle  similar  to  taxation,  though  differently  exer- 
cised, is  the  right  of  eminent  domain.  This  refers  to  the 
state's  power  to  take  private  property  for  pubUc  use. 
Sometimes  this  power  is  transferred  to  such  private  cor- 
porations as  raikoads,  but  then  limits  are  usually  placed 
upon  it.  The  government,  however,  does  not  take  the  prop- 
erty without  compensation.  It  pays  the  owner  what- 
ever is  deemed  to  be  a  fair  value  of  the  property.  If  the 
owner  and  the  government  cannot  agree,  a  court  will  ap- 
point a  board  of  viewers  who  will  suggest  what  they  think 
is  a  fair  valuation. 

Are  there  ever  any  circumstances  under  which  a  private  property 
owner  would  have  the  right  to  object  to  the  exercise  of  eminent  do- 
main by  the  state?  If  a  new  raihoad  was  being  constructed  and 
the  owner  of  a  piece  of  land  where  the  railroad  desired  to  lay  its 
tracks  was  unwilling  to  dispose  of  it,  would  the  railroad  have  the 
privilege  of  eminent  domain  in  taking  the  property?  If  an  ad 
valorem  duty  is  levied  on  imported  goods,  should  the  basis  of  reck- 
oning be  their  value  abroad  or  after  importation?  Mention  five 
forms  of  taxes  that  are  distinctly  direct;  five  that  are  distinctly 
indirect;  some  which  might  be  direct  under  some  conditions  and 
indirect  under  others. 

The  federal  tax  on  imported  goods  is  collected  at  the  cus- 
tomhouses. To  receive  the  internal  revenue  taxes,  includ- 
ing the  income  tax,  collectors  are  appointed  in  each  of  about 
seventy  districts  into  which  the  country  is  divided.  Sworn 
reports  have  to  be  made  by  those  who  are  to  pay  the  taxes 
and  the  government  at  first  has  to  accept  these  statements 
as  the  basis  of  the  amount  to  be  paid.  Its  opportunities 
for  checking  up  these  reports,  however,  are  such  that  the 
evasion  of  these  taxes  is  not  only  dishonorable  but  risky. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         557 

State  taxes,  in  case  the  state  obtains  revenue  from  di- 
rect property  tax,  are  usually  collected  through  the  county 
and  may  appear  on  the  same  bill  with  the  county  taxes. 
Automobile  licenses  and  similar  fees  are  usually  paid  di- 
rectly to  some  state  officer,  however.  In  many  more  cases 
than  it  is  actually  done,  all  state  and  local  taxes  could  be 
paid  to  the  same  official,  but  unfortunately  many  states 
have  not  seen  the  advantage  of  having  the  local  tax  col- 
lections made  in  a  businesshke  way.  The  county  treas- 
urer often  receives  tax  collections,  but  sometimes  there  is 
a  special  county  tax  collector.  The  same  thing  is  true  in 
local  subdivisions. 

But  how  are  you  or  the  government  to  know  how  much 
you  should  pay  in  taxes  on  real  estate  or  personal  property  ? 
A  personal  property  tax  must  be  based  mainly  on  your 
statement,  for  it  is  difficult  for  any  one  to  prove  how  many 
bonds  or  stocks  you  have  in  your  safe  or  your  attic.  Be- 
cause of  the  temptation  to  dishonesty  in  paying  taxes  on 
personal  property,  many  experts  on  finance  are  opposed  to 
this  kind  of  tax,  and  in  a  good  many  places  it  has  been 
abolished. 

Real  estate  is  different,  however.  There  are  officials 
known  as  assessors,  who  can  see  what  your  house  and  land 
look  like,  and  put  a  valuation  on  them.  Sometimes  they 
are  county  officials,  sometimes  city  or  township  officers, 
and  sometimes  we  have  them  both  in  the  same  county. 
In  some  places  they  have  the  habit  of  making  an  estimate 
much  lower  than  they  know  it  really  ought  to  be.  If  a  per- 
son believes  that  his  own  particular  property  is  assessed 
too  high,  he  has  the  right  of  appeal  to  some  other  official 
or  board  that  has  power  to  reduce  the  valuation. 

When  the  assessment  of  all  the  property  in  the  state, 
township,  or  county,  as  the  case  may  be,  has  been  com- 
pleted, the  county  or  other  authorities  who  have  taxes  to 
levy  know  the  value  of  the  property  on  which  the  taxes  are 
to  be  based.     Then,  after  they  have  determined  how  much 


558         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

money  they  want  to  collect  during  the  year,  it  is  simply 
a  matter  in  arithmetic  to  find  the  rate  of  tax.     A  common 


Public  Buildings  in  New  York  City. 
In  the  center  of  the  picture  is  the  old  city  hall.     Back  of  it  is  the  city 
post  oflfice.     The  tall  structure  is  known  as  the  Municipal  Building. 

way  to  express  this  is  by  the  number  of  mills  per  dollar  of 
property  value.     In  some  states  they  call  one  per  cent  of 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         559 

the  property  valuation  the  grand  list  and  base  the  tax  rate 
upon  that.  Willful  evasion  or  misrepresentation  in  connec- 
tion with  taxpaying  is  a  crime  and  punishable  by  fine  or 
imprisonment.  When  a  person  fails  to  pay  a  tax  on  prop- 
erty, officials  may  seize  the  property  and  sell  it  in  order  to 
secure  the  money.  Whatever  part  of  the  amount  received 
is  not  needed  to  pay  the  taxes  and  costs  of  collection  is  re- 
turned to  the  original  owner. 

It  is  assumed  that  certain  institutions  are  rendering  a 
service  of  a  public  character,  and  these  are  frequently 
exempt  from  paying  any  tax.  Under  this  head  are  usually 
included  churches,  any  other  property  used  for  religious 
purposes,  schools,  and  public  buildings  of  all  kinds.  In  a 
great  many  states  a  certain  amount  of  personal  property  or 
household  furniture  is  exempt  from  taxation.  In  some 
states,  the  towns  even  have  the  right  to  exempt  a  private 
corporation  from  taxation  in  order  to  get  the  corporation 
to  establish  its  business  there.  In  other  states,  however, 
such  granting  of  special  privileges  would  be  wholly  uncon- 
stitutional. Government  bonds  of  any  sort  are  usually 
exempt  from  taxation.  But  many  believe  that  this  is  bad 
policy,  from  the  viewpoints  of  both  the  government  and 
business.  If  necessary  to  pay  higher  interest  than  is  now 
common,  in  order  to  get  people  to  lend  money  to  the  gov- 
ernment, it  would  be  more  profitable  in  the  long  run,  they 
say,  to  do  so. 

Bring  in  samples  of  all  the  forms  of  tax  receipts  you  can  collect 
and  see  what  you  can  discover  in  regard  to  the  time  and  method  of 
collecting  taxes  paid  in  your  community.  Is  it  better  that  a  tax 
collector  should  get  a  fixed  salary  or  be  paid  a  percentage  of  what  he 
collects?  Why  do  you  suppose  any  assessors  would  wish  to  esti- 
mate property  at  a  figure  below  its  real  value?  What  excuse  could 
a  community  have  for  doing  this  kind  of  thing  as  a  regular  prac- 
tice? What  excuse  can  there  be  for  having  a  township  or  city  as- 
sessor and  a  county  assessor  in  the  same  county  ?  If  you  owned  a 
building  worth  $5000,  but  assessed  at  $8000,  what  would  you  do  about 
it?     If  you  owned  a  building  worth  $8000,  but  assessed  at  $5000, 


560         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

what  would  you  do  about  it  ?  Is  it  right  to  exempt  church  property 
from  taxation?  Should  private  schools  pay  taxes?  Would  your 
town  have  the  right  to  exempt  the  Security  Woolen  Mills  from  taxes 
for  a  period  of  five  years  in  order  to  keep  them  there?  Would 
you  consider  this  kind  of  thing  a  good  policy,  assuming,  of  course, 
that  it  is  constitutional  ? 

271.  Possible  Tax  Reforms.  —  Every  intelligent  observer 
realizes  that  our  tax  system  is  far  from  perfect.  But  can 
we  do  anything  to  improve  it? 

The  situation  often  referred  to  as  double  taxation  is  some- 
what unfortunate.  Especially  is  this  noticed  in  the  case  of 
corporations  which  get  a  charter  in  their  home  state  and 
pay  a  tax  there,  pay  taxes  also  in  other  states  where  they 
have  offices,  factories,  or  other  property,  and  pay  the  federal 
tax  besides.  In  view  of  the  fact  that  most  corporations  do 
an  interstate  business,  we  should  not  expect  the  federal 
government  to  abandon  its  right  to  tax  them  or  supervise 
their  methods  of  doing  business.  For  the  federal  govern- 
ment to  assume  the  sole  right  to  tax  corporations,  however, 
would  cause  considerable  inconvenience  to  the  states,  since 
several  of  them  depend  quite  largely  on  their  corporation 
tax  for  their  revenue. 

Some  people  believe  that  the  national  government,  state 
government,  and  local  governments  should,  either  by  a 
constitutional  provision  or  general  understanding,  refrain 
from  levying  a  tax  upon  the  same  source  of  revenue.  Taxes 
on  imports  are  clearly  federal  revenue,  and  general  prop- 
erty taxes  have  thus  far  been  preserved  solely  for  local 
governments  and  state  governments.  If  taxes  on  some  one 
source  of  revenue  are  unduly  high,  people  will  seek  to  trans- 
fer their  property  to  some  other  form,  and  the  tax  will  then 
cease  to  be  very  productive.  To  make  business  pay  its 
share  of  taxes  without  making  business  itself  a  burden  is  a 
serious  problem.  Taxes  on  inherited  property,  especially 
if  it  is  bequeathed  to  one  who  is  not  a  near  relative  of  the 
deceased,  are  steadily  becoming  more  popular.     It  is  argued 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         561 

that  such  beneficiaries  probably  did  little  or  nothing  to  earn 
the  bequest,  and  that  since  the  protection  of  the  state  made 
it  possible  to  lay  by  such  wealth  the  state  has  a  right  to  take 
a  portion  of  it  as  compensation.  At  the  same  time,  if  such 
a  tax  is  made  too  high,  people  will  give  away  their  property 
before  they  die. 

If  your  state  makes  use  of  the  corporation  tax  as  a  source  of  rev- 
enue, can  you  imagine  what  would  be  substituted  for  it  if  corpora- 
tion taxes  were  collected  only  by  the  federal  government?  When 
liquor  licenses  became  useless  as  a  source  of  revenue  in  your  state, 
what  took  their  place?  Is  it  right  for  a  man  who  lives  in  a  state 
which  collects  an  income  tax  and  who  owns  property  in  another  state, 
to  pay  a  property  tax  in  the  state  where  the  property  is  located, 
and  an  income  tax  in  the  state  where  he  resides  ?  Are  there  any  cir- 
cumstances under  which  you  would  consider  inheritances  as  earned  ? 

One  class  of  reformers  declares  that  most  of  our  social  trou- 
bles will  be  removed  or  greatly  relieved  by  simply  substi- 
tuting something  else  for  our  present  system  of  taxation. 
Their  idea,  known  as  the  single  tax,  is  that  if  nothing  were 
taxed  except  the  value  of  land,  the  improvement  in  the  dis- 
tribution of  social  burdens  would  be  so  great  as  almost  to 
revolutionize  society.  They  argue  that  land  is  the  gift  of 
Nature,  that  men  have  no  right  to  take  it  away  from  the  use 
of  all  the  people,  and  that  doing  so  is  the  greatest  cause  of 
misery  and  injustice.  To  tax  a  man  for  a  house  or  factory 
which  he  erects  is  the  same,  they  say,  as  punishing  him  for 
his  enterprise.  They  assert  that  the  rent  value  of  land 
would  meet  all  the  financial  needs  of  any  government  and 
would  take  the  place  of  all  our  other  forms  of  taxation. 

Some  objections  occur  at  once  to  one  who  feels  that  he 
has  to  be  "  shown."  Will  the  money  needs  of  a  state  al- 
ways be  met  by  the  rent  of  the  lands  of  the  state?  Will 
the  system  be  flexible  enough  to  provide  for  emergencies? 
Are  there  not  other  things  besides  land  which  cost  the  gov- 
ernment much  in  the  way  of  protection,  and  should  these 
things  —  houses,  factories,  and  the  like,  be  wholly  exempt 


562         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

from  meeting  the  cost  of  government?  Did  not  many  of 
the  people  who  now  hold  land  pay  for  it  with  the  earnings 
of  their  labor?  How  can  we  tell  how  much  of  the  value  of 
many  pieces  of  land  today  is  due  to  actual  improvement? 

Do  you  know  any  people  who  are  single  taxers?  Do  they  own 
property  in  land  ?  Ask  them  what  answers  they  would  give  to  the 
questions  just  raised. 

The  single  tax  is  most  popular  among  that  portion  of  the 
voters  who  do  not  own  any  land.  That  land  speculation 
and  the  ''  unearned  increment  "  of  land  value  have  made 
some  people  rich  is  perfectly  true.  A  recognition  that  there 
is  some  merit  in  the  single  tax  contention  is  seen  in  the  tax 
program  adopted  in  a  few  places,  under  which  the  tax  on 
buildings  is  set  at  a  rate  considerably  lower  than  the  tax  on 
land.  This  arrangement  tends  to  prevent  land  speculation 
and  at  the  same  time  collects  from  the  owners  of  buildings 
a  reasonable  compensation  for  the  protection  they  receive 

272.  Special  Uses  of  the  Taxing  Power.  —  The  national 
Constitution  gives  as  a  reason  for  the  collection  of  taxes  by 
Congress  ''  to  pay  the  debts  and  provide  for  the  common 
defense  and  general  welfare  of  the  United  States."  Ap- 
parently no  limit  was  intended  upon  the  objects  for  which 
taxes  might  be  collected  as  long  as  they  could  be  excused 
under  these  heads.  The  Supreme  Court  has  therefore  jus- 
tified Congress  in  exercising  this  taxing  power  very  broadly. 
State  legislatures,  within  their  own  field,  also  have  this  same 
power  of  taxation  for  the  "  general  welfare."  Taxes  have 
therefore  been  used  for  a  number  of  other  purposes  than 
getting  money. 

It  has  been  said  that  "  the  power  to  tax  is  the  power  to 
destroy."  State  governments  and  national  government 
have  used  the  taxing  power  even  to  this  extreme.  For 
example,  the  national  government  in  1865  deliberately  im- 
posed such  a  heavy  tax  on  paper  money  issued  by  state 
banks  as  to  make  it  unprofitable  for  them  to  issue  any  more. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient        563 

Congress  attempted  to  use  its  taxing  power  in  the  same 
way  to  make  the  employment  of  child  labor  unprofitable. 
But  the  Supreme  Court  in  this  case  refused  to  admit  the 
right  of  Congress  to  harm  by  taxation  industries  which  the 
Court  said  were  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  states. 

The  power  to  tax  may  also  be  used  to  construct  as  well  as 
to  destroy.  This  is  the  announced  purpose  of  the  protec- 
tive tariff  —  by  taxing  certain  imports  to  encourage  the  pro- 
tection of  these  goods  within  the  United  States.  As  to  the 
general  effect  of  the  protective  tariff,  as  we  have  seen,  peo- 
ple do  not  all  agree,  but  that  it  may  make  certain  industries 
pi^ofitable  is  unquestionable. 

Those  people  who  believe  that  large  fortunes  are  piled  up  by  the 
robbery  of  the  less  fortunate  have  urged  that  this  taxing  power  be 
exercised  in  such  a  way  as  to  make  millionaires  impossible.  Do 
you  think  such  a  proposition  would  be  constitutional  or  wise  ? 

The  McKinley  Tariff  bill  of  1890  admitted  foreign-grown  sugar 
free,  but  gave  a  bounty  of  2  cents  a  pound  on  sugar  produced  within 
the  country.  What  do  you  think  of  this  bounty  as  a  substi- 
tute for  a  protective  tariff  on  sugar?  Does  an  ordinary  family 
need  more  than  $10,000  a  year  to  live  on  comfortably?  If  not, 
what  would  you  think  of  a  proposal  to  lay  a  100%  tax  on  that  por- 
tion of  all  incomes  in  excess  of  $10,000?  Do  you  think  a  state 
would  have  the  right  to  demand  a  license  fee  of  $1000  a  year  from 
a  grocer  ?  One  of  the  states  had  for  a  time  a  law  requiring  a  license 
fee  of  $1000  for  every  performance  of  a  circus  within  its  limits. 
What  do  you  think  of  the  constitutionality  or  wisdom  of  such  a, 
law? 

273.  Public  Debts.  —  Almost  every  government  owes 
money.  Is  this  good  business?  Yes,  experts  say,  it  is  a 
safeguard  against  extravagance,  because,  if  there  are  large 
public  funds  to  spend,  legislators  are  likely  to  be  careless. 
Besides,  it  is  urged,  people  to  whom  the  government  owes 
money  are  greatly  interested  in  defending  it  so  that  it  will  be 
able  to  pay  back  its  obligations.  Moreover,  since  the  greater 
part  of  the  money  which  a  government  owes  has  been  bor- 
rowed from  its  own  people,  the  situation  is  almost  the  same 
as  if  they  took  it  out  of  one  pocket  and  put  it  into  another. 


564         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  fact  that  good  may  come  from  the  existence  of  a  pub- 
lic debt  does  not  justify  wanton  additions  to  it.  Sometimes 
when  an  administration  wishes  to  do  something  that  ap- 
pears to  cost  the  pubhc  nothing,  it  borrows  money  and 
leaves  it  for  other  administrations  to  pay  off.  But  the  only 
real  justifications  for  long-standing  debt  are  the  needs  of  a 
serious  emergency,  such  as  the  Great  War,  and  the  under- 
taking of  public  improvements  which  will  be  used  for  years 
after  they  are  constructed. 

The  most  common  way  for  governments  to  borrow  money 
is  to  sell  bonds,  which  do  not  differ  in  character  from  bonds 
issued  by  corporations.  Usually  the  bond  is  to  be  paid  off 
at  a  fixed  date  with  semi-annual  interest  payments.  The 
readiness  with  which  bonds  are  sold  depends  upon  people's 
confidence  in  the  governnient,  the  rate  of  interest,  and 
sometimes  the  length  of  time  for  which  the  bond  is  issued. 
Bonds  are  often  issued  in  series,  falling  due  in  different 
years,  so  as  to  simplify  paying  them  off. 

United  States  bonds  are  always  considered  "  as  good  as  gold." 
Why,  then,  did  Liberty  bonds  sell  below  par  for  some  time?  Re- 
view from  your  history  what  happened  when  the  United  States  was 
virtually  out  of  debt  and  had  a  surplus  in  its  treasury. 

The  national  government  is  not  in  any  way  limited  in  its 
borrowing  powers,  except  that  Amendment  XIV  forbade 
the  paying  of  any  debt  incurred  in  the  aid  of  rebellion. 
The  Civil  War  debt  of  over  $2,800,000,000  was  reduced  to 
about  $1,000,000,000,  but  the  Great  War  lifted  it  tremen- 
dously so  that  at  its  highest  point  it  was  about  $25,000,000,- 
000.  State  governments  are  sometimes  limited  by  their 
own  constitutions  as  to  the  amount  of  debt  they  can  incur, 
though  the  exception  is  always  made  that  any  expense  is 
warranted  if  necessary  for  public  defense.  Many  states 
have  debts  of  considerable  size ;  but  in  general  the  finances 
of  the  states  are  in  a  safer  condition  than  those  of  the  large 
cities,  and  the  size  of  the  state  debts  in  proportion  to  their 
wealth  is  not  in  many  cases  unreasonable.     In  recent  years 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         565 

more  money  has  been  borrowed  for  highway  construction 
than  for  any  other  reason. 

Most  counties,  cities,  townships,  and  school  districts  also 
have  debts.  It  is  common  to  find,  in  state  constitutions  or 
city  charters  or  state  laws,  a  Hmitation  on  the  amount  of 
debt  a  local  government  may  incur,  usually  based  on  a  cer- 
tain percentage  of  the  property  valuation  —  2,  5,  or  10  per 
cent,  for  instance.  But  in  spite  of  such  Hmitations,  the 
large  cities  of  the  country  are  heavily  in  debt,  and  one  may 


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The  Per  Capita  Debt  of  the  United  States. 

It  is  not  the  total  debt  of  the  country  that  is  particularly  significant,  but 
rather  the  per  capita  debt  compared  with  the  country's  wealth.  Explain 
if  you  can  the  variations  this  chart  shows.  Do  you  think  our  debt  today 
seems  any  more  of  a  burden  than  the  debt  in  1800  seemed  to  the  people  of 
that  day? 


be  pardoned  for  wondering  how  some  of  them  are  ever  go- 
ing to  pay  their  obhgations.  New  York  City's  debt  alone 
is  considerably  more  than  the  debt  of  all  the  state  govern- 
ments put  together  and  is  bigger  than  that  of  the  United 
States  government  before  the  Great  War.  City  finances 
are  on  the  whole  the  most  poorly  managed  of  any  form  of 
governmental  fijiance. 

No  government  has  any  business  to  incur  a  debt  with- 
out having  some  plan  for  paying  it  off.  A  very  common 
method  is  by  the  establishment  of  a  sinking  fund.    A  cer- 


566         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

tain  amount  is  raised  for  this  purpose  by  taxation  each  year 
and  put  on  interest.  This  fund  should  be  used  for  no  other 
object  whatever,  unless  for  public  defense  in  a  crisis.  When 
a  part  of  the  bonds  or  other  form  of  obligation  falls  due,  the 
money  in  the  sinking  fund  is  used  to  make  the  necessary 
payment.  When  the  community  thinks  of  going  into  debt, 
therefore,  it  should  consider  carefully  whether  it  will  feel 
the  burden  of  the  proposed  outlay  more  by  collecting  the 
money  all  at  once  by  taxation,  or  by  carrying  a  debt  for 
many  years,  and  ultimately  paying  not  only  the  face  value 
of  the  obligation,  but  the  interest  for  the  period  during 
which  the  debt  is  in  existence.  In  most  local  governments 
any  large  debt  has  to  be  approved  by  a  referendum  vote 
before  it  can  be  incurred. 

Would  you  justify  the  national  government's  borrowing  money 
to  pay  the  President's  salary?  to  construct  the  Panama  Canal? 
to  build  West  Point  Military  Academy  ?  Would  the  state  govern- 
ment be  warranted  in  borrowing  money  to  increase  teachers'  sal- 
aries? to  lend  to  a  privately  owned  railroad?  Would  your  local 
government  be  justified  in  borrowing  money  to  build  a  school- 
house  ?  to  repair  streets  ?  to  establish  a  water  system  ?  to  make 
up  a  deficit  in  last  year's  account?  Make  a  list  of  five  objects  each 
for  which  it  would  be  permissible  for  the  national  government,  for 
the  state  government,  and  for  the  local  government  to  borrow 
money.  Is  there  any  reason  why  the  local  government  should 
have  its  borrowing  power  limited  by  the  state  legislature?  When 
a  referendum  vote  is  being  taken  in  regard  to  a  proposition  to  bor- 
row money,  would  it  be  well  to  limit  the  right  to  vote  on  the  propo- 
sition to  the  owners  of  real  estate  only? 

274.  What  a  Citizen  Gets  for  His  Money.  —  There  is 
such  a  thing  as  false  economy.  Low  taxes  do  not  neces- 
sarily mean  good  government.  The  important  point  is 
whether  a  community  will  be  better  off  if  its  government 
performs  a  certain  service.  People  have  little  right  to  com- 
plain of  taxes  when  they  get  "  value  received."  Every 
citizen  receives  protection,  many  of  them  do  receive  or  have 
received  education,  and  all  of  them  are  furnished  countless 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         567 

conveniences,   which   they   may    enjoy    if    they   desire   to 
do  so. 

Safeguards  against  dishonesty  and  wastefulness  are,  ot 
course,  always  in  order.  Rich  or  prominent  people,  and 
people  who  belong  to  the  same  club,  lodge,  or  political  or- 
ganization as  some  office-holder  sometimes  demand  and 
obtain  special  favors.  They  get  contracts  to  do  public 
work  at  a  big  profit.  Unnecessary  jobs  are  sometimes 
created  with  large  salaries.  Men  sometimes  do  not  work 
nearly  so  hard  in  public  service  as  they  would  for  a  private 
employer.  This  kind  of  thing  is  not  universal,  but  we  have 
to  be  on  our  guard  all  the  time  against  it. 

Give  examples  of  grants,  **  concessions,"  or  privileges  bestowed 
by  public  officials  which  seem  unjustifiable;  of  others  which  are 
permissible. 

It  is  a  generally  accepted  principle  in  every  phase  of  our 
government  that  no  money  shall  be  paid  out  by  officials 
unless  it  has  been  authorized  by  the  law-making  body.  No 
money  should  go  out  of  the  national  treasury  unless  Con- 
gress has  appropriated  it,  none  out  of  the  state  treasury 
unless  the  state  legislature  has  authorized  it.  In  local  gov- 
ernments the  county  commissioners,  city  council,  borough 
council,  township  supervisors,  school  directors,  or  the  town 
meeting,  must  have  voted  the  authority  for  spending  the 
money.  When  any  person  is  entitled  to  receive  payment 
for  services  or  supplies  that  he  has  furnished,  a  warrant  is 
made  out  by  the  proper  official  and  this  warrant  must  be 
presented  by  the  person  to  whom  the  money  is  to  be  paid. 
There  is  always  some  official  known  as  the  controller  or 
auditor  whose  duty  is  to  make  sure  that  all  payments  have 
been  authorized  by  law.  An  honest  man  in  such  a  position 
can  completely  prevent  graft  and  do  much  to  stop  waste 
and  extravagance  in  public  affairs. 

Through  this  power  of  supplying  the  funds,  the  law-making 
branch  has  a  hold  upon  the  other  branches  of  the  gov- 


568         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

ernment  which  it  might  be  tempted  to  use  unreasonably. 
Few  pubhc  officials  will  serve  for  long  without  pay.  By 
refusing  appropriations,  the  law-makers  can  therefore  tie 
up  any  branch  or  division  of  the  government  work.  In 
practice,  however,  they  are  restrained  by  public  opinion  and 
seldom  dare  wantonly  to  break  up  the  operation  of  any 
important  branch  of  the  government  service. 

.'.  Spending  the  money  of  citizens  for  public  purposes  is  a 
big  proposition  which  should  be  handled  on  a  strictly  business 
basis.  Revenues  should  be  collected  in  such  a  way  as  to  make 
possible  that  public  service  which  will  advance  the  community's 
welfare,  and  at  the  same  time  be  kept  from  burdening  taxpayers 
unreasonably.  To  do  this  involves  careful  planning  in  advance  and 
honest  spending  when  the  money  is  in  hand. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

The  Expense  Bill  of  Our  National  Government. 

How  the  Great  War  Affected  Our  Finances. 

The  Expense  Bill  of  Our  State  Government. 

The  Expense  Bill  of  Our  Local  Government. 

How  Our  State  Gets  Its  Revenues. 

How  Our  Local  Government  Gets  Its  Revenues. 

The  History  of  the  Public  Debt  of  the  United  States. 

The  Public  Debt  of  Our  State  Government. 

The  Debt  of  Our  Local  Government. 

The  History  of  the  Struggle  for  a  National  Budget  System. 

Budget  Making  in  Our  State. 

Budget  Making  in  Our  Local  Government. 

Henry  George  and  His  Ideas. 

The  Progressive  Tax  in  the  United  States. 

What  I  Would  Do  if  I  Were  the  Director  of  the  Budget. 

The  Right  of  Eminent  Domain. 

Exemptions  from  Tax  Paying. 

Adam  Smith  and  His  Views  on  Taxation. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Carver  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapters  37,  45. 
Carlton  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapter  22. 
Magruder  —  American  Government,  Chapters  10,  27. 
Thompson  —  Elementary  Economics,  Chapter  29. 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         569 

Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapters 

40,41. 
Burch  —  American  Economic  Life,  Chapter  38. 
Munro  —  Government  of  the    United    States,    Chapters    15,    16, 

32. 
Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  17,  43. 
Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  B-22. 
Beard  —  American  City  Government,  Chapter  5. 
Beard  — American  Government  and  Politics,  Chapters  18,  31. 
Hart  —  Actual  Government,  Chapters  21,  22. 
Young  —  New  American  Government,  Chapters  5,  22,  25. 


XXV.   TRAINING   COMMUNITIES  FOR 
SELF-GOVERNMENT 


If  democracy  is  desirable,  its  privileges  ought  to  be  extended  as 
widely  as  possible.  But  are  all  people  ready  to  receive  it?  If  not, 
by  what  means  can  they  be  prepared  for  it? 


275.  Who  Ought  to  Govern  Themselves?  —  "Govern- 
ments are  instituted  among  men,  deriving  their  just  powers 
from  the  consent  of  the  governed,"  says  the  Declaration  of 
Independence.  Is  that  true  for  all  people?  A  few  years 
ago  we  heard  much  about ''  self-determination,"  but  Mr.  Lan- 
sing rightly  characterized  the  term  as  "  simply  loaded  with 
dynamite."  Surely  the  fact  that  some  part  of  a  country 
for  some  reason  thinks  it  would  like  to  be  independent  is 
not  in  itself  sufficient  excuse  for  breaking  up  a  nation's 
dominions. 

Yet  how  can  we  draw  the  line  between  reasonable  and 
unreasonable  aspirations  for  self-government  and  independ- 
ence? Perhaps  it  is  a  parallel  to  compare  the  child  and 
man  with  the  nation  that  is  learning  to  govern  itself  and 
that  which  has  acquired  full  control  of  its  own  destiny. 
Ability  to  provide  properly  for  its  own  welfare  and  the  in- 
tention to  use  its  powers  in  peaceful  cooperation  with  other 
well-disposed  communities  are  two  significant  tests.  Even 
then  there  is  room  for  argument  as  to  when  these  attain- 
ments have  been  developed,  and  who  shall  decide  whether 
they  exist? 

Surely  not  all  conditions  are  suitable  for  the  fullest  exer- 
cise of  democracy.  The  district  that  is  newly  settled,  thinly 
populated,  whose  people  have  not  had  time  to  become  fully 
acquainted  with  each  other,  or  to  set  up  permanent  politi- 
cal institutions  for  themselves,  needs  a  period  of  prepara- 

570 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient        571 

tion.     Self-government   cannot   be  imposed  from  without; 
it  must  be  developed  from  within. 

276.  Preparing  Territories  for  Statehood.  —  To  provide 
this  preparation  we  have  established  a  form  of  government 
which  is  called  a  territory,  the  object  of  which  in  the  past  has 
been  to  prepare  the  inhabitants  of  the  district  to  receive  a 
state   government  at  the   appropriate   time.     The   North- 


Copyright,  Detroit  Publlohing  Co. 
The  Harbor  and  Part  of  the  Town  of  San  Juan,  Porto  Rico. 

west  Territory  Act  of  1787  was  the  foundation  of  this  sys- 
tem of  governing  territories.  In  general  the  form  pre- 
scribed for  the  territories  to  be  carved  out  of  this  region 
has  been  followed  ever  since.  Only  six  of  our  present  states, 
Vermont,  Kentucky,  Maine,  Texas,  Cahfornia,  and  West 
Virginia,  never  passed  through  the  territorial  stage. 

In  territorial  government  a  governor,  other  executive 
officers,  and  judges,  are  appointed  by  the  President  and 
confirmed  by  the  Senate.     The  voters  of  the  territory  elect 


572         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

a  legislature,  but  the  laws  passed  by  this  legislature  are  sub- 
ject to  veto  by  the  governor  or  by  Congress.  The  terri- 
tory is  allowed  to  send  a  delegate  or  commissioner  to  the 
national  House  of  Representatives,  who  takes  part  in  the 
discussion  of  measures  but  is  not  allowed  to  vote.  The 
territory  has  no  part  in  the  election  of  Senators  or  the  Presi- 
dent, except  that  by  courtesy  the  political  parties  allow 
delegates  from  the  territories  to  sit  in  their  nominating  con- 
ventions. The  length  of  time  that  a  district  continues  as 
a  territory  is  uncertain  and  varies  widely. 

The  present  territories  are  Alaska,  Hawaii,  and  Porto 
Rico.  At  present  there  seems  little  prospect  of  the  admis- 
sion of  any  of  these  as  states,  yet  their  form  of  government 
in  all  important  respects  is  such  as  Ohio  or  Missouri  or  Utah 
had  before  they  became  states.  It  is  within  the  power  of 
Congress,  as  we  have  previously  noted,  to  admit  them  when- 
ever it  wishes. 

For  what  reasons  is  it  not  likely  that  any  of  the  three  present 
territories  will  be  admitted  soon?  Do  you  think  the  people  of  the 
territories  feel  that  they  are  deprived  of  any  of  the  privileges  of 
free  government  ?  Do  you  know  of  any  circumstances  when  a  ter- 
ritory might  have  been  admitted  as  a  state  but  was  unwilling  to 
oome  in? 

277.  Governing  Island  Possessions.  —  Until  the  Span- 
ish war  the  problems  of  the  United  States  in  dealing  with 
independent  or  newly  acquired  territory  were,  after  all, 
comparatively  simple.  The  territory  was  next  door  to  land 
already  a  part  of  the  United  States  and  either  had  already 
been  occupied  in  part  by  people  from  the  states  or  eventu- 
ally would  be.  Besides,  it  was  all  on  the  continent  of  North 
America. 

Then,  most  unexpectedly,  came  the  short  and  brilliant 
conflict  with  Spain.  As  a  result,  islands  passed  from  Spain 
to  the  United  States,  already  thickly  populated  with  peo- 
ple speaking  Spanish  or  some  other  language  than  English, 
people  whose  political  heritage  and  institutions  came  from 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         573 

Spain  and  not  from  England.  What  was  to  be  done  with 
these  regions?  Were  they  to  be  considered  American  terri- 
tory, with  all  their  people  possessing  fully  the  rights  of 
American  citizens  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States,  or  were  they  simply  possessions  subject  to  the  will 
of  Congress,  to  be  governed  as  that  body  might  determine? 
The  Supreme  Court  took  the  latter  view. 

As  a  result  of  the  policies  established  by  the  administra- 
tion of  President  McKinley,  assisted  by  the  court's  deci- 


Copyrigiit,  Detroit  Pudimning  Co. 
A  Scene  in  the  Panama  Canal. 


sions,  a  widely  different  form  of  government  was  set  up  in 
almost  every  one  of  the  regions  newly  obtained  through 
war  or  peaceful  acquisition.  Before  many  years,  as  we 
have  seen,  the  people  of  Porto  Rico  received  full  citizenship, 
and  in  the  course  of  time  its  government  became  virtually 
the  same  as  that  of  any  other  territory.  Several  smaller 
possessions,  such  as  Guam,  Tutuila,  and  the  Virgin  Islands, 


574         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

have  been  put  entirely  under  the  command  of  officers  of 
the  United  States  Navy.  The  government  of  the  Panama 
Canal  Zone,  during  the  period  of  the  construction  of  the 
canal,  was  simply  one  of  the  features  in  the  canal  construc- 
tion. But  since  the  completion  of  the  canal,  the  Zone  has 
been  given  a  civil  governor  with  the  necessary  subordinate 
officers. 

The  government  of  the  Philippines  furnished  the  most 
serious  problem  of  all.  Here  were  8,000,000  people,  now 
10,000,000,  many  of  whom  were  not  at  all  thankful  to  the 
United  States  for  coming  into  the  islands.  A  considerable 
portion  of  them  claimed  to  be  able  to  look  out  for  them- 
selves; others  were  in  an  almost  savage  state.  Mihtary 
government  was  necessary  for  a  while,  but  in  1902  civil 
government  was  set  up  throughout  most  of  the  islands. 
In  1916  a  legislature  of  two  houses,  known  as  the  Senate 
and  the  House  of  Representatives,  was  provided.  The  Presi- 
dent appoints  a  Governor-General,  and  there  are  several 
executive  departments.  Almost  all  of  the  members  of  the 
Assembly  are  elected  by  popular  vote.  There  is  also  a 
system  of  courts,  headed  by  a  Supreme  Court.  The  islands 
are  divided  into  forty-six  provinces,  in  each  of  which  there 
is  a  provincial  governor,  who  with  two  other  members 
forms  the  Provincial  Board. 

The  act  establishing  the  present  government  of  the  Philip- 
pines declared  it  to  be  the  intention  of  the  United  States  to 
give  the  islands  their  independence  as  soon  as  they  are 
ready  for  it,  but  who  is  to  decide  when  that  will  be?  Do 
we  really  know  the  desires  of  all  the  people  of  the  islands? 
The  representatives  of  Republican  administrations  who 
have  been  sent  to  the  islands  have  usually  gone  there  with 
the  expectation  of  discovering  that  the  islands  were  not  ready 
for  independence,  and  have  found  what  they  expected  to 
find.  Governor-General  Harrison,  who  served  several  years 
during  President  Wilson's  term,  recommended,  on  the  con- 
trary, that  the  islands  should  be  granted  their  independ- 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         575 

ence.  If  political  prejudices  could  be  removed  from  the 
discussion  of  the  problem  it  would  be  a  little  easier  to  dis- 
cover what  is  best  to  do.  A  very  large  measure  of  self- 
government  actually  exists  already,  and  very  likely  abso- 
lute independence  is  not  the  desire  of  all  those  who  talk 
about  it.  The  protection  of  the  United  States  is  undoubt- 
edly helpful  to  the  security  of  the  islands  and  the  best 
interests  of  the  Far  East. 

In  what  respects  was  the  problem  of  governing  regions  already 
thickly  populated  different  from  the  government  of  unsettled  or 
sparsely  settled  districts?  Has  there  been  any  other  case,  ex- 
cept the  Philippines,  in  which  the  people  of  a  territory  which  came 
into  the  possession  of  the  United  States  were  not  satisfied  to  remain 
under  its  authority  ? 

278.  Protecting  Weaker  Peoples.  —  In  its  position  as 
dominating  power  of  the  New  World,  the  United  States 
has  been  brought  many  times  to  a  point  where  it  had  to  de- 
cide whether  to  permit  serious  misgovernment  to  continue 
in  some  of  the  smaller  republics,  or  to  allow  European  pow- 
ers to  take  their  own  means  of  collecting  what  these  repub- 
lics owed  them.  Weakness  is  never  sufficient  excuse  for 
neglect  to  keep  one's  obligations,  especially  if  the  weaker 
party  is  dishonest  as  well  as  weak.  To  say,  therefore,  that 
European  powers  should  have  no  right  to  the  payment  of 
claims  due  them,  would  be  utterly  unfair;  yet  experience 
with  some  European  powers  made  it  clear  that  to  let  them 
do  as  they  would  like  would  result  as  in  the  old  fable  of  the 
camel  warming  his  nose  inside  the  tent. 

And  so,  to  save  some  small  republics  from  both  them- 
selves and  their  creditors,  our  government  has  felt  obliged 
to  assume  the  responsibility  for  the  management  of  their 
finances  and  sometimes  their  entire  administration.  Cuba 
came  under  America's  protection  as  a  result  of  the  Spanish 
War,  and  in  1902  the  Cuban  republic  started  business  for 
itself.  A  string  was  tied  to  its  independence,  however,  in 
the  shape  of  the  Piatt  amendment  to  the  Cuban  constitu- 


576         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

tion,  which  gives  the  United  States  the  right  to  intervene  in 
Cuba  when  necessary  to  maintain  peace  and  order.  On 
two  occasions  it  has  been  advisable  for  representatives  of 
our  government  to  straighten  things  out.  Cuba's  foreign 
relations  must  also  be  satisfactory  to  the  United  States. 

During  Roosevelt's  administration  San  Domingo  was 
also  brought  under  the  supervision  of  American  officers. 
The  Wilson  administration  found  it  necessary  to  deal  in  a 
similar  way  with  Haiti  and  also  made  a  treaty  with  Nicara- 
gua, under  which  a  similar  intervention  might  take  place 
if  necessary.  For  some  acts  of  our  agents  and  soldiers  we 
have  been  harshly  criticized,  yet  there  is  no  question  that 
enormous  good  resulted  from  the  intervention  of  the  United 
States.  During  the  disorders  in  Mexico  in  the  years  fol- 
lowing 1913,  certain  elements  demanded  that  we  should 
intervene  similarly  in  that  country.  It  was  truly  a  per- 
plexing situation,  but  one  could  not  feel  that  all  the  argu- 
ments for  intervention  were  based  wholly  on  an  unselfish 
motive.  The  outcome  of  Mexico's  troubles  seems  to  indi- 
cate that  in  this  case  we  were  wise  to  stay  out. 

While  we  have  no  intention  of  annexing  any  of  these  re- 
publics which  have  just  been  mentioned,  their  status  as 
protectorates  under  the  United  States  seems  hkely  to  be 
permanent.  We  may  look  upon  these  as  part  of  the  obliga- 
tions which  have  come  to  us  in  our  r61e  of  big  brother  to  the 
other  republics  of  the  new  world.  We  have  served  humanity 
in  a  notable  degree  by  assisting  our  weaker  neighbors. 

What  sorts  of  people  might  object  to  American  intervention  in 
San  Domingo  and  Haiti?  Would  our  duty  to  intervene  be  any 
less  if  we  knew  that  the  people  of  these  countries  did  not  want  us? 
Is  there  any  reason  why  American  administration  in  these  smaller 
republics  might  be  more  successful  than  at  home?  Draw  a  clear 
distinction  between  a  territory,  a  possession,  and  a  protectorate. 

279.  Democracy  and  Empire.  — The  taking  of  the  PhiHp- 
pines  raised  a  new  question  in  American  politics.  Mr. 
Bryan  expressed  it  in  about  this    fashion :    "  We    cannot 


Making  Our  Government  Efficient         577 

make  the  Filipinos  citizens  without  endangering  our  civih- 
zation;  we  cannot  hold  them  as  subjects  without  endan- 
gering our  form  of  government."  Is  it,  then,  contrary  to 
our  Constitution  and  ideals  to  hold  possessions  which,  how- 
ever large  a  measure  of  self-government  they  have,  are  still 
subject  to  the  final  authority  of  our  Congress? 

In  all  our  history  we  have  consistently  refused  to  give  to 
the  people  of  the  territories  a  complete  measure  of  self- 
government.  Perhaps  a  still  more  notable  example  is  the 
government  of  the  District  of  Columbia.  The  citizens  of  the 
District  do  not  vote  for  anybody  or  anything.  The  govern- 
ment of  the  District  is  entirely  regulated  by  Congress  and 
is  administered  by  three  commissioners  appointed  by  the 
President.  The  cost  of  the  government  of  the  District  is 
divided  between  the  national  treasury  and  local  taxation. 

Is  this  taxation  without  representation?  If  so,  why  do  the 
people  of  the  District  and  the  people  of  the  United  States  put  up 
with  it?  A  bill  is  now  (1922)  before  Congress  proposing  to  give  the 
District  representation  in  the  House  as  a  territory.  Do  you  think 
this  bill  should  be  passed  ? 

After  all,  the  matter  gets  right  down  to  the  question  of 
what  is  practicable.  If  our  object  in  governing  possessions, 
without  allowing  them  the  full  rights  of  American  citizen- 
ship or  representation  in  our  national  government,  is  solely 
to  give  them  the  government  that  is  best  for  them,  surely 
we  have  not  departed  from  our  ideals.  Training  for  self- 
government  does  not  mean  necessarily  giving  complete 
self-government  in  circumstances  under  which  it  could  not 
be  properly  exercised.  Our  colonial  policy  as  a  whole  has 
thus  far  been  admirable.  Surely  it  would  be  unfortunate 
if  a  democracy  like  ours  could  not  help  weaker  peoples 
along  the  path  toward  self-government  without  giving  it  to 
them  in  full  measure  before  they  were  fitted  to  enjoy  it. 

Is  there  any  difference  between  the  situation  of  the  American 
colonies  in  1773  and  the  Philippine  Islands  in  1898  or  1921  ?  From 
a  political  point  of  view  would  you  have  any  objection  to  living  in 


578         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

the  District  of  Columbia?  Is  it  right  that  people  of  the  entire 
country  should  pay  some  of  the  bills  for  the  government  of  the  Dis- 
trict ?  Suppose  it  should  be  shown  beyond  question  that  the  people 
of  the  Philippine  Islands  really  believe  they  are  fitted  to  be  independ- 
ent, but  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  does  not  believe  they 
are  qualified.  Under  the  circumstances  what  seems  to  you  the 
fairest  way  out  of  the  disagreement  ?  What  ought  we  to  do  if  we 
realized  their  fitness  for  independence,  but  felt  that  it  would  serve 
our  interests  best  not  to  grant  it  ? 

/.  A  period  of  preparation  is  often  necessary  to  the  most 
satisfactory  enjoyment  of  self-government.  Our  territorial  and 
colonial  policy  should  always  be,  as  it  has  been,  essentially 
unselfish.  Literal  adherence  to  abstract  ideals  may  sometimes  be 
inconvenient  and  undesirable,  but  departure  from  them  should  oc- 
cur only  to  promote  the  good  of  civilization  in  general. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

The  Northwest  Territory  Act  of  1787. 

Supreme  Court  Cases  Dealing  with  the  Status  of  Territory  Ac- 
quired from  Spain. 

Alaska  and  Its  Problems. 

The  People  and  the  Islands  of  Hawaii. 

Porto  Rico  and  Its  Problems. 

The  Government  of  the  District  of  Columbia. 

Resolved,  that  the  Philippine  Islands  should  receive  their  independ- 
ence at  once. 

The  Government  of  the  Philippine  Islands. 

Administration  in  the  Canal  Zone. 

The  United  States  and  Cuba. 

American  Protectorates  in  the  West  Indies. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Magruder  —  American  Government,  Chapter  16. 

Young  —  American  Government,  Chapter  13. 

Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  47,  97. 

Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapter 

26. 
Munro — Government  of  the  United  States,  Chapter  26. 
Beard  —  American  Government  and  Politics,  Chapter  21. 
Hart  —  Actual  Government,  Chapters  19,  20. 
CooUdge  —  United  States  as  a  World  Power,  Chapters  7,  8. 
Haskin  —  American  Government,  Chapters  17,  19. 


OUR  RELATIONS  WITH  OTHER    COUNTRIES 

"Happy  are  all  free  peoples,  too  strong  to  be  dispossessed, 
But  blessed  art  thou  among  nations  that  darest  to  be  strong  for 
the  rest."  —  Mrs.  Browning. 


No  nation  ever  made  itself  felt  as  a  potent  factor  in  the  improve- 
ment of  the  world  or  was  long  deserving  to  be  characterized  as  pro- 
gressive that  attempted  to  live  to  itself  alone.  Even  with  all  our 
natural  resources  and  advantages  which  tempt  us  to  think  we  are 
self-sufficient,  we  must  not  ignore  this  truth  of  history,  and  no  in- 
telligent American  would  wish  to  do  so.  What  principles,  then, 
ought  to  guide  a  nation  in  its  dealings  with  others?  What  ideals 
and  customs  have  guided  our  own  foreign  policy?  What  are  the 
prospects  for  a  world  in  which  cooperation  and  understanding  shall 
prevail  among  nations  ? 

XXVI.  ESTABLISHING  SOUND  PRINCIPLES  OF   INTER- 
NATIONAL CONDUCT 

280.  A  Nation's  Obligations  to  Another.  —  "A  nation  is  a 
group  of  people  "  —  we  need  not  carry  the  definition  any  fur- 
ther. From  centuries  of  experience  and  the  precepts  of 
great  teachers  the  world  has  built  up  a  code  of  morals  which, 
in  its  big  features,  is  accepted  wherever  people  call  them- 
selves civilized,  to  govern  the  relations  of  men  with 
one  another.  We  have  observed,  it  is  true,  that  men  in 
groups  sometimes  act  differently  from  men  as  individuals. 
But  is  there  anything  wrong  with  the  idea  that  groups  of 
men  should  be  governed  by  the  same  moral  code  by  which 
men  are  governed  singly?  To  be  frank,  honest,  fair,  even 
generous,  doing  as  it  would  be  done  by,  is  none  too  high  a 
standard  for  a  nation  to  maintain. 

Unfortunately  such  ideals  have  not  been  common.  Too 
often  this  definition  of  a  diplomat  was  true:    *'A  person 

579 


580         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

sent  to  lie  abroad  for  the  benefit  of  his  country."  National 
policies  were  directed  not  toward  securing  justice  for  the 
citizens  of  a  nation,  but  toward  the  oppression  or  exploita- 
tion of  other  peoples,  getting  the  better  of  them  by  fair 
means  or  foul.  Yet  not  only  ideals  of  morality  among  na- 
tions, but  practical  wisdom  as  well,  urge  that  nations  keep 
their  word.  The  rest  of  the  world  will  not  care  to  have  any 
more  dealings  than  are  necessary  with  the  nation  which 
cannot  be  trusted  or  with  the  nation  that  wants  more  than 
its  share  of  the  world's  bounties. 

Civilization  is  coming  more  and  more  to  insist  that  the 
word  of  a  nation  should  be  at  least  as  good  as  the  word  of 
an  individual.  The  feeling  that  decent  people  have  toward 
liars  is  not  a  bit  more  justifiable  than  the  sentiment  that  the 
world  at  large  should  feel  toward  a  treaty-breaking  nation. 
America  can  afford  to  stand  for  nothing  less  than  utter 
frankness  in  international  politics,  and  for  ideals  as  high  as 
the  highest.  Call  this  ''  shirt-sleeve  "  diplomacy  if  you  will ; 
it  is  infinitely  better  than  the  "frock-coat"  diplomacy  which 
is  as  vile  underneath  as  it  is  deceptive  on  the  outside. 

281.  What  Is  International  Law?  —  Poets  and  philos- 
ophers have  dreamed  about  the  time  when 

"  The  war  drums  throb  no  longer,  and  the  battle  flags  are  furled, 
In  the  Parliament  of  man,  the  federation  cf  the  world." 

No  such  parliament,  with  the  authority  to  legislate  for  all 
the  nations,  has  yet  come  into  being.  International  law, 
then,  is  not  binding  legislation  from  some  superior  body, 
but  a  collection  of  principles  and  customs  which  the  civilized 
world  has  come  to  accept  as  a  sound  basis  for  the  relations 
of  responsible  nations  with  one  another. 

From  the  time  of  the  Dutch  jurist  Grotius,  we  have  had 
discussions  or  writings  about  the  principles  which  ought 
to  guide  monarchs  and  governments  in  international  affairs. 
Sometimes  these  principles  have  been  set  forth  in  formal 
treaties.     Sometimes  they  have  been  established  through 


Our  Relations  with  Other  Countries        581 

habitual  observance  by  civilized  nations  under  given  con- 
ditions. During  the  years  preceding  the  Great  War  a  con- 
stantly growing  respect  for  international  law  was  evident 
among  most  nations.  Perhaps  nothing  else  turned  most  of 
the  civiUzed  world  against  Germany  so  much  as  her  wanton 
disregard  of  some  principles  which  had  been  looked  upon  as 
definitely  established. 

It  is  generally  agreed,  for  instance,  that  a  state,  using  the 
term  in  its  broad  and  general  sense,  and  not  meaning  one  of 
the  parts  of  our  union,  has  the  right  to  adopt  any  form  of 
government  which  it  wishes,  and  administer  it  according  to 
the  desires  of  its  own  people.  At  the  same  time  it  has  the 
duty  of  protecting  the  persons  and  property  of  citizens  of 
other  states  who  may  happen  to  reside  within  its  borders. 
Ambassadors  and  other  ministers  from  one  country  to  an- 
other are  exempt  from  the  authority  of  the  country  to  which 
they  are  sent,  and  whatever  buildings  and  territory  they  oc- 
cupy are  looked  upon  as  the  soil  of  their  own  country.  It 
is  understood  that  a  state's  authority  extends  for  three  miles 
beyond  its  coast  line,  but  that  the  seas  outside  of  that  three- 
mile  limit  are  open  to  all  the  world.  But  pirates  and  others 
who  violate  the  rights  of  the  free  seas  may  be  dealt  with  by 
any  nation. 

A  long  list  of  provisions  in  regard  to  the  duties  of  bellig- 
erents and  neutrals  in  war  can  also  be  found  in  any  text- 
book on  international  law.  Indeed,  nations  seem  to  have 
cared  more  about  fixing  the  rules  of  this  horrible  game  than 
they  have  about  establishing  such  principles  of  international 
conduct  as  would  insure  peace.  Perhaps  out  of  the  horror 
and  suffering  of  the  Great  War  may  have  come  such  a  dis- 
gust at  what  war  brings  that  we  may  hope  for  the  formula- 
tion of  a  code  of  international  law  for  the  promotion  of 
peace  and  the  prevention  of  hostilities.  Whether  this  shall 
be  done  through  the  League  of  Nations  or  by  some  other 
means,  the  better  part  of  the  civiUzed  world  does  not  care, 
so  long  as  it  is  done. 


582         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Why  have  nations  been  unwilling  to  form  a  world  federation  with 
a  parliament  that  could  legislate  with  authority  ?  Upon  what  does 
international  law  rest  for  its  effectiveness?  Is  it  any  more  incon- 
sistent, for  the  sake  of  world  peace,  to  have  an  executive  authority 
for  the  world  with  power  to  punish  disturbers  than  it  is  to  have 
I>olicemen  with  authority  to  handle  disturbers  of  local  peace  and 
order  ? 

282.  Foreign  Representatives.  —  Every  important  coun- 
try, in  order  to  have  easy  and  frequent  contact  with  other 
nations,  sends  to  them  one  or  more  representatives  or 
agents.  These  are  usually  considered  in  two  groups,  the 
diplomatic  service  and  the  consular  service.  No  diplom^^.tic 
official  is  sent  to  any  country  until  its  government  has 
agreed  that  a  certain  person  is  **  persona  grata,^'  If,  at 
any  time,  this  particular  person  becomes  *'  persona  non 
grata, ^'  he  may  be  asked  to  leave  without  any  offense  to 
the  government  which  sent  him.  As  a  recognition  of  the 
importance  of  these  diplomatic  agents,  any  cases  involv- 
ing them  must,  under  our  Constitution,  be  tried  before  the 
Supreme  Court. 

Diplomatic  representatives  deal  directly  between  their 
government  and  the  government  of  the  country  to  which 
they  are  sent.  Often  they  assist  in  making  treaties.  The 
highest  rank  in  the  foreign  service  is  that  of  ambassador; 
next,  under  our  system,  is  the  envoy  extraordinary  and  min- 
ister plenipotentiary.  To  some  small  countries  we  have 
sent  officials  known  as  ministers  resident.  Our  ambassadors 
and  ministers  to  large  countries  are  assisted  by  a  large  num- 
ber of  subordinates.  In  case  a  diplomatic  post  is  vacant 
for  some  reason,  the  highest  of  these  subordinates,  known 
as  the  charge  d'affaires,  temporarily  assumes  the  responsi- 
bility for  the  interests  of  his  country. 

The  consular  service  is  on  a  somewhat  different  basis  from 
the  diplomatic  service.  Consuls  do  not  enjoy  the  benefit 
of  ''  exterritoriality,"  which  is  the  name  given  to  the  special 
privilege  of  diplomats  to  be  exempt  from  the  authority  of 


Our  Relations  with  Other  Countries       583 

the  country  to  which  they  go ;  but  as  long  as  they  are  en- 
gaged in  the  actual  service  of  the  country  which  they  repre- 
sent they  are  not  likely  to  be  interfered  with  by  the  country 
where  they  reside.  The  consul  is,  in  a  general  way,  the 
business  agent  of  the  home  government,  with  headquarters 
in  a  certain  city.  It  is  his  duty  to  be  familiar  with  the  busi- 
ness conditions  in  the  district  where  he  resides,  to  make  re- 
ports to  the  home  government  on  business  opportunities 


CopyrigfU,  Harn  . ' 

The  British  Embassy  in  Washington. 

The  British  government  has  permanent  homes  for  its  ambassadors  in  all 
the  leading  capitals. 

for  Americans,  and  to  certify  the  value  of  goods  exported 
from  his  district  so  that  our  customs  officers  may  be  fa- 
miliar with  them.  Consuls  often  render  American  citizens 
valuable  service  in  the  way  of  handling  the  passports  which 
American  citizens  need  when  abroad,  and  giving  legal  ad- 
vice. There  are  several  hundred  consuls  of  different  grades. 
Sometimes  a  Consul-General  is  appointed  to  have  general 
oversight  of  all  the  consuls  in  a  particular  country. 


584         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

The  prime  qualifications  of  an  ambassador  are  that  he 
should  have  a  large  supply  of  common  sense  and  be  able  to 
make  himself  generally  agreeable  in  the  country  to  which 
he  goes.  A  man  who  would  make  an  excellent  ambassador 
to  Great  Britain  might  be  wholly  out  of  place  somewhere 
else.  The  selection  of  diplomatic  representatives  must 
therefore  be  a  personal  matter.  In  recent  years  a  consider- 
able number  of  journalists  and  authors  have  represented 
us  in  high  diplomatic  positions. 

The  duties  of  consuls  are,  however,  of  such  a  character  that 
a  person's  qualifications  can  to  a  large  extent  be  determined 
by  civil  service  examinations.  It  has  been  only  recently 
that  this  country  has  paid  any  attention  to  the  possibility 
of  building  up  a  permanent  diplomatic  and  consular  service 
composed  of  people  who  will  make  that  their  life  work. 
Other  countries  have  done  this  for  many  years.  Experi- 
ence in  this  kind  of  thing  is  certainly  of  great  value  and 
ought  to  be  recognized  by  promotions  the  same  as  business 
efficiency  would  be  in  private  life.  The  folly  of  changing 
the  entire  foreign  service  simply  because  a  different  party 
has  carried  a  presidential  election  is  so  clear  that  it  needs  no 
arguments  for  intelligent  people. 

We  have  not  always  been  able  to  secure  the  right  kind  of 
people  for  foreign  service,  because  we  have  been  so  stingy 
about  their  salaries.  Our  ambassadors  get  $17,500  a  year, 
but  their  expenses  for  entertaining  and  many  other  things 
make  it  impossible  for  any  one  except  a  rich  man  to  afford 
to  accept  such  a  position.  Many  foreign  countries  have 
built  or  purchased  buildings  for  embassies  in  all  the  impor- 
tant capitals  of  the  world,  and  we  are  at  last  beginning  to 
do  so.  Frequently  citizens  of  other  countries  are  appointed 
as  consuls  to  represent  the  United  States  in  their  particular 
neighborhood.  Under  all  the  circumstances  it  is  surprising 
that  America's  foreign  relations  have  been  conducted  as 
successfully  as  they  have.  We  ought  not  to  use  diplomatic 
posts  as  rewards  for  political  activity. 


Our  Relations  with  Other  Countries        5S5 


Americans  used  to  be  afraid  to  use  the  name  "  ambassador  " 
because  they  thought  it  signified  monarchy.  Was  this  sensible? 
Do  you  think  there  would  be  any  difficulty  if  a  Chinese  merchant 
attempted  to  act  as  American  consul  in  a  Chinese  town?  What 
personal  characteristics  would  disqualify  a  person  from  being  an 
ambassador?  Would  it  be  advisable  for  the  American  ambassa- 
dor to  Great  Britain  to  tell  the  British  government  what  he  thought 
they  ought  to  do  about  Ireland  ?     What  are  some  of  the  things  that 


y    /7.V    /^'/ 


yV^-, 


1  • 

-  ,>•'■■" 

• 

^».&u^^ 

• 

i.a-^::^ 

• 

/,'//««',. 

1    • 

"-     1 

iiuernalional. 


Signatures  to  a  Treaty. 


These  signatures  certify  the  exchange  of  ratifications  among  the  nations 
which  accepted  the  Versailles  treaty.  On  the  left  page  Lloyd  George  of 
Great  Britain,  Clemenceau  of  France,  Nitti  of  Italy  and  Matsui  of  Japan 
signed.  At  the  bottom  of  the  right  page  are  the  signatures  of  the  two 
German  representatives. 

are  none  of  an  ambassador's  business  ?  Find  out  the  names  of  the 
ambassadors  whom  the  present  administration  has  appointed. 
Have  any  of  these  served  before?  What  particular  qualifications, 
if  anj^  do  any  of  them  have  for  the  positions  they  hold  ? 

283.  Making  International  Agreements.  —  Prime  min- 
isters and  foreign  secretaries  sometimes  enter  into  "  gentle- 
men's agreements  "  or  ''  conventions  "  between  countries. 


586         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

But  these  usually  concern  details  of  policies  or  methods  of 
administration  rather  than  the  determination  of  big  issues. 

The  most  common  form  of  agreement  between  nations 
is  the  treaty.  This  is  a  written  document  drawn  up  and 
signed  by  representatives  of  the  countries  concerned.  Most 
treaties,  of  course,  are  arranged  between  two  countries  only, 
but  sometimes  a  great  many  are  interested.  The  Peace 
Treaty  at  Versailles,  for  example,  after  the  Great  War,  was . 
signed  by  representatives  of  thirty-three  nations  and  do- 
minions. Such  a  treaty  is  naturally  extremely  difficult  to 
arrange.  Often  it  is  not  easy  to  get  even  two  nations  to 
harmonize  their  ideas  sufficiently  to  agree  upon  disputed 
points. 

A  treaty,  under  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States, 
after  it  has  been  accepted  by  the  Senate,  becomes  a  part  of 
the  supreme  law  of  the  land.  In  the  majority  of  countries 
only  the  executive  authority  has  any  part  in  the  making  of 
a  treaty  and  putting  it  into  effect,  though  there  is  a  tend- 
ency now,  even  when  it  is  not  required,  to  ask  the  law- 
making body  for  its  approval.  In  the  countries  where  a 
cabinet  government  exists,  a  cabinet  which  makes  a  treaty 
contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  law-making  body  will  not  stay 
in  office  very  long. 

With  all  the  solemn  authority  that  is  attached  to  a  treaty, 
what  is  the  force  which  assures  its  execution?  Virtually 
nothing  but  the  honor  and  common  sense  of  the  nations 
which  have  had  a  part  in  making  it.  In  the  Covenant  of 
the  League  of  Nations  appear  provisions  for  an  economic 
boycott  by  the  League  of  any  nation  which  goes  to  war  in 
violation  of  its  agreements,  but  fortunately  there  has  been 
no  occasion  to  test  the  effectiveness  of  such  a  sanction. 
The  very  fact  that  such  a  penalty  is  threatened  may  help  to 
prevent  the  need  of  using  it.  Treaties  sometimes,  how- 
ever, contain  provisions  that  their  terms  are  to  expire  at  a 
certain  time,  or  that  either  party  may  withdraw  from  the 
agreement  after  a  fixed  date. 


Our  Relations  with  Other  Countries       587 

.'.  International  obligations  ought  to  be  as  binding  morally  as 
agreements  between  individuals,  even  though  enforcement  of 
treaties  by  superior  authority  is,  in  the  present  stage  of  social 
progress,  difficult  to  accomplish.  Foreign  representatives  should 
be  men  of  tact  and  judgment.  Diplomacy  might  well  be  made  a 
life  career  for  those  who  are  fitted  to  undertake  it. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

Fajnous  Writers  on  International  Law. 

The  Life  of  an  Ambassador. 

Conditions  of  Admission  into  Our  Foreign  Service. 

REFERENCE   READINGS 

Leacock  —  Elements  of  Political  Science,  Part  I,  Chapter  6. 

Gettell  —  Introduction  to  Political  Science,  Chapters  11,  12. 

Haskin  —  American  Government,  Chapter  2. 

Rowe  —  Society,  Chapter  41. 

Lawrence  —  Principles  of  International  Law,  Part  I. 


XXVII.   DETERMINING  THE  FUNDAMENTALS   OF  OUR 
FOREIGN   POLICY 


While  some  principles  are  universally  applicable  in  international 
relations,  each  nation  has  its  own  particular  outlook  upon  world 
politics.  Has  this  country  displayed  a  definite,  continuous  for- 
eign policy?  By  whom  are  our  foreign  relations  conducted?  What  fea- 
tures in  general  characterize  our  attitude  toward  the  rest  of  the  world  ? 


284.  Is  a  Settled  Policy  Desirable? — ''Party  divi- 
sion," it  has  been  said,  ''  should  end  at  the  water's  edge." 
More  often  than  not  this  has  been  the  case,  and  when  the 
principle  has  been  disregarded  the  results  have  been  ex- 
ceedingly unpleasant.  Foreign  affairs  are  not  proper  sub- 
jects for  party  action,  if  for  no  other  reason  than  that  they 
concern  other  countries  as  well  as  ourselves.  Differences 
of  opinion  will  of  course  occur  about  foreign  as  well  as  about 
domestic  policies,  but  it  is  best  if  such  differences  cut  across 
party  lines  rather  than  along  them. 

New  conditions  may  arise  at  any  time  to  modify  any 
plan  of  action,  but  a  policy  of  drifting  is  dangerous.  We 
have  ridiculed  England's  alleged  habit  of  "  muddling 
through."  Yet  in  this  country  we  have  often  done  our  full 
share  of  muddUng,  and  it  has  been  wittily  said  that  **  our 
main  foreign  policy  has  been  the  absence  of  any."  Some- 
times it  may  be  best  to  bide  one's  time  before  taking  de- 
cisive measures;  a  choice  of  policy  ought  to  be  deliberate 
rather  than  accidental.  But  it  is  safest  for  ourselves  and 
fairest  to  other  countries  to  map  out  our  policies  with  suffi- 
cient definiteness  so  that  others  may  know  where  to  find  us. 
Yet  no  policy  needs  to  bind  us  like  shackles  to  the  condi- 
tions of  by-gone  days.  "New  occasions  teach  new  duties; 
time  makes  ancient  good  uncouth." 

588 


Our  Relations  with  Other  Countries        589 


285.  The  Control  of  Our  Foreign  Relations.  —  The  ac- 
tual direction  of  our  foreign  policy,  both  by  Constitution 
and  by  necessity,  is  in  the  hands  of  the  President.  Some 
one  person  must  accept  the  responsibility.  He  may  be 
guided  by  as  much  advice  as  he  cares  to  take,  but  the  final 
decision  must  be  his.  The  President's  control  of  foreign  af- 
fairs rests  upon  three  things :  his  right  to  appoint  ambassa- 
dors and  other  foreign  representatives ;   his  right  to  receive 


American  Treaty-Makers  at  Paris. 

Usually  in  the  making  of  particularly  important  treaties  the  work  is  done 
by  a  commission  rather  than  by  one  man.  The  American  members  of  the 
Peace  Conference  in  1919  as  shown  in  this  picture  were,  beginning  at  the 
left:  Mr.  E.  M.  House,  Secretary  of  State  Lansing,  President  Wilson, 
Mr.  Henry  White,  and  General  Bliss. 

envoys  from   other   countries ;  and  his   power  of   making 
treaties. 

On  the  right  to  name  ambassadors  and  ministers  and  to 
receive  or  refuse  to  receive  them  rests  in  a  large  measure 
the  peacefulness  or  the  precariousness  of  our  foreign  rela- 
tions. The  case  of  Mexico  during  the  Wilson  administra- 
tion is  another  illustration  of  the  exercise  of  this  power. 
By  refusing  to  have  anything  to  do  officially  with  the  Mexi- 
can government  headed  by  General  Huerta,  President  Wil- 
son forced  that  gentleman  out  of  office  and,  while  abstain- 


590         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

ing  from  extensive  military  intervention,  exercised  much  in- 
fluence on  the  course  of  events  in  Mexico. 

Sending  home  a  representative  already  recognized  by 
this  government  may  mean  disapproval  of  either  the  pohcy 
of  the  government  which  sent  them  here,  or  of  their  per- 
sonal misconduct  or  indiscretion.  The  cases  of  "  Citizen  " 
Genet  in  1793  and  of  the  Austrian  Ambassador  Dumba  in 
1914,  are  instances  of  the  latter  reason,  but  the  dismissal 
of  Von  Bernstorff  in  1917  was  intended  to  show  our  dis- 
satisfaction with  the  breaches  of  faith  committed  by  the 
German  government. 

The  Constitution  declares  that  the  President  shall  make 
treaties  '*  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the  Sen- 
ate." President  Wilson  was  entirely  within  his  rights  in 
participating  in  the  treaty-making  at  Versailles,  but  the 
making  of  treaties  has  so  seldom  been  done  by  the  Presi- 
dent himself  that  many  people  thought  he  was  exceeding 
his  authority.  Usually  the  Secretary  of  State,  an  ambas- 
sador, or  some  special  representative,  actually  does  the 
work. 

Why  did  President  McKinley  refuse  to  receive  officially  the  rep- 
resentatives from  the  South  African  republics  in  1899?  What 
would  have  been  the  effect  on  our  relations  with  Great  Britain  if 
he  had  done  so  ?  If  Great  Britain  should  recognize  the  independ- 
ence of  the  Philippines,  how  would  our  government  be  likely  to 
feel  about  it?  Why  is  a  President  likely  to  adhere  in  general  to 
most  of  the  policies  of  his  predecessor  in  foreign  affairs  ? 

But  how  is  the  Senate  to  give  its  "  advice  and  consent  "? 
Washington,  during  his  presidency,  undertook  once  to  go 
to  the  Senate  to  talk  over  a  proposed  treaty,  but  enjoyed 
his  visit  so  little  that  he  said  he  "  would  be  damned  if  he 
ever  went  there  again."  Since  that  time,  Presidents  have 
negotiated  treaties  and  then  submitted  them  to  the  Senate. 
The  tactful  President,  however,  will  consult  in  advance 
with  the  Foreign  Relations  Committee  or  other  leading 
members  of  the  Senate.     Thus  he  will  discover  what  the 


Our  Relations  with  Other  Countries       591 

mind  of  the  Senate  is  and  may  make  use  of  any  intelligent 
suggestions  which  they  have  to  offer. 

The  Senate  has  established  by  numerous  precedents  the 
right  to  ratify  with  reservations  or  omissions.  If  the  Sen- 
ate makes  use  of  this  privilege,  it  is  then  for  the  President 
to  decide  whether  he  will  make  the  best  of  what  is  left  of 
the  treaty,  and  for  the  other  countries  concerned  to  de- 
termine whether  they  will  accept  the  treaty  as  modified  by 
the  Senate.  The  unfairness  of  requiring  a  two-thirds  vote 
for  ratification  we  have  already  mentioned;  but  this  re- 
striction is  in  the  Constitution,  and  the  only  practical  thing 
to  do  is  for  the  President  to  recognize  it  and  make  the  nec- 
essary allowances  when  he  has  treaties  under  consideration. 

The  House  of  Representatives  has  little  or  nothing  to  say 
directly  about  foreign  affairs.  When  a  treaty  calls  for  a 
payment  of  money  to  carry  it  into  execution,  the  appro- 
priation of  this  money  must  have  the  consent  of  both  houses 
of  Congress.  An  interesting  situation  might  arise  if  the 
House  refused  to  pass  such  an  appropriation.  A  declara- 
tion of  war,  too,  must  be  made  by  a  joint  resolution  of  both 
houses  of  Congress. 

Does  Congress  have  the  right  to  declare  peace  as  well  as  war? 
Until  1920  the  answer  would  in  all  probability  have  been  "No," 
but  the  controversy  between  the  President  and  the  Senate  over  the 
Peace  Treaty  led  Congress  to  attempt  to  do  so.  Its  first  resolution 
to  that  effect  was  vetoed  by  President  Wilson,  but  a  modified  resolu- 
tion was  afterward  signed  by  President  Harding.  The  awkward 
situation  that  might  arise  under  such  circumstances,  if  the  other 
nation  did  not  admit  that  the  war  was  over,  may  have  been  a  reason 
which  deterred  President  Harding  from  proclaiming  peace  until 
a  treaty  with  Germany  was  actually  signed.  A  treaty  is  the  only 
satisfactory  method  to  end  a  war. 

Would  it  be  wise  for  the  President  to  ask  representatives  of  the 
Senate  to  assist  him  in  treaty  making?  Would  the  Senate  be  justi- 
fied in  rejecting  a  treaty  because  of  personal  or  political  dislike  of  the 
President  ?  Do  you  suppose  that  the  provision  for  senatorial  rat- 
ification of  treaties  encourages  or  discourages  other  countries  in 
making  treaties  with  us  ?     Should  the  Senate  exercise  its  right  of 


592         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

approval  of  appointments  in  such  way  as  to  control  the  selection 
of  ambassadors  to  other  countries?  For  what  reasons  might  the 
President  be  unwilling  to  discuss  treaties  in  advance  before  the  en- 
tire Senate  ? 

286.  The  Policies  of  Our  Forefathers.  —  With  all  the 
crooks  and  turns  of  diplomacy  and  party  history,  three 
definite  principles  have  marked  our  relations  with  other 
countries:  (1)  We  have  insisted  on  a  right  to  make  up  our 
own  minds  and  to  follow  a  policy  of  independent  choice  in 
our  relations  with  other  countries.  (2)  We  have  generally  an- 
nexed new  territory  when  the  opportunity  has  been  offered. 
(3)  We  have  assumed  a  sort  of  position  of  domination  in 
New  World  affairs. 

Washington  and  Jefferson  set  precedents  which  have  been 
observed  from  their  day  to  ours.  Washington's  Farewell 
Address  declared  that  we  must  avoid  "  a  permanent  alli- 
ance with  any  portion  of  the  foreign  world."  Jefferson's 
phrase,  *'  peace  and  friendship  with  all  nations,  entanghng 
alhances  with  none,"  also  summed  up  our  country's  aspira- 
tions in  a  few  words. 

This  phrase,  '*  entangling  alliances,"  has  been  often 
quoted  in  recent  years  in  such  a  way  as  to  suggest  a  policy 
of  isolation  and  separation  from  world  affairs  which  Wash- 
ington and  Jefferson  no  doubt  never  intended.  Washing- 
ton's advice  against  ^'  permanent  alliances  with  any  por- 
tion of  the  foreign  world  "  surely  did  not  mean  that  we 
should  avoid  friendly  association  with  other  nations  to  pro- 
mote peace.  He  wished  us  to  avoid  alliances  with  one  part 
of  Europe  against  another  part  of  Europe.  Jefferson's  thought 
of  ''  peace  and  friendship  with  all  nations  "  surely  was  in 
accord  with  the  idea  of  a  league  of  nations  to  prevent  war. 

What  would  have  been  the  result  if  Washington  had  yielded  to 
the  clamor  of  his  time  to  aid  the  French  Revolutionists  in  their  war 
against  Great  Britain  ?  Prove  from  the  history  of  the  United  States 
that  the  policies  mentioned  in  this  section  have  not  been  the  poli- 
cies of  any  one  political  party.  Do  you  think  Washington  and  Jef- 
ferson, in  announcing  the  foreign  policy  of  their  day,  had  in  mind  tho 


Our  Relations  with  Other  Countries       593 

setting  of  a  precedent  that  would  last  forever  ?  Would  it  necessa- 
rily follow  that  a  policy  which  was  wise  in  their  day  would  be  desir- 
able today  ? 

The  Monroe  Doctrine,  too,  is  considered  by  most  Ameri- 
cans to  be  a  sacred  proposition,  though  few  of  them  can 
tell  exactly  what  it  means.  Besides,  Presidents  have  not 
always  been  consistent  in  their  application  of  it.  But  its 
big,  general  principles  may  be  stated  as  follows :  (1)  that 
the  New  World  must  be  free  from  European  interference 
in  working  out  its  own  destiny ;  (2)  that  it  is  this  country's 


Courtesy  Bureau  of  Construction  and  Repair. 
A  United  States  Submarine. 
During  the  War  not  much  was  said  by  way  of  compliment  to  the  sub- 
marine except  in  Germany.  But  since  that  time  some  other  nations  have 
strangely  discovered  that  they  have  uses  for  the  kind  of  warfare  that  the 
submarine  can  practice.  Can  you  offer  any  explanation  for  this  change 
of  mind? 

right  to  interpose  its  objection  to  any  act  of  an  Old  World 
power  which  we  believe  menaces  the  security  or  inde- 
pendence of  a  New  World  republic ;  (3)  that  the  United  States 
will  refrain  from  meddling  with  strictly  European  affairs. 
South  American  countries  have  not  been  any  too  favorable 
to  the  extension  of  this  policy,  because  they  have  feared 
that  it  might  be  used  as  a  cover  for  designs  on  the  part  of 
the  United  States  to  control  the  entire  New  World.  But 
it  has  become  established  as  one  of  the  cardinal  features  of 
our  diplomacy,  and  was  recognized  in  the  Covenant  of  the 
League  of  Nations  as  a  policy  not  to  be  questioned. 


594         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

Great  Britain  desired  to  make  a  joint  statement  of  policy  with  the 
United  States  at  the  time  the  Monroe  Doctrine  was  announced. 
Was  anything  gained  by  the  decision  of  Secretary  of  State  Adams 
to  make  our  statement  alone?  To  what  extent  is  the  Monroe 
Doctrine  selfish?  Would  Japan  have  the  right  to  set  up  a  similar 
doctrine  for  Eastern  Asia?  Would  it  be  desirable  to  substitute 
for  the  Monroe  Doctrine,  maintained  by  the  United  States  alone, 
a  Pan-American  doctrine  supported  by  the  republics  of  North  and 
South  America  jointly? 

287.  The  United  States  a  World  Power.  —  The  readi- 
ness with  which  other  nations  hsten  to  proposals  coming 
from  the  government  of  the  United  States  proves  beyond 
question  that  the  United  States  is  one  of  the  great  powers 
of  the  earth.  Whether  we  like  it  or  not,  there  is  no  use  in 
attempting  to  keep  out  of  the  great  questions  whose  settle- 
ment perplexes  the  civilized  world. 

When  did  we  become  a  world  power?  Was  the  change 
the  result  of  some  single  event,  or  was  it  a  gradual  develop- 
ment accompanying  our  material  advancement  and  eco- 
nomic expansion?  Probably  the  latter.  Yet  the  Spanish 
War  and  its  results  mark,  if  not  the  change  in  our  world 
relations,  at  least  the  realization  of  our  new  position.  Any 
strong  power  in  the  PhiUppines  is  inevitably  concerned 
with  the  problems  of  Eastern  Asia,  and  when  a  government 
is  concerned  with  Asiatic  problems  it  cannot  help  coming 
in  contact  with  the  foreign  problems  of  Europe  too. 

Is  American  interference  in  Asiatic  affairs  a  violation  of  the  Mon- 
roe Doctrine?  Is  it  inconsistent  for  us  to  take  and  hold  the  Philip- 
pines when  we  protest  against  the  acquisition  of  China's  territory 
by  European  powers  and  Japan? 

In  August,  1914,  one  of  our  leading  weekly  magazines, 
which  afterwards  violently  attacked  President  Wilson  for 
not  going  into  the  war  sooner,  commented  on  things  in 
about  this  fashion :  '^  The  President  has  issued  a  proclama- 
tion of  neutrality.  Good !  This  is  not  our  war."  No 
doubt  this  remark  is  representative  of  the  feelings  of  the 


Our  Relations  with  Other  Countries       595 

great  mass  of  the  American  people  at  the  time.  Even 
those  whose  sympathies  were  strong  for  one  side  or  the 
other  had  httle  hope  that  this  country  would  take  part. 
Possibly  if  Germany  had  refrained  from  violating  the  rights 
of  neutral  nations,  including  ourselves,  it  would  have  been 
more  difficult  for  us  to  appreciate  the  menace  to  civiliza- 
tion which  her  victory  would  have  carried  with  it.  But 
when  our  own  rights  were  so  grossly  disregarded,  we  were 
able  to  understand  the  wrongs  which  the  Allies  had  suffered 
and  the  seriousness  of  the  threat  of  German  militarism 
against  every  civilized  nation. 

Our  contact  with  our  Allies  during  the  war  brought  us 
into  relationships  such  as  we  had  not  previously  known  in 
our  history.  Unfortunately  the  making  of  peace  was  even 
harder  than  the  making  of  war.  But  having  joined  in  com- 
mon cause  with  the  allied  nations  we  cannot  return  to  that 
position  of  isolation  which,  as  we  have  said,  so  many  of  our 
pohticians  have  admired.  The  thoughtful  American  has 
come  to  realize  that  a  menace  to  civilization  anywhere  is  a 
menace  to  civilization  everywhere,  and  he  will  neither  be- 
lieve nor  desire  that  America  will  refrain  from  cooperation 
with  the  rest  of  the  civilized  world  in  its  defense. 

Considered  from  the  financial  viewpoint  alone,  would  it  have 
been  better  for  the  United  States  to  stay  out  of  the  war  or  to  go 
in  ?  What  warrant  could  there  be  for  the  assertion  that  the  motives 
of  the  United  States  for  taking  part  in  the  war  were  wholly  selfish? 
Could  a  true  American  take  any  pride  in  the  belief  that  selfish  in- 
terest alone  inspired  this  nation's  conduct? 

.'.  The  divided  control  of  foreign  relationships  between  the 
President  and  the  Senate  makes  complete  uniformity  and  har- 
mony in  such  matters  at  t'mes  difficult.  It  has  always  been 
our  policy  to  refrain  from  meddling  in  problems  of  other  nations 
which  did  not  concern  us,  and  this  policy  we  have  no  desire  to  aban- 
don. But  we  must  realize  that  circumstances  have  forced  us  into 
participation  in  world  problems  and  that  it  would  be  folly  to  try  to 
avoid  the  resulting  responsibilities. 


596         Problems  of  American  Democracy 


SPECIAL   STUDIES 

Epoch-Making  Treaties  in  American  History. 

Treaties  and  the  Senate. 

Presidential  Leadership  in  Foreign  Relations. 

The  History  and  Significance  of  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 

The  Spanish  War  as  a  Factor  in  American  History  and  Policies. 

The  Great  War  from  the  American  Viewpoint. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Young  —  American  Government,  Chapter  2. 

Tufts  — The  Real  Business  of  Living,  Chapter  4L 

Fish  —  American  Diplomacy,  Chapters  1,  17,  30,  36. 

Coolidge  —  The  United  States  as  a  World  Power,  Chapters  4-6. 

Munro  —  Government  of  the  United  States,  Chapter  18. 

Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  96,  116. 

Reed  —  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  Chapter  27. 

Beard — American  Government  and  Pohtics,  Chapters  16,  17. 

Hart  —  Actual  Government,  Chapters  23,  25. 


XXVIIL  PROMOTING   INTERNATIONAL    COOPERATION 
AND  GOOD  WILL 


Nations  that  are  constantly  quarreling  retard  civilization  and 
hinder  world  progress.  What  steps  have  been  taken  to  relieve  or 
remove  the  burdens  of  war  and  promote  good  will  instead  of  ill 
will?  What  has  been  and  ought  to  be  the  relation  of  the  United 
States  to  such  movements  ? 


288.  International  Ill-feeling  and  Its  Results.  —  The 
history  of  Europe  has  been  to  a  sad  degree  a  story  of  racial 
jealousy,  of  struggles  for  mastery  by  one  monarch  over 
another,  of  religious  bigotry  and  bitterness,  of  conflicts 
growing  out  of  trade  relations  and  colonial  possessions. 
Injustice  and  mistakes  of  past  centuries  are  kept  alive  to 
no  good  end.  When  nations  act  together  in  war  or  other- 
wise, we  sometimes  cynically  wonder  how  they  will  line  up 
the  next  time  there  is  a  war,  and  what  excuse  they  will  have 
for  fighting. 

What  is  the  result?  Europe  for  years  has  been  ''  an 
armed  camp."  As  soon  as  one  war  is  over,  its  ''  states- 
men "  begin  to  prepare  for  the  next  one.  Little  nations 
are  freed  from  tyrants  and  proceed  to  act  as  unreasonably 
as  tyrants  ever  acted.  Inherited  jealousies  are  brought  to 
our  shores,  and  we  are  quick  to  impute  evil  motives  to  other 
powers.  Among  the  most  active  of  our  citizens  are  several 
millions  who  cannot  forget  the  relations  between  England 
rnd  Ireland  in  the  past.  There  are  several  millions 
more  whose  thought  of  Great  Britain  has  been  colored  by 
opinions  spread  deliberately  by  Germany  in  the  days  be- 
fore the  Great  War  or  acquired  through  an  inherited  dis- 
trust. A  very  considerable  portion  of  our  people,  there- 
fore,  do   not   need  to   be   urged   to  entertain  unfavorable 

597 


598         Problems  of  American  Democracy 


thoughts  about  Great  Britain.     "  Twisting  the  British  lion's 
tail "  has  been  a  favorite  pastime  with  some  politicians. 

And  yet,  if  the  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  with  a 
common  language  and  common  institutions,  cannot  be 
friends  and  understand  each  other  and  cooperate  for  the 
advancement  of  civilization,  what  hope  is  there  of  world 
peace?     We  need  not  deny  British  mistakes,  but  many  of 


Courtesy  Bureau  of  Construction  and  Repair . 
A  United  States  Battleship  in  Holiday  Dress. 


This  ship  never  did  and  never  will  take  part  in  a  fight, 
think  of  the  wisdom  in  spending  money  to  construct  it? 


What  do  you 


US  need  to  realize  that  England  is  not  always  wrong  and 
perhaps  has  not  been  wrong  so  often  as  we  have  thought. 

Toward  Japan  we  have  wavered  between  extreme  friend- 
liness and  extreme  suspicion.  The  yellow  journals  in  both 
countries  constantly  preach  race  hatred.  Yet  for  their  own 
sake  and  the  sake  of  humanity  these  two  nations  also  ought 
to  be  friends. 

Concerning  our  neighbors  of  the  New  World  we  have 


Our  Relations  with  Other  Countries       599 

assumed  a  position  of  superiority  which  has  not  been  good 
for  them  nor  for  us.  It  has  led  us  to  overlook  opportuni- 
ties for  commercial  development  and  trade  relations  which 
would  be  distinctly  to  our  advantage  and  has  bred  a  sus- 
picion of  our  good  will  which  has  caused  them  to  seek  com- 
mercial relations  with  Europe  rather  than  with  us.  We 
need  greater  appreciation  of  the  advancement  of  some  of 
these  New  World  republics.  The  ABC  powers,  so  called, 
have  built  up  a  material  civilization  which  is  much  to  their 
credit.  We  are  perhaps  too  prone  to  think  that  they  are 
all  like  Mexico,  and  perhaps  have  not  appreciated  all  the 
handicaps  that  both  Mexico  and  the  rest  have  had  to  over- 
come in  the  process  of  development. 

When  representatives  of  different  foreign  countries  visit  the 
United  States,  which  are  received  with  the  greatest  show  of  enthu- 
siasm? Why  did  the  visit  of  the  king  and  queen  of  Belgium  bring 
out  so  many  exhibitions  of  respect  and  good  will?  The  mayor  of 
Milwaukee  refused  to  permit  official  honors  to  be  given  to  King 
Albert  in  his  visit  in  that  city.  Can  you  imagine  his  reasons  ?  To 
what  extent  should  a  nation's  past  mistakes  affect  us  in  our  judg- 
ment today  ?  If  a  nation  treats  us  fairly,  what  should  be  our  atti- 
tude when  she  is  accused  of  treating  some  other  people  un- 
justly? To  what  extent  are  newspapers  responsible  for  our  likes 
and  dislikes  of  other  nations?  How  can  we  eliminate  hate  from 
our  thought  of  other  people?  Is  it  true  that  Americans  are  an 
aggregation  of  haters  ? 

289.  Militarism  —  Wisdom  or  Folly  ?  —  Perhaps  the 
first  object  for  which  government  is  formed  is  that  of  self- 
defense.  If  a  government  does  not  protect  its  people  from 
harm  at  the  hands  of  enemies,  outside  or  within,  it  might 
about  as  well  not  exist.  For  this  reason  we  have  our  army 
and  navy,  our  state  militia,  our  state  constabulary,  our 
sheriffs,  our  constables,  and  our  policemen.  As  long  as 
evil  exists  in  the  world,  so  long  will  it  be  necessary  either  to 
be  prepared  to  overcome  it  or  to  submit  tamely  to  it. 

But  for  years  the.  nations  of  continental  Europe  have 
taken  two  or  three  years  of  the  lives  of  their  young  men  to 


600         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

train  them  to  be  "  cannon  fodder."  The  burden  of  their 
colossal  armies  and  navies  was  crushing.  Now  we  are  on 
the  safe  side  of  a  horrible  war  which  left  victorious  France 
and  Italy  loaded  with  a  debt  nearly  equal  to  half  their  en- 
tire wealth.  Yet  France  insists  that  she  must  have  the 
right  to  build  more  submarines  and  other  small  craft  than 
ever,  while  still  maintaining  the  biggest  army  in  the  world 
against  the  ''  German  menace."      The  United  States  alone 


What  War  Does. 

A  scene  from  INorthern  France  during  the  Great  War.  These  American 
boys  have  been  brought  to  this  church  as  to  a  place  of  refuge.  But  the 
church  itself  has  also  suffered  from  German  guns.  Does  the  Figure  in  the 
picture  on  the  wall  seem  out  of  place  ? 


voted  in  1921  to  spend  about  $700,000,000  on  her  army  and 
navy.  Are  all  these  preparations  needed  for  defense?  Are 
conditions  within  the  various  countries  so  completely  cha- 
otic that  these  enormous  armaments  must  be  maintained  to 
keep  the  peace? 

No,  these  armies  and  navies  exist  not  because  one  nation 
wants  to  attack  another  nation  now,  but  because,  in  years 


Our  Relations  with  Other  Countries        601 

past,  nations  thought  some  other  nation  might  want  to 
attack  them ;  and  so  to  protect  themselves  against  possible 
enemies  they  have  burdened  themselves  with  expenses 
grievous  to  be  borne.  A  few  nations  have  concealed  plans 
for  the  domination  of  the  world  under  cover  of  this  need  of 
defense.  Such  was  the  guilt  of  the  rulers  of  the  German 
Empire.  But  now  German  military  power  has  been 
crushed.  Has  any  other  succeeded  to  it  as  a  menace  to 
civilization? 

Some  people  talk  much  about  *^  preparedness."  They 
say  it  is  better  to  spend  a  little  more  than  we  need  for  de- 
fense today  if  by  so  doing  we  may  save  ourselves  from  the 
enemy  tomorrow.  But  when  one  nation  prepares  itself 
with  no  enemy  in  view,  other  nations,  with  the  same  excuse, 
prepare  themselves  similarly. 

The  only  sensible  policy  is  for  all  the  great  nations  to 
get  together  and  agree  that  they  will  spend  no  more  for 
armies  and  navies  than  they  need  for  actual  protection 
against  such  violators  of  all  order  as  pirates,  anarchists 
and  the  like.  We  cannot  wonder  very  much  that  one  na- 
tion feels  that  it  does  not  wish  to  be  the  first  to  disarm.  Its 
weakness  might  serve  as  a  temptation  to  some  other  power, 
which  would  not  occur  if  all  were  on  an  equal  footing.  But 
if  all  alike  reduce  their  fighting  force  to  the  lowest  point 
consistent  with  the  maintenance  of  domestic  safety,  every 
nation  will  not  only  be  as  well  off  as  it  has  been,  but  infi- 
nitely more  secure. 

From  your  study  of  history  what  would  you  judge  to  be  the  most 
frequent  cause  of  war?  Why  are  the  great  heroes  of  so  many  na- 
tions military  men  ?  Are  we  setting  a  good  example  in  making  mil- 
itary men  our  national  heroes  ?  What  wars  do  you  know  of  which 
resulted  definitely  in  good  for  mankind?  Could  this  benefit  have 
been  derived  without  war  ?  Is  the  world  safer  for  democracy  than 
in  1914?  What  forces  are  not  likely  to  be  in  favor  of  movements 
for  world  peace?  Can  a  person  be  a  sincere  advocate  of  military 
and  naval  preparedness  on  a  large  scale  and  at  the  same  time  of 
international  peace  ?     As  nearly  as  you  can  judge,  is  the  Great  War 


602         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

going  to  produce  as  many  national  heroes  as  other  wars  in  history  ? 
Whom  and  why?  Will  prolonged  peace  make  men  "  soft  "?  Who 
pays  the  cost  of  war  ?  What  is  the  attitude  of  the  Church  and  of 
business  toward  it?  Why?  What  is  the  effect  of  war  on  men's 
spiritual  attitudes  ? 

290.  Peaceful  Settlements  between  Nations.  —  When 
we  study  the  history  of  the  United  States  and  observe  that 
there  has  been  at  least  one  war  in  every  generation,  we  may 
wonder  whether  our  boasted  love  of  peace  is  merely  empty 
words.  Yet  in  looking  over  our  diplomatic  relations  and 
comparing  them  with  those  of  other  countries  we  shall  find 
few  nations  with  cleaner  records.  Many  disputes  which 
were  at  least  as  serious  as  those  which  have  caused  bloody 
wars  were  settled  peacefully  and  on  American  initiative. 
Be  careful  to  distinguish  the  peaceful  settlements  of  dis- 
putes from  arbitration.  Disputes  can  be,  and  are,  settled 
many  times  by  the  parties  directly  concerned.  Many  of  our 
boundary  settlements  with  Great  Britain  are  examples  of 
this  kind  of  thing;  but  when  we  call  in  representatives  of 
outside  parties,  supposedly  impartial  and  disinterested  — 
then  we  have  arbitration. 

The  first  instance  of  arbitration  in  our  diplomatic  policy 
was  found  in  the  Jay  treaty  of  1794,  and  it  worked  success- 
fully. But  the  one  which  furnished  in  the  greatest  degree 
a  precedent  for  the  world  was  the  means  adopted  in  1871 
to  settle  the  dispute  over  the  Alabama  Claims  and  the  other 
questions  that  had  arisen  between  our  government  and  that 
of  Great  Britain.  Though  neither  party  was  fully  satisfied 
with  the  awards,  who  would  pretend  that  either  would  be 
better  off  in  any  respect  if  the  two  nations  had  gone  to  war 
over  this  difficulty?  It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  Sec- 
retary Hay,  in  McKinley's  administration,  and,  later.  Presi- 
dent Taft  were  willing  to  enter  into  arbitration  agreements 
which  would  virtually  agree  upon  the  use  of  this  method  in 
settling  all  controversies  between  the  two  countries. 

That  every  peacefully  disposed  nation  is  convinced  of 


Our  Relations  with  Other  Countries      603 

the  desirability  of  arbitration  as  a  means  of  settling  dis- 
putes is  seen  in  the  readiness  with  which  they  entered  into 
the  establishment  of  the  Hague  Court.  This  was  the  out- 
growth of  the  Hague  Peace  Conference  of  1899,  summoned 
unexpectedly  by  the  Czar  of  Russia.  The  United  States 
took  a  prominent  and  active  part  in  that  conference  and  in 
the  second  Hague  Conference  of  1907.  The  establishment 
of  the  Permanent  Court  of  International  Justice  is  a  further 
step  in  advance  in  that  its  members  are  definitely  chosen  for 
their  particular  work,  and  that  the  Court  has  regular  sessions 
for  the  consideration  of  cases  that  may  be  brought  before  it. 
The  farthest  we  have  succeeded  in  getting  the  United 
States  Senate  to  go  in  ratifying  arbitration  treaties  was  in 
1913  and  1914,  when  treaties  prepared  by  Secretary  Bryan 
with  over  thirty  countries  were  successfully  put  through. 
Mr.  Bryan's  idea  was  that  if  nations  had  time  to  think 
things  over  when  a  quarrel  was  threatened,  their  better  judg- 
ment would  cause  them  to  refrain  from  going  to  war.  In 
these  arbitration  treaties  of  his,  therefore,  the  nations  agreed 
not  to  go  to  war  until  after  an  arbitration  commission  had 
investigated  the  controversy.  It  was  provided  that  the 
report  of  such  a  commission  must  be  made  within  a  reason- 
able time. 

Do  you  think  our  wars  with  foreign  countries  could  have  been 
settled  by  arbitration?  Whose  fault  was  it  that  they  were  not? 
In  some  arbitration  treaties  it  is  provided  that  a  nation  is  not  obliged 
to  submit  to  arbitration  questions  of  national  honor  and  vital  inter- 
est. What  kind  of  controversies  would  come  under  these  heads? 
Could  this  government  safely  agree  to  arbitrate  all  questions  with 
some  countries  and  not  with  others?  Is  there  any  dispute  likely 
to  arise  between  nations  like  the  United  States,  Great  Britain,  and 
France  which  could  not  be  arbitrated?  Is  it  better  that  each  na- 
tion should  make  its  own  arbitration  treaties  with  each  other  nation 
or  that  all  peacefully  disposed  nations  should  unite  under  a  common 
plan  for  arbitration?  Is  the  world  more  anxious  for  peace  today 
than  in  1914?  1918?  1919?  Is  world  peace  nearer  now  ?  What 
is  pacifism  ?     Is  it  merely  a  negative  virtue,  if  any  ? 


604        Problems  of  American  Democracy 

291.  The  League  of  Nations.  —  Many  thoughtful  men  of 
all  parties,  in  this  country  and  elsewhere,  have  felt  that  the 
surest  way  to  prevent  war  is  to  unite  all  well-disposed  na- 
tions under  some  form  of  agreement  in  which  they  vow  to 
respect  one  another's  rights  and  cooperate  for  the  promo- 
tion of  the  peace  of  the  world.  Before  the  United  States 
went  into  the  Great  War  President  Wilson  deUvered  a 
notable  address  to  the  Senate  urging  the  establishment  of  a 
League  of  Nations,  suggesting  that  the  principle  of  the 
Monroe  Doctrine  should  be  applied  to  the  entire  world. 
In  the  making  of  the  Versailles  Peace  Treaty  the  President 
thought  he  saw  an  opportunity  to  bring  into  being  such  a 
League,  for  he  counted  on  the  f rightfulness  of  the  war  to 
make  the  people  of  all  the  world  ready  to  join  in  any  move- 
ment to  prevent  war.  He  succeeded  in  securing  as  the 
first  article  of  the  Versailles  treaty  the  Covenant  of  the 
League  of  Nations.  Though  various  influences  conspired 
to  prevent  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  by  our  Senate  in  a 
form  acceptable  to  the  President,  fifty-five  nations  have 
thus  far  become  members  of  the  League. 

The  organization  of  the  League  is  comparatively  simple. 
Every  member  may  send  delegates  to  the  Assembly,  in 
which  matters  of  international  concern  may  be  discussed 
and  in  which  every  member  may  have  one  vote,  but  action 
in  all  important  matters  must  be  unanimous.  The  execu- 
tive authority  of  the  League,  however,  is  vested  in  the  Coun- 
cil, which  in  all  important  matters  can  act  only  by  unani- 
mous vote.  Nine  nations  are  always  to  be  represented  on 
the  Council,  including  the  United  States,  the  British  Em- 
pire, France,  Italy,  and  Japan.  The  Assembly  has  added 
two  nations  to  the  original  number.  The  Secretary-General 
has  charge  of  keeping  the  records  of  the  League,  the  publica- 
tion of  treaties,  and  other  clerical  duties.  The  League's 
headquarters  are  at  Geneva.  Provision  was  also  made  for 
the  creation  of  a  Court  of  International  Justice  to  which 
nations  may  now  refer  disputes  for  settlement. 


Our  Relations  with  Other  Countries        605 

Various  provisions  in  the  League  Covenant  are  intended 
to  insure  every  nation's  making  every  reasonable  attempt 
to  settle  disagreements  peaceably.  If  a  nation  should  be- 
gin hostilities  in  violation  of  its  agreements,  or  any  nation 
not  a  member  of  the  League  attack  a  member,  the  offend- 
ing nation  is  to  suffer  an  economic  boycott  from  all  the  other 
members  of  the  League,  until  it  can  be  determined  whether 
any  further  measures  are  in  order. 

Provision  is  also  made  for  international  cooperation  for 
mutual  betterment  in  a  number  of  matters.  Existing  in- 
ternational agencies  are  to  be  brought  under  the  League 
as  far  as  possible.  No  treaties  between  members  are  to  be 
valid  until  published  by  the  Secretary-General.  Colonies 
taken  from  Germany  during  the  War  are  intrusted  to  vari- 
ous members  of  the  League  under  a  ''  mandate,"  which 
makes  these  members  responsible  for  the  administration 
of  the  colonies  and  requires  them  to  make  reports  to  the 
League  of  their  administration. 

The  League  has  suffered  considerable  criticism  for  not 
immediately  bringing  peace  to  the  world,  as  if  the  racial  ill- 
feeling  stirred  up  by  the  war  could  be  quieted  at  once  by 
the  creation  of  a  new  organization.  It  is,  of  course,  an  ex- 
periment. It  has  already  settled  some  disputes  between 
nations  and  has  shown  possibilities  of  great  service  if  the 
nations  that  compose  it  are  sincere  in  their  profession  of 
desire  for  world  peace.  Quite  likely  some  modifications  of 
the  League  Covenant  will  be  made  in  the  hope  of  inducing 
the  United  States  to  accept  membership. 

The  provision  of  the  League  Covenant  most  harshly  criticized  in 
the  United  States  was  Article  X.  Read  it  and  see  if  you  find  any- 
thing dangerous  to  the  independence  or  interests  of  the  United 
States.  What  modifications  of  the  League  Covenant,  if  any,  would 
in  your  opinion  improve  it?  If  the  leading  powers  of  Europe  saw 
nothing  in  the  League  Covenant  to  menace  their  sovereignty  or 
vital  interests,  why  need  the  United  States  have  any  worry  about 
it  ?  Would  it  have  been  better  to  have  kept  the  League  Covenant 
and  the  peace  treaty  separate  ? 


606         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

292.  How  Far  Can  We  Hope  to  Go  ?  —  President  Har- 
ding was  elected  under  such  circumstances  that  he  beheved 
the  American  people  wished  to  stay  out  of  the  League  of 
Nations.  Yet  he  and  his  Secretary  of  State,  Mr.  Hughes, 
knew  that  this  country  could  not  be  true  to  either  its  ideals 
or  its  interests  if  it  refused  to  cooperate  with  other  coun- 
tries to  prevent  war.  They  therefore  invited  the  "  princi- 
pal Allied  and  Associated  Powers  "  and  a  few  others  that 


CopyrtgM,  Keystone  View  Co. 
The  Heads  of  the  Delegations  at  the  Washington  Armament 
Conference. 

From  left  to  right  the  gentlemen  standing  are  :  Mr.  Garrett,  Secretary  of 
the  Conference ;  Dr.  Karnebeek  of  Holland ;  Dr.  Sze  of  China ;  Mr.  Balfour 
of  Great  Britain ;  Secretary  Hughes ;  Premier  Briand  of  France ;  Mr.  Schan- 
zer  of  Italy ;  Baron  de  Cartier  of  Belgium ;  Prince  Tokugawa  of  Japan ; 
Count  D'Alte  of  Portugal. 

had  interests  in  the  region  of  the  Pacific  Ocean  to  a  confer- 
ence at  Washington  to  consider  the  reduction  of  armaments 
and  the  problems  of  the  Pacific. 

At  the  opening  of  the  Conference  on  November  12,  1921, 
Mr.  Hughes  surprised  the  world  by  a  very  specific  plan  for 
the  reduction  of  the  navies  of  the  great  powers,  which  in  its 


Our  Relations  with  Other  Countries      607 

general  outline  was  accepted  by  all  the  interested  par- 
ties. A  ten-year  holiday  in  the  construction  of  big 
ships  was  agreed  upon,  and  matters  of  importance  affect- 
ing Pacific  problems  seem  to  have  been  satisfactorily  ad- 
justed. 

As  a  result  of  this  Conference  and  of  the  difficulties  at- 
tending the  Versailles  Peace  Conference,  certain  facts  ap- 
pear to  be  plain  —  some  promising,  some  disquieting  : 

The  common  people  all  over  the  world  want  peace,  but 
some  so-called  statesmen  have  learned  nothing  from  the 
horrors  of  the  last  few  years.  Some  sort  of  world  tribunal 
seems  imperative.  Presidents  Harding  and  Coolidge  recom- 
mended that  the  United  States  support  the  World  Court 
without  joining  the  League  of  Nations.  Now  that  both 
great  parties  have  endorsed  membership  in  the  Court  (June, 
1924),  we  may  look  for  definite  action  in  that  direction. 
We  have  already  reached  the  point  where  we  are  cooperating 
directly  wdth  the  League  in  a  number  of  matters,  which 
concern  the  whole  civilized  world. 

Nations  do  not  trust  one  another  sufficiently  to  permit 
at  present  the  creation  of  a  world  federation  or  superstate. 
Any  idea  that  the  League  of  Nations  is  such  is  foolish,  in 
view  of  the  requirement  of  a  unanimous  vote  in  both  the 
Council  and  Assembly  on  matters  of  policy.  No  nation 
is  willing  to  give  up  its  sovereignty.  Moreover,  there  is 
honest  disagreement  as  to  whether  such  a  superstate,  if 
possible,  would  be  desirable ;  for  cooperation  would  be 
easier  to  secure  than  consolidation,  and  would  still  allow 
each  nation  to  retain  full  control  over  its  own  destiny  and 
to  develop  its  own  powers  freely. 

Our  work,  then,  must  be  to  remove  the  causes  of  inter- 
national ill-feeling  as  far  as  possible.  We  must  urge  a  *'  for- 
give and  forget  "  policy  in  regard  to  a  nation's  past  mis- 
takes, whenever  it  shows  the  right  spirit  today.  We  must 
by  constant  conference  and  cooperation  exhibit  our  own 
frankness  and  honesty  and  good  will.     We  must  cut  down 


608         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

to  the  extreme  limit  of  safety  our  armies  and  navies,  both 
to  protect  our  own  pocket-books  and  to  remove  from 
nations  any  excuse  for  fooling  with  dangerous  weapons. 

And  '*  we  "  means  every  nation  on  the  face  of  the  earth. 
We  can  go  at  least  this  far  now.  And  we  ought  to  go  fur- 
ther as  soon  as  we  can. 

How  greatly  does  economic  distress  in  one  country  affect  another  ? 
Why  did  America  sympathize  with  starving  Europe  during  the 
War  ?     Should  we  have  any  less  sympathy  today  ? 

Does  a  high  development  of  national  spirit  promote  peace  or 
war?  Can  one  be  a  true  patriot  and  still  have  international  sym- 
pathies? Does  a  man  have  to  hate  other  women  in  order  to  love 
his  wife? 

293.  America's  Opportunity.  —  The  besetting  sin  of  many 
Americans  is  conceit.  We  are  the  richest  people  in  the 
world  and  we  advertise  the  fact.  We  have  lofty  ideals  of 
government  and  we  let  everybody  know  it.  We  have  a 
kind  of  disdain  for  the  quarrelsomeness  of  European  na- 
tions, and  are  inclined  to  think  of  many  of  them  as  on  a 
distinctly  lower  plane  of  humanity.  We  have  exhibited  in 
a  marked  degree  a  spirit  of  generosity  toward  the  sufferings 
of  the  rest  of  the  world  and  a  sympathy  with  struggle 
against  oppression.  Perhaps  if  we  can  learn  to  render  our 
good  turns  in  a  spirit  of  brotherhood  rather  than  of  charity, 
our  kind-heartedness  may  make  still  more  directly  for  the 
peace  of  the  world  and  the  uplift  of  humanity.  In  our 
trade  and  other  international  relationships  we  have  habitu- 
ally asked  only  the  opportunities  which  we  are  wilhng  that 
other  nations  should  have  —  "a  fair  field  and  no  favors." 
Particularly  is  this  exemplified  in  Secretary  Hay's  "  open 
door  "  policy  in  China,  which  brought  us  the  good  will  of 
China  and  the  respect  of  the  civilized  world. 

They  grossly  misrepresented  us  who  said  that  we  entered 
the  Great  War  simply  ''  to  save  our  own  hide."  ''  O'er 
the  seas  there  came  a  pleading  "  —  small  nations  had  suf- 
fered without  cause,  free  civihzation  was  menaced  by  mili- 


Our  Relations  with  Other  Countries        609 

tary  autocracy  —  and  this  call  touched  the  hearts  of  mil- 
lions of  Americans  far  more  deeply  than  any  considera- 
tion of  self-interest.  True  enough,  after  the  strain  of  the 
Great  War  was  over,  how  quickly  some  of  our  splendid  de- 
votion and  sacrifice  subsided !  ''  We  have  done  enough 
for  England,"  some  said.  *'  No  more  Red  Cross  for  me  — 
I  can  play  bridge  again,"  rejoiced  another.  '^  Now  I  am 
going  to  have  what  I  want;  Europe  doesn't  interest  me," 
said  a  third  group. 

Few  nations  have  so  many  opportunities  for  world  leader- 
ship as  have  been  offered  to  the  United  States.  President 
Wilson  became  the  spokesman  of  the  Allies  during  the  last 
eighteen  months  of  the  War.  Even  though  our  treatment 
of  the  Peace  Treaty  seemed  to  many  real  friends  of  America 
all  over  the  world  a  piece  of  consummate  folly,  the  nations 
were  still  delighted  to  respond  to  President  Harding's  call 
for  the  Washington  Conference.  With  American  trade 
reaching  every  part  of  the  world  and  American  ideals  of 
government  raising  aspirations  or  attaining  realization 
everywhere,  it  would  be  utmost  folly  to  fail  to  appreciate 
our  opportunity  for  leading  the  world  to  a  higher  plane  of 
policy  and  program  than  it  has  thus  far  reached.  The  very 
fact  that  we  for  so  long  kept  out  of  the  civil  quarrels  of  other 
continents  gives  us,  now  that  the  perplexities  of  one  por- 
tion of  the  world  have  become  the  perplexities  of  all,  a 
chance  and  a  duty  to  show  the  way  toward  world  peace  and 
righteousness. 

Which  of  the  ten  most  important  questions  before  the  present 
administration  are  questions  with  which  in  some  degree  Washing- 
ton had  to  deal?  Which  of  these  are  purely  domestic  questions 
and  which  involve  our  relations  with  other  countries  ?  Are  any  of 
these  questions  purely  and  solely  American  problems?  Why  is 
no  other  nation  in  exactly  the  same  position  with  reference  to  world 
leadership  as  the  United  States  ? 

For,  after  all,  every  nation  in  the  world  respects  the 
United  States,  —  its  material  greatness,  its  pohtical  princi- 


610         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

pies,  its  fundamental  ideals.  They  believe  that  John  Hay's 
diplomacy  of  teUing  the  truth  is  distinctly  American  and 
that  when  we  take  a  stand  on  any  policy  it  is  not  because 
we  have  ''an  ax  to  grind."  Not  one  of  them  cares  to  have 
the  people  of  the  United  States  think  harshly  of  its  motives 
or  purposes.  Their  desire  for  American  friendship  is  sin- 
cere, and  not  always,  by  any  means,  based  on  a  considera- 
tion of  their  own  advantage.  Surely  we  need  not  have  any 
fear  that  any  nation.  East  or  West,  white  or  yellow,  will 
deliberately  pursue  a  policy  of  hostility  toward  us.  They 
want  us  to  lead  the  way.     Are  we  going  to  disappoint  them? 

For  how  many  reasons  is  it  to  the  interest  of  European  countries 
to  keep  on  good  terms  with  the  United  States  ?  Is  there  anything 
in  the  history  of  any  of  the  countries  of  Europe  which  would  explain, 
if  it  did  not  excuse,  the  seeming  selfishness  of  their  foreign  policy? 
Has  this  country  experienced  in  its  history  the  same  kind  of  com- 
plications which  have  produced  unpleasant  relations  between  coun- 
tries of  Europe?  Has  an  American  the  right  to  think  that  we  alone 
are  inspired  in  our  foreign  affairs  by  the  desire  to  do  the  best  thing  ? 

.•.  The  great  need  of  the  world  is  better  understanding  and 
less  selfishness  among  nations.  The  reduction  of  armaments  is 
both  sound  economy  and  sound  ethics.  International  cooperation 
through  international  association  and  conference  should  be  culti- 
vated as  an  important  means  of  bringing  peace  and  good  will. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 

Famous  Writers  on  International  Law. 

The  Hague  Peace  Conferences. 

The  United  States  and  China. 

The  Opening  of  Japan. 

Armies  and  Navies  of  the  Nations  in  1914. 

The  Accomplishments  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

Obstacles  in  the  Way  of  World  Peace. 

Famous  Cases  of  Arbitration  in  Which  the  United  States  Was  In- 
terested. 

The  Monroe  Doctrine,  a  Menace  or  a  Safeguard  to  World  Peace  ? 

Resolved,  that  a  Pan-American  doctrine  maintained  jointly  by  the 
republics  of  the  New  World  should  supplant  the  Monroe  Doctrine. 


Our  Relations  with  Other  Countries       611 

The  United  States  and  Mexico  since  1911. 
Mandates  under  the  League  of  Nations. 
The  Washington  Conference. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations. 

Tufts  —  The  Real  Business  of  Living,  Chapters  41,  42. 

Haskin  —  American  Government,  Chapter  29. 

Coohdge  —  United  States  as  a  World  Power,  Chapters  10-19. 

Young  —  New  American  Government,  Chapter  12. 


THE  AMERICA  TO  BE 


We  have  been  discussing  the  problems  of  America  as  they  have 
been  and  as  they  are  today.  In  the  way  we  solve  these  problems 
we  determine  what  the  America  of  tomorrow  will  be.  What  shall 
we  do  with  our  opportunities?  What  hope  is  there  of  solving 
these  problems  rightly? 

294.  Selfishness  or  Usefulness  ?  —  In  a  book  which  most 
of  us  ought  to  know  better  than  we  do,  is  the  story  of  an 
employer  who  went  away  on  a  trip  and  turned  over  to  his 
employees  various  sums  of  money  to  be  used  in  business 
enterprise.  When  he  came  back  he  found  that  two  of  the 
three  had  used  their  money  in  such  a  way  as  to  double  it. 
One  had  simply  kept  it,  and  returned  it  unused.  Of  course, 
it  was  a  little  to  the  third  man's  credit  that  he  had  not 
squandered  the  money  left  in  his  charge,  but  he  was  sup- 
posed to  use  it  in  a  profitable  investment. 

We  noticed  at  the  beginning  of  our  study  that  the  United 
States  is  a  nation  to  which  many  talents  have  been  in- 
trusted—  natural  resources,  people  of  varied  interests  and 
capacities,  and  a  situation  that  enables  us  to  develop  our- 
selves as  far  as  any  nation  can  do  so  without  serious  danger 
from  outside  interference.  To  say  that  we  have  used  all 
these  talents  so  as  to  get  the  highest  possible  service  from 
them  would  surely  not  be  true.  But  it  has  been  well  said, 
"It  is  always  too  late  to  be  what  you  might  have  been ; 
it  is  never  too  late  to  be  what  you  may  become."  Our 
duty,  then,  is  to  go  ahead  in  the  light  of  the  experience  we 
have  gained,  and  endeavor  in  the  future  to  make  the  best 
possible  use  of  the  privileges  and  advantages  that  are  ours. 
The  fellow  who  always  says  ''  It  can't  be  done  "  is  a  nui- 
sance and  a  curse. 

612 


The  America  To  Be  613 

"  America  first "  is  a  slogan  that  has  been  uttered  many 
times  in  the  last  few  years,  particularly  since  the  war 
pointed  out  to  us  the  fact  that  America  was  not  first  in  the 
loyalty  of  some  who  are  nominally  citizens  of  the  United 
States.  *' America  first  "  in  what  sense?  By  all  means 
*'  America  first  "  in  the  loyalty  and  devotion  of  every  citi- 
zen, as  far  as  that  signifies  devotion  to  our  flag  and  our 
country  against  any  and  all  enemies.  But  ''  America  first  " 
should  not  signify  selfishness.  It  should  not  mean  that  we 
care  nothing  for  the  rest  of  humanity. 

In  our  thought  of  the  world's  needs  we  can  afford  to  re- 
member the  advantages  we  enjoy  in  comparison  to  those 
of  other  nations.  Whether  it  be  making  contributions  to 
relieve  their  suffering,  or  endeavoring  to  help  them  solve  the 
problems  that  they  have  been  unable  to  solve,  we  need  to  let 
our  doctrine  of  '^  America  first  "  expand  into  such  a  practice 
that  it  may  mean  first  in  service  as  well  as  in  privilege. 

We  are  so  bound  by  ties  of  commerce  that  the  destruc- 
tion of  one  nation's  trade  brings  disadvantage  to  every 
other  nation's  business.  A  policy  of  selfishness  in  any 
phase  of  a  nation's  activities  will  react  against  the  nation 
which  is  guilty  of  it.  It  is  a  mistaken  idea  which  makes  us 
fear  to  raise  the  standard  of  labor  in  Japan.  Whether  it 
be  in  education,  in  spiritual  enlightenment,  or  in  material 
prosperity,  the  uplift  of  one  nation  aids  every  other. 

What  is  the  motive  back  of  missionary  enterprise  in  foreign 
lands?  May  a  business  man,  trading  abroad,  be  a  missionary  of 
morals  as  well  as  of  commerce?  Does  the  policy  of  trade  restric- 
tions upon  the  products  of  other  countries  encourage  attempts  at 
international  good  will  ?  In  what  senses  was  the  Chinese  famine  in 
1920-1921  a  world  problem?  How  does  economic  distress  in  one 
country  affect  another  ? 

Make  a  clear  definition  of  Americanism, 

295.  Our  Hope  for  Solving  Our  Problems.  —  We  can 
do  things  in  two  ways  —  by  mass  action,  and  by  individual 
enterprise.     We  can  do  some  things  best  in  one  way  and 


614         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

some  in  another.  The  people  who  make  the  most  progress 
are  those  in  whom  both  forms  of  activity  are  most  widely 
developed  —  those  who  have  the  initiative  and  energy  to 
do  things  themselves,  and  those  who  know  how  to  cooperate 
with  others  to  bring  things  to  pass. 

The  following  list  of  essential  elements  of  democracy^ 
aims  to  set  forth  ideals  for  which  we  should  strive : 

(1)  Democratic  self-assertiveness  in  seeking  to  make  the 
fullest  use  of  our  talents  and  privileges  ''both  alone  and 
with  others." 

(2)  Equal  rights  and  opportunities,  since  equal  abilities 
and  achievements  are  impossible. 

(3)  Personal  responsibility  for  the  rights,  opportunities, 
and  duties  of  both  one's  self  and  others. 

(4)  Equivalent  service  as  an  obligation  upon  all  in  return 
for  benefits  received. 

(5)  Equality  through  highest  effort,  when  each  does  the 
best  he  can,  even  though  he  cannot  do  as  much  as  some 
one  else. 

(6)  Majority  rule  for  the  common  welfare  and  not  for  the 
interest  of  any  group  or  section. 

(7)  The  surrender  of  individual  rights  conflicting  with  the 
common  welfare  and  the  safeguarding  of  individual  rights 
which  do  not  conflict.  Loyalty  to  the  highest  group  to  which 
we  belong  may  justly  call  for  sacrifice  on  the  part  of  smaller 
groups.  The  advancement  of  our  club,  our  lodge,  our 
party,  our  denomination,  even  our  city  or  our  state,  must 
not  cause  us  to  disregard  the  rights  of  other  similar  groups 
or  the  general  welfare  of  all. 

(8)  Leveling  up  in  society  and  industry  instead  of  leveling 
down. 

(9)  Self-effort  essential  to  accomplishment  in  any  line. 
(10)  Democratic  compulsion  so  that  each  individual  will 


1  Paraphrased  from  a  report  of  a  committee  of  the  National  Council  of 
Education,  Professor  A.  D.  Yocum,  Chairman. 


The  America  To  Be  615 

cheerfully  submit  to  superior  wisdom  and  rightful  authority. 
Social  control  of  the  means  of  promoting  the  general  wel- 
fare is  desirable  and  necessary.  As  Professor  Young  has 
pointed  out,  we  are  getting  away  from  the  idea  that  govern- 
ment is  like  the  air,  to  be  noticed  only  when  it  is  bad.  We 
should  use  it  more  often  and  more  intelligently  every  year 
to  render  service  to  all  of  us. 

Is  a  man  to  be  blamed  or  praised  if  he  thinks  much  about  ideal 
conditions  which  could  not  be  attained  in  his  own  lifetime?  Can 
you  mention  any  characters  in  history  who  might  be  listed  as  of 
that  type?  How  were  these  treated  by  the  people  of  their  own 
day?  What  does  the  world  think  of  these  now?  Can  men  who 
are  steeped  in  customs  and  traditions  solve  the  problems  of  today? 
Can  you  get  a  fairer  view  of  public  questions  in  school  or  in  the 
world  outside? 

We  have  laid  stress  on  those  ideals  of  America  —  liberty, 
equality,  happiness,  and  democracy.  In  proportion  as 
every  individual  enjoys  the  full  benefit  of  these  ideals  to 
the  extent  that  he  can  enjoy  them,  the  nation  as  a  whole 
will  be  free  and  happy  and  democratic.  To  educate  each 
individual  citizen,  to  give  him  high  moral  standards,  to 
make  it  possible  for  him  to  develop  his  talents  to  the  high- 
est degree,  is  the  surest  way  to  make  all  our  citizens  the 
kind  of  people  that  should  constitute  an  ideal  nation.  Hav- 
ing done  this,  so  to  order  our  affairs  of  government  and  our 
relations  with  other  peoples,  as  to  promote  peace  and  order 
at  home,  good  will  among  nations,  and  establish  justice 
in  the  world,  should  be  the  aim  of  the  government  which 
represents  our  people.     It  can  be  done. 

Who  is  to  solve  the  problems  of  today  which  the  leaders 
of  today  have  not  yet  been  able  to  settle?  Who  else  than 
the  people  who  today  are  in  the  schools  of  the  United 
States,  and  who  go  the  farthest  in  the  path  of  education  and 
experience?  The  high  school  .or  college  graduate  does  not 
know  as  much  as  the  cartoonist  likes  to  represent  him  as 
thinking  he  does,  but  he  is  surely  better  qualified  than  those 


616         Problems  of  American  Democracy 

who  have  not  had  his  opportunities.  If  this  study  has 
made  it  possible  for  any  of  the  boys  and  girls  who  are  to  be 
our  future  leaders  to  do  better  the  work  that  will  come  to 
their  hands  in  years  ahead,  it  will  have  been  well  worth 
while.  In  a  remarkable  sense,  '*  the  Kingdom  of  God  is 
within  you.^' 

Are  high  school  and  college  students  in  general  willing  to  ac- 
cept responsibility  ?     Are  you  ? 

.*.  The  United  States  of  America  will  succeed  if  all  its  citizens 
develop  in  fullest  measure  their  own  talents  and  opportunities  in 
such  a  way  as  to  make  all  mankind  happier  and  better. 

SPECIAL   STUDIES 
A  Hermit  Nation. 

The  Importance  of  Leadership  in  a  Democracy. 
The  United  States  in  the  Year  2000. 

REFERENCE    READINGS 

Croly  —  The  Promise  of  American  Life. 

Bryce  —  American  Commonwealth,  Chapters  122,  123. 

Bryce  —  Modern  Democracies,  Chapter  80. 

Tufts  —  The  Real  Business  of  Living,  Chapter  40. 


APPENDIX 


APPENDIX  A 
CONSTITUTION 

OP    THE 

UNITED  STATES  OF  AMERICA 
PREAMBLE 

We  the  people  of  the  United  States,  in  order  to  form  a  more 
perfect  union,  estabUsh  justice,  insure  domestic  tranquilUty,  pro- 
vide for  the  common  defence,  promote  the  general  welfare,  and 
secure  the  blessings  of  liberty  to  ourselves  and  our  posterity,  do 
ordain  and  establish  this  Constitution  for  the  United  States  of 
America. 

ARTICLE   I.  —  LEGISLATIVE  DEPARTMENT 

Section  1.  —  Congress 

All  legislative  powers  herein  granted  shall  be  vested  in  a  Con** 
gress  of  the  United  States,  which  shall  consist  of  a  Senate  and  a 
House  of  Representatives. 

Section  2.  —  House  of  Representatives 

1.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  be  composed  of  members 
chosen  every  second  year  by  the  people  of  the  several  States,  and 
the  electors  in  each  State  shall  have  the  quaUfications  requisite  for 
electors  of  the  most  numerous  branch  of  the  State  Legislature. 

2.  No  person  shall  be  a  Representative  who  shall  not  have  at- 
tained to  the  age  of  twenty-five  years,  and  been  seven  years  a 
citizen  of  the  United  States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be 
an  inhabitant  of  that  State  in  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

1 3.  Representatives  and  direct  taxes  shall  be  apportioned  among 
the  several  States  which  may  be  included  within  this  Union,  accord- 
ing to  their  respective  numbers,  which  shall  be  determined  by  add- 


1  Modified  by  Amendment  XIV,  Section  2,  and  Amendment  XVI. 

1 


2  Appendix 

ing  to  the  whole  number  of  free  persons,  including  those  bound  to 
service  for  a  term  of  years,  and  excluding  Indians  not  taxed,  three 
fifths  of  all  other  persons.  The  actual  enumeration  shall  be  made 
within  three  years  after  the  first  meeting  of  the  Congress  of  the 
United  States,  and  within  every  subsequent  term  of  ten  years,  in 
such  manner  as  they  shall  by  law  direct.  The  number  of  Repre- 
sentatives shall  not  exceed  one  for  every  thirty  thousand,  but  each 
State  shall  have  at  least  one  representative;  and  until  such  enu- 
meration shall  be  made,  the  State  of  New  Hampshire  shall  be  en- 
titled to  choose  three,  Massachusetts  eight,  Rhode  Island  and  Provi- 
dence Plantations  one,  Connecticut  five.  New  York  six.  New  Jersey 
four,  Pennsylvania  eight,  Delaware  one,  Maryland  six,  Virginia 
ten.  North  Carolina  five,  South  Carolina  five,  and  Georgia  three. 

4.  When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  from  any  State, 
the  Executive  authority  thereof  shall  issue  writs  of  election  to  fill 
such  vacancies. 

5.  The  House  of  Representatives  shall  choose  their  Speaker  and 
other  ofl&cers ;  and  shall  have  the  sole  power  of  impeachment. 


Section  3.  —  Senate 

11.  [The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed  of  two 
Senators  from  each  State,  chosen  by  the  Legislature  thereof,  for 
six  years ;   and  each  Senator  shall  have  one  vote.] 

2.  Immediately  after  they  shall  be  assembled  in  consequence  of 
the  first  election,  they  shall  be  divided  as  equally  as  may  be  into 
three  classes.  The  seats  of  the  Senators  of  the  first  class  shall  be 
vacated  at  the  expiration  of  the  second  year,  of  the  second  class 
at  the  expiration  of  the  fourth  year,  and  of  the  third  class  at  the 
expiration  of  the  sixth  year,  so  that  one  third  may  be  chosen  every 
second  year ;  ^  [and  if  vacancies  happen  by  resignation,  or  other- 
wise, during  the  recess  of  the  Legislature  of  any  State,  the  Execu- 
tive thereof  may  make  temporary  appointments  until  the  next 
meeting  of  the  Legislature,  which  shall  then  fill  such  vacancies]. 

3.  No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  who  shall  not  have  attained  to 
the  age  of  thirty  years,  and  been  nine  years  a  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  and  who  shall  not,  when  elected,  be  an  inhabitant  of  that 
State  for  which  he  shall  be  chosen. 

4.  The  Vice-President  of  the  United  States  shall  be  President  of 
the  Senate,  but  shall  have  no  vote,  unless  they  be  equally  divided. 


1  Paragraph  1  and  the  last  part  of  paragraph  2,  in  Section  3,  have 
been  replaced  by  Amendment  XVII. 


Appendix  S 


5.  The  Senate  shall  choose  their  other  officers,  and  also  a  Presi- 
dent pro  tempore,  in  the  absence  of  the  Vice-President,  or  when  he 
shall  exercise  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States. 

6.  The  Senate  shall  have  the  sole  power  to  try  all  impeach- 
ments. When  sitting  for  that  purpose,  they  shaU  be  on  oath  or 
affirmation.  When  the  President  of  the  United  States  is  tried,  the 
Chief  Justice  shall  preside :  and  no  person  shall  be  convicted  with- 
out the  concurrence  of  two  thirds  of  the  members  present. 

7.  Judgment  in  cases  of  impeachment  shall  not  extend  further 
than  to  removal  from  office,  and  disqualification  to  hold  and  enjoy 
any  office  of  honor,  trust,  or  profit  under  the  United  States :  but 
the  party  convicted  shall  nevertheless  be  liable  and  subject  to  in- 
dictment, trial,  judgment,  and  punishment,  according  to  law. 

Section  4.  —  Elections  and  Sessions 

1.  The  times,  places,  and  maimer  of  holding  elections  for  Sena- 
tors and  Representatives  shall  be  prescribed  in  each  State  by  the 
Legislature  thereof;  but  the  Congress  may  at  any  time  by  law 
make  or  alter  such  regulations,  except  as  to  the  places  of  choosing 
Senators. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  assemble  at  least  once  in  every  year,  and 
such  meeting  shall  be  on  the  first  Monday  in  December,  unless  they 
shall  by  law  appoint  a  different  day. 

Section  5.  —  Government  and  Rules 

1.  Each  House  shall  be  the  judge  of  the  elections,  returns,  and 
qualifications  of  its  own  members,  and  a  majority  of  each  shall  con- 
stitute a  quorum  to  do  business ;  but  a  smaller  number  may  adjourn 
from  day  to  day,  and  may  be  authorized  to  compel  the  attendance 
of  absent  members,  in  such  manner,  and  under  such  penalties,  as 
each  House  may  provide. 

2.  Each  House  may  determine  the  rules  of  its  proceedings,  punish 
its  members  for  disorderly  behavior,  and,  with  the  concurrence  of 
two  thirds,  expel  a  member. 

3.  Each  House  shall  keep  a  journal  of  its  proceedings,  and  from 
time  to  time  publish  the  same,  excepting  such  parts  as  may  in  their 
judgment  require  secrecy ;  and  the  yeas  and  nays  of  the  members 
of  either  House  on  any  question  shall,  at  the  desire  of  one  fifth  of 
those  present,  be  entered  on  the  journal. 

4.  Neither  House,  during  the  session  of  Congress,  shall,  without 
the  consent  of  the  other,  adjourn  for  more  than  three  days,  nor  to 
any  other  place  than  that  in  which  the  two  Houses  shall  be  sitting. 


4  .    Appendix 


Section  6.  —  Privileges  and  Restrictions 

1.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  shall  receive  a  compen- 
sation for  their  services,  to  be  ascertained  by  law,  and  paid  out  of 
the  treasury  of  the  United  States.  They  shall  in  all  cases,  except 
treason,  felony,  and  breach  of  the  peace,  be  privileged  from  arrest 
during  their  attendance  at  the  session  of  their  respective  Houses, 
and  in  going  to  and  returning  from  the  same ;  and  for  any  speech 
or  debate  in  either  House  they  shall  not  be  questioned  in  any  other 
place.  ^ 

2.  No  Senator  or  Representative  shaU,  during  the  time  for  which 
he  was  elected,  be  appointed  to  any  civil  office  under  the  authority 
of  the  United  States,  which  shall  have  been  created,  or  the  emolu- 
ments whereof  shall  have  been  increased,  during  such  time;  and 
no  person  holding  any  office  under  the  United  States  shall  be  a 
member  of  either  House  during  his  continuance  in  office. 

Section  7.  —  Process  of  Law-making 

1.  All  bills  for  raising  revenue  shall  originate  in  the  House  of 
Representatives ;  but  the  Senate  may  propose  or  concur  with  amend- 
ments as  on  other  bills. 

2.  Every  bill  which  shall  have  passed  the  House  of  Representa- 
tives and  the  Senate  shall,  before  it  become  a  law,  be  presented  to 
the  President  of  the  United  States ;  if  he  approve  he  shall  sign  it, 
but  if  not  he  shall  return  it  with  his  objections  to  that  House  in 
which  it  shall  have  originated,  who  shall  enter  the  objections  at 
large  on  their  journal,  and  proceed  to  reconsider  it.  If  after  such 
reconsideration  two  thirds  of  that  House  shall  agree  to  pass  the 
bill,  it  shall  be  sent,  together  with  the  objections,  to  the  other 
House,  by  which  it  shall  likewise  be  reconsidered,  and,  if  approved 
by  two  thirds  of  that  House,  it  shall  become  a  law.  But  in  all  such 
cases  the  votes  of  both  Houses  shall  be  determined  by  yeas  and 
nays,  and  the  names  of  the  persons  voting  for  and  against  the  bill 
shall  be  entered  on  the  journal  of  each  House  respectively.  If  any 
bill  shall  not  be  returned  by  the  President  within  ten  days  (Sundays 
excepted)  after  it  shall  have  been  presented  to  him,  the  same  shall 
be  a  law,  in  like  manner  as  if  he  had  signed  it,  unless  the  Congress 
by  their  adjournment  prevent  its  return,  in  which  case  it  shall  not 
be  a  law. 

3.  Every  order,  resolution,  or  vote  to  which  the  concurrence  of 
the  Senate  and  House  of  .Representatives  may  be  necessary  (except 
on  a  question  of  adjournment)  shall  be  presented  to  the  President 
of  the  United  States ;   and,  before  the  same  shall  take  effect,  shall 


Appendix  5 

be  approved  by  him,  or,  being  disapproved  by  him,  shall  be  re- 
passed by  two  thirds  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives, 
according  to  the  rules  and  Umitations  prescribed  in  the  case  of  a 
bilL 

Section  8.  —  Powers  Granted  to  Congress* 

The  Congress  shall  have  power,  — 

1.  To  lay  and  collect  taxes,  duties,  imposts,  and  excises,  to  pay 
the  debts  and  provide  for  the  common  defence  and  general  welfare 
of  the  United  States ;  but  all  duties,  imposts,  and  -excises  shall  be 
uniform  throughout  the  United  States ; 

2.  To  borrow  money  on  the  credit  of  the  United  States; 

3.  To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations,  and  among  the 
several  States,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes ; 

4.  To  estabUsh  a  uniform  rule  of  naturalization,  and  uniform 
laws  on  the  subject  of  bankruptcies  throughout  the  United  States ; 

5.  To  coin  money,  regulate  the  value  thereof,  and  of  foreign 
coin,  and  fix  the  standard  of  weights  and  measures ; 

6.  To  provide  for  the  punishment  of  counterfeiting  the  securi- 
ties and  current  coin  of  the  United  States ; 

7.  To  estabhsh  post-offices  and  post-roads ; 

8.  To  promote  the  progress  of  science  and  useful  arts,  by  secur- 
ing for  hmited  times  to  authors  and  inventors  the  exclusive  right 
to  their  respective  writings  and  discoveries ; 

9.  To  constitute  tribunals  inferior  to  the  Supreme  Court ; 

10.  To  define  and  punish  piracies  and  felonies  committed  on  the 
high  seas,  and  offences  against  the  law  of  nations ; 

11.  To  declare  war,  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  and 
make  rules  concerning  captures  on  land  and  water; 

12.  To  raise  and  support  armies,  but  no  appropriation  of  money 
to  that  use  shall  be  for  a  longer  term  than  two  years; 

13.  To  provide  and  maintain  a  navy ; 

14.  To  make  rules  for  the  government  and  regulation  of  the  land 
and  naval  forces ; 

15.  To  provide  for  calHng  forth  the  militia  to  execute  the  laws  of 
the  Union,  suppress  insurrections,  and  repel  invasions ; 

16.  To   provide  for   organizing,   arming,   and   discipUning   the 


1  Additional  powers  of  Congress  are  mentioned  in  Art.  /,  Sect.  2, 
par.  3 ;  Sect.  4,  par.  1 ;  Sect.  6,  par.  1 ;  Art.  II,  Sect.  1,  pars.  4,  6 ; 
Art.  Ill,  Sect.  2,  pars.  2,  3 ;  Sect.  3,  par.  2 ;  Art.  I V,  Sect.  1 ;  Sect.  3, 
pars.  1,  2;  Art.  V;  Amendment  XIII,  Sect.  2;  Amendment  XIV, 
Sects.  2,  3,  5;  Amendment  XV^  Sect.  2;  Amendment  XVI. 


6  Appendix 

militia,  and  for  governing  such  part  of  them  as  may  be  employed 
in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  reserving  to  the  States  respec- 
tively, the  appointment  of  the  officers,  and  the  authority  of  train- 
ing the  miUtia  according  to  the  disciphne  prescribed  by  Congress ; 

17.  To  exercise  exclusive  legislation,  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  over 
such  district  (not  exceeding  ten  miles  square)  as  may,  by  cession  of 
particular  States,  and  the  acceptance  of  Congress,  become  the  seat 
of  the  government  of  the  United  States;  and  to  exercise  hke  au- 
thority over  aU  places  purchased  by  the  consent  of  the  Legislature 
of  the  State  in  which  the  same  shall  be,  for  the  erection  of  forts, 
magazines,  arsenals,  dock-yards,  and  other  needful  buildings ;  — 
and 

18.  To  make  all  laws  which  shall  be  necessary  and  proper  for 
carrying  into  execution  the  foregoing  powers,  and  all  other  powers 
vested  by  this  Constitution  in  the  government  of  the  United  States, 
or  in  any  department  or  officer  thereof. 

Section  9.  —  Powers  Denied  to  Congress  ^ 

1.  The  migration  or  importation  of  such  persons  as  any  of  the 
States  now  existing  shall  think  proper  to  admit,  shall  not  be  pro- 
hibited by  the  Congress  prior  to  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hun- 
dred and  eight,  but  a  tax  or  duty  may  be  imposed  on  such  impor- 
tation, not  exceeding  ten  dollars  for  each  person. 

2.  The  privilege  of  the  writ  of  habeas  corpus  shall  not  be  sus- 
pended, unless  when  in  cases  of  rebelhon  or  invasion  the  pubho 
safety  may  require  it. 

3.  No  bill  of  attainder  or  ex  post  facto  law  shall  be  passed. 

*  4.  No  capitation  or  other  direct  tax  shall  be  laid,  unless  in  pro- 
portion to  the  census  or  enumeration  herein  before  directed  to  be 
taken. 

5.  No  tax  or  duty  shall  be  laid  on  articles  exported  from  any 
State. 

6.  No  preference  shall  be  given  by  any  regulation  of  commerce 
or  revenue  to  the  ports  of  one  State  over  those  of  another ;  nor  shall 
vessels  bound  to,  or  from,  one  State,  be  obhged  to  enter,  clear,  or 
pay  duties  in  another. 

7.  No  money  shall  be  drawn  from  the  treasury,  but  in  conse- 
quence of  appropriations  made  by  law;    and  a  regular  statement 


1  Amendments  I  to  X  are  also,  directly  or  indirectly,  limitations 
on  the  powers  of  Congress. 

*  Modified  by  Amendment  XVI. 


Appendix  7 

and  account  of  the  receipts  and  expenditures  of  all  public  money 
shall  be  published  from  time  to  time. 

8.  No  title  of  nobihty  shall  be  granted  by  the  United  States; 
and  no  person  holding  any  office  of  profit  or  trust  under  them  shall, 
without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  accept  of  any  present,  emolu- 
ment, office,  or  title,  of  any  kind  whatever,  from  any  king,  prince, 
or  foreign  state. 

Section  10.  —  Powers  Denied  to  the  States  ^ 

1.  No  State  shall  enter  into  any  treaty,  aUianee,  or  confedera- 
tion ;  grant  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal ;  coin  money ;  emit  bills 
of  credit ;  make  anything  but  gold  and  silver  coin  a  tender  in  pay- 
ment of  debts ;  pass  any  bill  of  attainder,  ex  post  facto  law,  or  law 
impairing  the  obhgation  of  contracts,  or  grant  any  title  of  nobihty. 

2.  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  the  Congress,  lay  any 
imposts  or  duties  on  imports  or  exports,  except  what  may  be  abso- 
lutely necessary  for  executing  its  inspection  laws;  and  the  net 
produce  of  all  duties  and  imposts,  laid  by  any  State  on  imports  or 
exports,  shall  be  for  the  use  of  the  treasury  of  the  United  States ; 
and  all  such  laws  shall  be  subject  to  the  revision  and  control  of  the 
Congress. 

3.  No  State  shall,  without  the  consent  of  Congress,  lay  any 
duty  of  tonnage,  keep  troops  or  ships  of  war  in  time  of  peace,  enter 
into  any  agreement  or  compact  with  another  State,  or  with  a  for- 
eign power,  or  engage  in  war,  unless  actually  invaded,  or  in  such 
imminent  danger  as  will  not  admit  of  delay. 

ARTICLE   II.  —  EXECUTIVE   DEPARTMENT 
Section  1.  —  The  President  :    Election  and  Qualifications 

1.  The  executive  power  shall  be  vested  in  a  President  of  the 
United  States  of  America.  He  shall  hold  his  office  during  the  term 
of  four  years,  and,  together  with  the  Vice-President,  chosen  for  the 
same  term,  be  elected  as  follows :  — 

2.  Each  State  shall  appoint,  in  such  manner  as  the  Legislature 
thereof  may  direct,  a  number  of  Electors  equal  to  the  whole  num- 
ber of  Senators  and  Representatives  to  which  the  State  may  be 
entitled  in  the  Congress:  but  no  Senator  or  Representative,  or 
person  holding  an  office  of  trust  or  profit  under  the  United  States, 
shall  be  appointed  an  Elector. 


1  Supplemented  by  Amendments  XIV  and  XV, 


8  Appendix 

*  3.  [The  Electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote 
by  ballot  for  two  persons,  of  whom  one  at  least  shall  not  be  an  in- 
habitant of  the  same  State  with  themselves.  And  they  shall  make 
a  list  of  all  the  persons  voted  for,  and  of  the  number  of  votes  for 
each ;  which  Ust  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed  to 
the  seat  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the 
President  of  the  Senate.  The  President  of  the.Senate  shall,  in  the 
presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the 
certificates,  and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted.  The  person  hav- 
ing the  greatest  number  of  votes  shall  be  the  President,  if  such 
number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  Electors  appointed ; 
and  if  there  be  more  than  one  who  have  such  majority,  and  have  an 
equal  number  of  votes,  then  the  House  of  Representatives  shall 
immediately  choose  by  ballot  one  of  them  for  President ;  and  if  no 
person  have  a  majority,  then  from  the  five  highest  on  the  list  the 
said  House  shall  in  like  manner  choose  the  President.  But  in 
choosing  the  President,  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States,  the 
representation' from  each  State  having  one  vote ;  a  quorum  for  this 
purpose  shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two  thirds  of 
the  States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  necessary  to  a 
choice.  In  every  case,  after  the  choice  of  the  President,  the  per- 
son having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  of  the  Electors  shall  be 
the  Vice-President.  But  if  there  should  remain  two  or  more  who 
have  equal  votes,  the  Senate  shall  choose  from  them  by  ballot  the 
Vice-President.] 

4.  Congress  may  determine  the  time  of  choosing  the  Electors, 
and  the  day  on  which  they  shall  give  their  votes ;  which  day  shall 
be  the  same  throughout  the  United  States. 

5.  No  person  except  a  natural-born  citizen,  or  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States  at  the  time  of  the  adoption  of  this  Constitution,  shall 
be  eligible  to  the  office  of  President ;  neither  shall  any  person  be 
eligible  to  that  office  who  shall  not  have  attained  to  the  age  of 
thirty-five  years,  and  been-  fourteen  years  a  resident  within  the 
United  States. 

6.  In  case  of  the  removal  of  the  President  from  office,  or  of  his 
death,  resignation,  or  inabiHty  to  discharge  the  powers  and'duties 
of  the  said  office,  the  same  shall  devolve  on  the  Vice-President,  and 
the  Congress  may  by  law  provide  for  the  case  of  removal,  death, 
resignation,  or  inabihty,  both  of  the  President  and  Vice-President, 
declaring  what  officer  shall  then  act  as  President,  and  such  officer 
shall  aot  accordingly,  until  the  disabiUty  be  removed,  or  a  Presi- 
dent shall  be  elected. 


1  Replaced  by  Amendment  XII. 


Appendix  9 

7.  The  President  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  his  services  a 
oompensation,  which  shall  neither  be  increased  nor  diminished 
during  the  period  for  which  he  shall  have  been  elected,  and  he  shall 
not  receive  within  that  period  any  other  emolument  from  the 
United  States,  or  any  of  them. 

8.  Before  he  enter  on  the  execution  of  his  office,  he  shall  take 
the  following  oath  or  affirmation:  —  *'I  do  solemnly  swear  (or 
affirm)  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States,  and  will,  to  the  best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect, 
and  defend  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States." 

Section  2.  —  Powers  of  the  President 

1.  The  President  shall  be  commander-in-chief  of  the  army  and 
navy  of  the  United  States,  and  of  the  militia  of  the  several  States, 
when  called  into  the  actual  service  of  the  United  States;  he  may 
require  the  opinion,  in  writing,  of  the  principal  officer  in  each  of 
the  executive  departments,  upon  any  subject  relating  to  the  duties 
of  their  respective  offices,  and  he  shall  have  power  to  grant  reprieves 
and  pardons  for  offences  against  the  United  States,  except  in  cases 
of  impeachment. 

2.  He  shall  have  power,  by  and  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  the 
Senate,  to  make  treaties,  provided  two  thirds  of  the  Senators  present 
concur;  and  he  shall  nominate,  and,  by  and  with  the  advice  and 
consent  of  the  Senate,  shall  appoint  ambassadors,  other  public 
ministers,  and  consuls,  judges  of  the  Supreme  Court,  and  all  other 
officers  of  the  United  States,  whose  appointments  are  not  herein 
otherwise  provided  for,  and  which  shall  be  established  by  law ;  but 
the  Congress  may  by  law  vest  the  appointment  of  such  inferior 
officers,  as  they  think  proper,  in  the  President  alone,  in  the  courts 
of  law,  or  in  the  heads  of  departments. 

3.  The  President  shall  have  power  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  that  may 
happen  during  the  recess  of  the  Senate,  by  granting  commissions 
which  shall  expire  at  the  end  of  their  next  session. 

Section  3.  —  Duties  op  the  President 

He  shall  from  time  to  time  give  to  the  Congress  information  of 
the  state  of  the  Union,  and  recommend  to  their  consideration  such 
measures  as  he  shall  judge  necessary  and  expedient;  he  may,  on 
extraordinary  occasions,  convene  both  Houses,  or  either  of  them, 
and  in  case  of  disagreement  between  them,  with  respect  to  the 
time  of  adjournment,  he  may  adjourn  them  to  such  time  as  he 
ahall  think  proper ;  he  shall  receive  ambassadors  and  other  public 


10  Appendix 

ministers ;  he  shall  take  care  that  the  laws  be  faithfully  execated, 
and  shall  commission  all  the  officers  of  the  United  States. 

Section  4.  —  Removal  of  Officials 

The  President,  Vice-President,  and  aU  civil  officers  of  the  United 
States,  shall  be  removed  from  office  on  impeachment  for,  and  con- 
viction of,  treason,  bribery,  or  other  high  crimes  and  misdemeanors. 


ARTICLE   III.  —  JUDICIAL  DEPARTMENT 
Section  1.  —  Courts  and  Judges 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  be  vested  in  one 
Supreme  Court,  and  in  such  inferior  courts  as  the  Congress  may 
from  time  to  time  ordain  and  estabUsh.  The  judges,  both  of  the 
Supreme  and  inferior  courts,  shall  hold  their  offices  during  good 
behavior,  and  shall,  at  stated  times,  receive  for  their  services  a  com- 
pensation, which  shall  not  be  diminished  during  their  continuance 
in  office. 

Section  2.  —  Jurisdiction  and  Methods 

,  1.  The  judicial  power  shaU  extend  to  all  cases,  in  law  and  equity, 
arising  under  this  Constitution,  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  and 
treaties  made,  or  which  shall  be  made,  under  their  authority;  to 
all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  pubUc  ministers,  and  consuls ; 
to  all  cases  of  admiralty  and  maritime  jurisdiction ;  to  controversies 
to  which  the  United  States  shall  be  a  party;  to  controversies 
between  two  or  more  States,  between  a  State  and  citizens  of  an- 
other State,  1  between  citizens  of  different  States,  between  citizens 
of  the  same  State  claiming  lands  under  grants  of  different  States, 
and  between  a  State,  or  the  citizens  thereof,  and  foreign  states, 
citizens,  or  subjects. 

2.  In  all  cases  affecting  ambassadors,  other  public  ministers,  and 
consuls,  and  those  in  which  a  State  shall  be  party,  the  Supreme 
Court  shall  have  original  jurisdiction.  In  all  the  other  cases  before 
mentioned,  the  Supreme  Court  shall  have  appellate  jurisdiction, 
both  as  to  law  and  fact,  with  such  exceptions,  and  under  such  regu- 
lations, as  the  Congress  shall  make. 

S.  The  trial  of  all  crimes,  except  in  cases  of  impeachment,  shall 
be  by  jury ;  and  such  trial  shall  be  held  in  the  State  where  the  said 
crimes  shall  have  been  committed ;  but  when  not  committed  within 


Modified  by  Amendment  XI. 


Appendix  11 

any  State,  the  trial  shall  be  at  such  place  or  places  as  the  Congress 
may  by  law  have  directed. 

Section  3.  —  Treason 

1.  Treason  against  the  United  States  shall  consist  only  in  levying 
•war  against  them,  or  in  adhering  to  their  enemies,  giving  them  aid 
and  comfort.  No  person  shall  be  convicted  of  treason  unless  on  the 
testimony  of  two  witnesses  to  the  same  overt  act,  or  on  confession 
m  open  court. 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  declare  the  punishment  of 
treason,  but  no  attainder  of  treason  shall  work  corruption  of  blood, 
or  forfeiture,  except  during  the  Hfe  of  the  person  attainted. 


ARTICLE   IV.  — STATE   RELATIONS 

Section  1.  —  Public  Acts 

Full  faith  and  credit  shall  be  given  in  each  State  to  the  publio 
acts,  records,  and  judicial  proceedings  of  every  other  State.  And 
the  Congress  may  by  general  laws  prescribe  the  manner  in  which 
such  acts,  records,  and  proceedings  shall  be  proved,  and  the  effect 
thereof. 

Section  2.  —  Rights  and  Restrictions  op  Individuals 

1.  The  citizens  of  each  State  shall  be  entitled  to  all  privileges  and 
immunities  of  citizens  in  the  several  States. 

2.  A  person  charged  in  any  State  with  treason,  felony,  or  other 
crime,  who  shall  flee  from  justice,  and  be  found  in  another  State, 
shall,  on  demand  of  the  executive  authority  of  the  State  from  which 
he  fled,  be  delivered  up,  to  be  removed  to  the  State  having  juris- 
diction of  the  crime. 

3.  No  person  held  to  service  or  labor  in  one  State,  under  the  laws 
thereof,  escaping  into  another,  shall,  in  consequence  of  any  law  or 
regulation  therein,  be  discharged  from  such  service  or  labor,  but 
shall  be  delivered  up  on  claim  of  the  party  to  whom  such  service  or 
labor  may  be  due. 

Section  3.  —  New  States  and  National  Possessions 

1.  New  States  may  be  admitted  by  the  Congress  into  this  Union ; 
but  no  New  State  shall  be  formed  or  erected  within  the  jurisdiction 
of  any  other  State ;  nor  any  State  be  formed  by  the  junction  of 
two  or  more  States,  or  parts  of  States,  without  the  consent  of  the 
Legislatures  of  the  States  concerned,  as  well  as  of  the  Congress. 


1^  Appendix 

2.  The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  dispose  of  and  make  all 
needful  rules  and  regulations  respecting  the  territory  or  other 
property  belonging  to  the  United  States ;  and  nothing  in  this  Con- 
stitution shall  be  so  construed  as  to  prejudice  any  claims  of  the 
United  States,  or  of  any  particular  State. 

Section  4.  —  Protection  op  States 

The  United  States  shall  guarantee  to  every  State  in  this  Union 
a  repubHcan  form  of  government,  and  shall  protect  each  of  them 
against  invasion;  and  on  application  of  the  Legislature,  or  of  the 
Executive  (when  the  Legislature  can  not  be  convened),  against 
domestic  violence. 

ARTICLE  v.  — AMENDMENT 

The  Congress,  whenever  two  thirds  of  both  houses  shall  deem  it 
necessary,  shall  propose  amendments  to  this  Constitution,  or,  on 
the  application  of  the  Legislatures  of  two  thirds  of  the  several 
States,  shall  call  a  convention  for  proposing  amendments,  which, 
In  either  case,  shall  be  valid  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  as  part  of 
this  Constitution,  when  ratified  by  the  Legislatures  of  three  fourths 
of  the  several  States,  or  by  conventions  in  three  fourths  thereof,  as 
the  one  or  the  other  mode  of  ratification  may  be  proposed  by  the 
Congress ;  provided  that  no  amendment  which  may  be  made  prior 
to  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  eight  shall  in  any  man- 
ner affect  the  first  and  fourth  clauses  in  the  ninth  section  of  the  first 
article ;  and  that  no  State,  without  its  consent,  shall  be  deprived  of 
its  equal  suffrage  in  the  Senate. 

ARTICLE    VI.  — AUTHORITY    OF    THE    CONSTITUTION 

1.  All  debts  contracted  and  engagements  entered  into,  before 
the  adoption  of  this  Constitution  shall  be  as  vahd  against  the  United 
States  under  this  Constitution  as  under  the  Confederation.' 

2.  This  Constitution,  and  the  laws  of  the  United  States  which 
shall  be  made  in  pursuance  thereof,  and  all  treaties  made,  or  which 
shall  be  made,  under  the  authority  of  the  United  States,  shall  be  the 
supreme  law  of  the  land;  and  the  judges  in  every  State  shall  be 
bound  thereby,  anything  in  the  constitution  or  laws  of  any  State  to 
the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

3.  The  Senators  and  Representatives  before  mentioned,  and  the 
members  of  the  several  State  Legislatures,  and  all  executive  and 
judicial  officers,  both  of  the  United  States  and  of  the  several  States, 
shall  be  bound  by  oath  or  affirmation  to  support  tJiis  Constitution ; 


Appendix  13 

but  no  religious  test  shall  ever  be  required  as  a  qualification  to  any 
office  or  public  trust  under  the  United  States. 


ARTICLE   VII.  —  RATIFICATION 

The  ratification  of  the  conventions  of  nine  States  shall  be  suffi- 
cient for  the  establishment  of  this  Constitution  between  the  States 
so  ratifying  the  same. 

Done  in  Convention,  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the  States 
present,  the  seventeenth  day  of  September,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  one  thousand  seven  hundred  and  eighty-seven,  and  of 
the  Independence  of  the  United  States  of  America  the  twelfth. 
In  Witness  whereof  we  have  hereunto  subscribed  our  names. 

Go :  Washington, 
Presidt.  and  Deputy  from  Virginia, 
[and  thirty-eight  other  delegates.] 


ARTICLES 

IN  ADDITION  TO,  AND  AMENDMENT  OF, 

THE  CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  OF 

AMERICA 

ARTICLE   L  — PERSONAL  FREEDOM  i 

Congress  shall  make  no  law  respecting  an  estabhshment  of  re- 
ligion, or  prohibiting  the  free  exercise  thereof;  or  abridging  the 
freedom  of  speech,  or  of  the  press,  or  the  right  of  the  people  peace- 
ably to  assemble,  and  to  petition  the  government  for  a  redress  of 
grievances. 

ARTICLE  IL  — KEEPING  AND  BEARING  ARMSi 

A  well  regulated  mihtia  being  necessary  to  the  security  of  a  free 
state,  the  right  of  the  people  to  keep  and  bear  arms  shall  not  be 
infringed. 

ARTICLE   in.  —  QUARTERING   TROOPS  i 

No  soldier  shall,  in  time  of  peace,  be  quartered  in  any  house, 
without  the  consent  of  the  owner,  nor  in  time  of  war,  but  in  a 
manner  to  be  prescribed  by  law. 


14  Appendix 

ARTICLE   IV.  — SECURITY   OF   THE   HOME  i 

The  right  of  the  people  to  be  secure  in  their  persons,  houses, 
papers,  and  effects,  against  unreasonable  searches  and  seizures,  shall 
not  be  violated,  and  no  warrants  shall  issue  but  upon  probable  cause, 
supported  by  oath  or  affirmation,  and  particularly  describing  the 
place  to  be  searched,  and  the  persons  or  things  to  be  seized. 

ARTICLE  v.  — SECURITY  AGAINST  THE  GOVERNMENT  i 

No  person  shall  be  held  to  answer  for  a  capital,  or  otherwise  in- 
famous crime,  unless  on  a  presentment  or  indictment  of  a  grand 
jury,  except  in  cases  arising  in  the  land  or  naval  forces,  or  in  the 
miUtia,  when  in  actual  service  in  time  of  war  or  public  danger ;  nor 
shall  any  person  be  subject  for  the  same  offence  to  be  tmce  put  in 
jeopardy  of  life  or  Umb;  nor  shall  be  compelled  in  any  criminal 
case  to  be  a  witness  against  himself,  nor  be  deprived  of  life,  liberty, 
or  property,  without  due  process  of  law ;  nor  shall  private  property 
be  taken  for  pubUc  use  without  just  compensation. 

ARTICLE  VI.  — RIGHTS  OF  PERSONS  ACCUSED  OF 
CRIME  1 

In  all  criminal  prosecutions,  the  accused  shall  enjoy  the  right  to 
a  speedy  and  pubhc  trial,  by  an  impartial  jury  of  the  State  and  dis- 
trict wherein  the  crime  shall  have  been  committed,  which  district 
shall  have  been  previously  ascertained  by  law,  and  to  be  informed 
of  the  nature  and  cause  of  the  accusation ;  to  be  confronted  with 
the  witnesses  against  him ;  to  have  compulsory  process  for  obtain- 
ing witnesses  in  his  favor,  and  to  have  the  assistance  of  counsel  for 
his  defence. 

ARTICLE  VIL  — JURY  TRIAL  IN  CIVIL  CASES  i 

In  suits  at  common  law,  where  the  value  in  controversy  shall 
exceed  twenty  dollars,  the  right  of  trial  by  jury  shall  be  preserved, 
and  no  fact  tried  by  a  jury  shall  be  otherwise  re-examined  in  any 
court  of  the  United  States,  than  according  to  the  rules  of  the  com- 
mon law. 

ARTICLE  VIIL  — BAIL  AND  PUNISHMENTS » 

Excessive  bail  shall  not  be  required,  nor  excessive  fines  imposed, 
nor  cruel  and  unusual  punishments  inflicted. 


Appendix  15 


ARTICLE    IX.  — UNMENTIONED   RIGHTS  i 

The  enumeration  in  the  Constitution  of  certain  rights  shall  not 
be  construed  to  deny  or  disparage  others  retained  by  the  people. 

ARTICLE   X.  — POWERS   RESERVED   TO   THE   STATES  ^ 

The  powers  not  delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, nor  prohibited  by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the  States 
respectively,  or  to  the  people. 

ARTICLE   XL  — SUITS  AGAINST   STATES  2 

The  judicial  power  of  the  United  States  shall  not  be  construed 
to  extend  to  any  suit  in  law  or  equity,  commenced  or  prosecuted 
against  one  of  the  United  States  by  citizens  of  another  State,  or  by 
citizens  or  subjects  of  any  foreign  state. 

ARTICLE  XII.  —  ELECTION  OF  PRESIDENT  AND  VICE- 
PRESIDENT  3 

The  Electors  shall  meet  in  their  respective  States,  and  vote  by 
ballot  for  President  and  Vice-President,  one  of  whom,  at  least, 
shall  not  be  an  inhabitant  of  the  same  State  with  themselves ;  they 
shall  name  in  their  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  President,  and  in 
distinct  ballots  the  person  voted  for  as  Vice-President ;  and  they 
shall  make  distinct  hsts  of  all  persons  voted  for  as  President,  and  of 
all  persons  voted  for  as  Vice-President,  and  of  the  number  of  votes 
for  each,  which  Usts  they  shall  sign  and  certify,  and  transmit  sealed 
to  the  seat  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  directed  to  the 
President  of  the  Senate ;  —  the  President  of  the  Senate  shall,  in  the 
presence  of  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives,  open  all  the 
certificates,  and  the  votes  shall  then  be  counted ;  —  the  person 
having  the  greatest  number  of  votes  for  President  shall  be  the 
President,  if  such  number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of 
Electors  appointed;  and  if  no  person  have  such  majority,  then 
from  the  persons  having  the  highest  numbers  not  exceeding  three 
on  the  hst  of  those  voted  for  as  President,  the  House  of  Represen- 


1  Amendments  I  to  X  were  proposed  by  Congress  in  1789.  After 
ratification  by  the  states  they  were  proclaimed  by  the  Secretary  of 
State  to  be  in  force,  1791. 

2  Proposed,  1794,  proclaimed  in  force,  1798. 
'  Proposed,  1803,  proclaimed  in  force,  1804. 


16  Appendix 

tatives  shall  choose  immediately,  by  ballot,  the  President.  But  in 
choosing  the  President,  the  votes  shall  be  taken  by  States,  the  repre- 
sentation from  each  State  having  one  vote ;  a  quorum  for  this  pur- 
pose shall  consist  of  a  member  or  members  from  two  thirds  of  the 
States,  and  a  majority  of  all  the  States  shall  be  necessary  to  a  choice. 
And  if  the  House  of  Representatives  shall  not  choose  a  President, 
whenever  the  right  of  choice  shall  devolve  upon  them,  before  the 
fourth  day  of  March  next  following,  then  the  Vice-President  shall 
act  as  President,  as  in  the  case  of  the  death  or  other  constitutional 
disabiUty  of  the  President.  The  person  having  the  greatest  num- 
ber of  votes  as  Vice-President  shall  be  the  Vice-President,  if  such 
number  be  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  of  Electors  appointed, 
and  if  no  person  have  a  majority,  then  from  the  two  highest  num- 
bers on  the  Kst  the  Senate  shall  choose  the  Vice-President;  a 
quorum  for  the  purpose  shall  consist  of  two  thirds  of  the  whole 
number  of  Senators,  and  a  majority  of  the  whole  number  shall  be 
necessary  to  a  choice.  But  no  person  constitutionally  ineligible  to 
the  ofi&ce  of  President  shall  be  eligible  to  that  of  Vice-President  of 
the  United  States. 

ARTICLE  XIII.  —  SLAVERY  1 
Section  1.  —  Prohibition 

Neither  slavery  nor  involuntary  servitude,  except  as  a  punish- 
ment for  crime  whereof  the  party  shall  have  been  duly  convicted, 
shall  exist  within  the  United  States,  or  any  place  subject  to  their 
jurisdiction. 

Section  2.  —  Enforcement 

Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appropriate 
legislation. 

ARTICLE    XIV.  — CIVIL    AND    POLITICAL    RIGHTS    OF 
CITIZENS  2 

Section  1.  —  Citizens  and  Their  Rights 

All  persons  born  or  naturahzed  in  the  United  States,  and  subject 
to  the  jurisdiction  thereof,  are  citizens  of  the  United  States  and  of 
the  State  wherein  they  reside.  No  State  shall  make  or  enforce 
any  law  which  shall  abridge  the  privileges  or  immunities  of  citizens 
of  the  United  States;   nor  shall  any  State  deprive  any  person  of 


1  Proposed  and  proclaimed  in  force,  1865. 
'Proposed,  1866,  proclaimed  in  force,  1868. 


Appendix  17 

life,  liberty,  or  property,  without  due  process  of  law ;  nor  deny  to 
any  person  within  its  jurisdiction  the  equal  protection  of  the  laws. 

Section  2.  —  Apportionment  of  Representatives 

Representatives  shall  be  apportioned  among  the  several  States 
according  to  their  respective  numbers,  counting  the  whole  num- 
ber of  persons  in  each  State,  excluding  Indians  not  taxed.  But 
when  the  right  to  vote  at  any  election  for  the  choice  of  Electors 
for  President  and  Vice-President  of  the  United  States,  Represen- 
tatives in  Congress,  the  executive  and  judicial  officers  of  a  State, 
or  the  members  of  the  Legislature  thereof,  is  denied  to  any  of  the 
male  inhabitants  of  such  State,  being  twenty-one  years  of  age  and 
citizens  of  the  United  States,  or  in  any  way  abridged,  except  for 
participation  in  rebellion  or  other  crime,  the  basis  of  representation 
therein  shall  be  reduced  in  the  proportion  which  the  number  of 
such  male  citizens  shall  bear  to  the  whole  number  of  male  citizens 
twenty-one  years  of  age  in  such  State. 

Section  3.  —  Loss  of  Political  Privileges 

No  person  shall  be  a  Senator  or  Representative  in  Congress,  or 
Elector  of  President  and  Vice-President,  or  hold  any  office,  civil  or 
military,  under  the  United  States,  or  under  any  State,  who,  having 
previously  taken  an  oath,  as  a  member  of  Congress,  or  as  an  officer 
of  the  United  States,  or  as  a  member  of  any  State  Legislature,  or 
as  an  executive  or  judicial  officer  of  any  State,  to  support  the  Con- 
stitution of  the  United  States,  shall  have  engaged  in  insurrection 
or  rebellion  against  the  same,  or  given  aid  or  comfort  to  the  enemies 
thereof.  But  Congress  may,  by  a  vote  of  two  thirds  of  each  House, 
remove  such  disabiUty. 

Section  4.  —  Public  Debt 

The  validity  of  the  pubHc  debt  of  the  United  States,  authorized 
by  law,  including  debts  incurred  for  payment  of  pensions  and 
bounties  for  services  in  suppressing  insurrection  or  rebelHon,  shall 
not  be  questioned.  But  neither  the  United  States,  nor  any  State 
shall  assume  or  pay  any  debt  or  obligation  incurred  in  aid  of  insur- 
rection or  rebeUion  against  the  United  States,  or  any  claim  for  the 
loss  or  emancipation  of  any  slave ;  but  all  such  debts,  obUgations, 
and  claims  shall  be  held  illegal  and  void. 

Section  5.  —  Enforcement 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce,  by  appropriate  legis- 
lation, the  provisions  of  this  article. 


18  Appendix 


ARTICLE  XV.  — RIGHT   OF  SUFFRAGE  » 

Section  1.  —  Negro  Suffrage 

The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  be 
denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States,  or  by  any  State,  on  account 
of  race,  color,  or  previous  condition  of  servitude. 

Section  2.  —  Enforcement 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appro- 
priate legislation. 

ARTICLE   XVI  — INCOME   TAXES* 

The  Congress  shall  have  power  to  lay  and  collect  taxes  on  in- 
comes, from  whatever  source  derived,  without  apportionment 
among  the  several  States,  and  without  regard  to  any  census  or 
enumeration. 

ARTICLE   XVII  —  ELECTION   OF   SENATORS  a 

1.  The  Senate  of  the  United  States  shall  be  composed  of  two 
Senators  from  each  State,  elected  by  the  people  thereof,  for  six 
years ;  and  each  Senator  shall  have  one  vote.  The  electors  in  each 
State  shall  have  the  qualifications  requisite  for  electors  of  the  most 
numerous  branch  of  the  State  legislatures. 

2.  When  vacancies  happen  in  the  representation  of  any  State  in 
the  Senate,  the  executive  authority  of  such  State  shall  issue  writs 
of  election  to  fill  such  vacancies :  Provided,  that  the  Legislature  of 
any  State  may  empower  the  executive  thereof  to  make  temporary 
appointment  until  the  people  fill  the  vacancies  by  election  as  the 
Legislature  may  direct. 

3.  This  amendment  shall  not  be  so  construed  as  to  affect  the 
election  or  term  of  any  Senator  chosen  before  it  becomes  valid  as 
part  of  the  Constitution. 

ARTICLE  XVIII  —  INTOXICATING  LIQUORS* 
Section  1.  —  Prohibition 
After  one  year  from  the  ratification  of  this  article  the  manu- 
facture, sale,  or  transportation  of  intoxicating  hquors  within,  the 

1  Proposed,  1869,  proclaimed  in  force,  1870. 
'  Proposed,  1909,  proclaimed  in  force,  1913. 

*  Proposed,  1912,  proclaimed  in  force,  1913. 

*  Proposed,  1917,  proclaimed  in  force,  1919. 


Appendix  19 

importation  thereof  into,  or  the  exportation  thereof  from  the 
United  States  and  all  territory  subject  to  the  jurisdiction  thereof, 
for  beverage  purposes,  is  hereby  prohibited. 

Section  2.  —  Enforcement 

The  Congress  and  the  several  States  shall  have  concurrent  power 
to  enforce  this  article  by  appropriate  legislation. 

Section  3.  —  Time  op  Ratification 

This  article  shall  be  inoperative  unless  it  shall  have  been  ratified 
as  an  amendment  to  the  Constitution  by  the  Legislatures  of  the 
several  States  as  provided  in  the  Constitution  within  seven  years 
from  the  date  of  the  submission  hereof  to  the  States  by  the  Congress. 

ARTICLE   XIX  — EQUAL   SUFFRAGE  i 

Section  1. — Voting  Rights 

The  right  of  citizens  of  the  United  States  to  vote  shall  not  be 
denied  or  abridged  by  the  United  States  or  by  any  State  on  account 
of  sex. 

Section  2.  —  Enforcement 

Congress  shall  have  power  to  enforce  this  article  by  appropriate 
legislation. 

1  Proposed,  1919,  proclaimed  in  force,  1920. 


APPENDIX  B 

*  starred  titles  are  text-books  either  written  particularly  for 
high  school  use  or  easily  within  the  comprehension  of  the  high 
school  student.  Duplicate  copies  of  such  books  will  be  found 
useful.  Beard  and  Howe  for  city  problems,  and  Gillette  and 
Carney  for  rural  problems,  are  also  specially  valuable. 

REFERENCE   READINGS 

Abbot,  Woman  in  Industry,  Appleton 

Adams,  Description  of  Industry,  Holt 

Adams  and  Sumner,  Labor  Problems,  Macmillan 

Antin,  The  Promised  Land,  Houghton 

Basset,  When  the  Workmen  Help  You  Manage,  Century 

Beard,  American  City  Government,  Century 

Beard,  American  Government  and  Politics,  Macmillan 

Beard,  American  Labor  Movement,  Harcourt 

Blackmar  and  Gillin,  Outlines  of  Sociology,  Macmillan 

Bliss,  Encyclopedia  of  Social  Reform,  Funk 

Bloomfield,  Problems  of  Labor,  Wilson 

Bogart,  Economic  History,  Longman 

Brigham,  Commercial  Geography,  Ginn 

Bryce,  American  Commonwealth,  Macmillan 

Bryce,  Modern  Democracies,  Macmillan 

*  Burch,  American  Economic  Life,  Macmillan 

*  Burch  and  Patterson,  American  Social  Problems,  Macmillan 
Carlton,  Elementary  Economics,  Macmillan 

Carlton,  History  and  Problems  of  Organized  Labor,  Heath 
Carney,  Country  Life  and  the  Country  School,  Row,  Peterson 

*  Carver,  Elementary  Economics,  Ginn 
Carver,  Principles  of  Rural  Economics,  Ginn 
Cleveland,  Organized  Democracy,  Longmans 

Cleveland  and  Schafer,  Democracy  in  Reconstruction,  Houghton 
Commons,  Races  and  Immigrants  in  America,  Macmillan 
Commons,  Industrial  Government,  Macmillan 
Coolidge,  United  States  as  a  World  Power,  Macmillan 
Croly,  The  Promise  of  American  Life,  Macmillan 
Cubberley,  Public  School  Administration,  Houghton 
Curtis,  Education  through  Play,  Macmillan 

21 


22  Appendix 

Daniels,  America  via  the  Neighborhood,  Harper 
Davis,  Vocational  and  Moral  Guidance,  Ginn 
Dealey,  Development  of  the  State,  Silver 
Dealey,  Sociology,  Appleton 
Dewey,  Schools  of  Tomorrow,  Dutton 
Earle,  Child  Life  in  Colonial  Days,  Macmlllan 
EUwood,  Sociology  and  Modern  Social  Problems,  American 
Fish,  American  Diplomacy,  Houghton 
Foght,  The  Rural  Teacher  and  his  Work,  Macmillan 
Follett,  The  New  State,  Longmans 
Gettell,  Introduction  to  Political  Science,  Ginn 
Gillette,  Constructive  Rural  Sociology,  Macmillan 
Goddard,   Feeble-mindedness,   Its   Causes  and  Consequences,   Mac- 
millan 
Gowin  and  Wheatly,  Occupations,  Ginn 
Graves,  History  of  Education,  Macmillan 
Hart,  Actual  Government,  Longmans 
Haskin,  American  Government,  Lippincott 
Haworth,  America  in  Ferment,  Bobbs 
Hayes,  Introduction  to  the  Study  of  Sociology,  Appleton 
Henderson,  Dependents,  Defectives,  and  Delinquents,  Heath 
Holdsworth,  Money  and  Banking,  Appleton 
Howe,  The  Modern  City  and  Its  Problems,  Scribner 
James,  Local  Government  in  the  United  States,  Appleton 
Jenks  and  Lauck,  The  Immigrant  Problem,  Funk 
Johnson,  American  Railway  Transportation,  Appleton 
Kaye,  Readings  in  Civil  Government,  Century 
Keith,  The  Nation  and  the  Schools,  Macmillan 
Kelly,  The  Community  Capitol,  Mayflower  Press,  Pittsburgh 

*  Laing,  Introduction  to  Economics,  Gregg 
Lawrence,  Principles  of  International  Law,  Heath 
Leacock,  Elements  of  Political  Science,  Houghton 
Covenant  of  the  League  of  Nations 

Lessons  in  Community  and  National  Life,  U.  S.  Bureau  of  Education 
Lowell,  Public  Opinion  and  Popular  Government,  Longmans 

*  Magruder,  American  Government,  AUyn  and  Bacon 

*  Marshall  and  Lyon,  Our  Economic  Organization,  Macmillan 
Mecklin,  Democracy  and  Race  Friction,  Macmillan 
Monroe,  History  of  Education,  Macmillan 

*  Munro,  Government  of  the  United  States,  Macmillan 
Pollock  and  Morgan,  Modern  Cities,  Funk 

Ray,  Introduction  to  Political  Parties,  Scribner 

*  Reed,  Form  and  Functions  of  American  Government,  World 


Appendix  23 

Riis,  The  Making  of  an  American,  Macmillan 
Roper,  The  United  States  Post  Office,  Funk 
Ross,  The  Old  World  in  the  New,  Century- 
Ross,  What  is  America?  Century 
Rowe,  Society,  Scribner 
Seager,  Principles  of  Economics,  Holt 
Smith,  Commerce  and  Industry,  Holt 
Steiner,  On  the  Trail  of  the  Immigrant,  Revell 
Stelzle,  American  Social  and  Religious  Conditions,  Revell 
Strauss,  History  of  the  Thrift  Movement  in  America,  Lippincott 
Strayer  and  Englehardt,  The  Class  Room  Teacher,  Macmillan 

*  Thompson,  Elementary  Economics,  Sanborn 

*  Towne,  Social  Problems,  Macmillan 

*  Tufts,  The  Real  Business  of  Living,  Holt 

Van  Hise,  Conservation  of  Natural  Resources,  Macmillan 

Warne,  The  Immigrant  Invasion,  Dodd 

Washington,  The  Future  of  the  American  Negro,  Small,  Maynard 

Washington,  The  Story  of  the  Negro,  Doubleday 

Washington,  Up  from  Slavery,  Doubleday 

West,  American  History  and  Government,  Allyn  and  Bacon 

Wolfe,  Readings  in  Social  Problems,  Ginn 

Young,  New  American  Government,  Macmillan 

Zueblin,  American  Municipal  Progress,  Macmillan 


INDEX 


{References  are  to  pages.) 


Accidents,  preventing,  89-91, 

Adjustment,  213. 

Ad  valorem,  555. 

Air  traffic,  229-231. 

Ambassadors,  582,  584,  585. 

Amendments,  436,  437. 

Americanism,  612,  613. 

Anarchist  idea,  413. 

Antitrust  laws  :    297-299  ;    and  labor 

unions,  320. 
Appeals,  court  of,  488. 
Appointments,  461,  470,  471. 
Arbitration:    of  labor  disputes,  343- 

346  ;  international,  602,  603. 
Aristocracy,  72,  425. 
Arrest,  492. 
Attainder,  bill  of,  435. 
Attractiveness,   community,  110-113. 

Ballots :  Australian,  532 ;  Massa- 
chusetts, 534;  short,  534-536; 
preferential,  536-539. 

Banks:  services  of,  245-247;  Fed- 
eral Reserve,  247,  248. 

Bargaining  power,  268. 

Barter,  238. 

Bills  of  credit,  433,  434. 

Blacklist,  340. 

Boycott,  217. 

Blind,  98,  99. 

Blue  sky  laws,  298. 

Bolshevism,  412,  413. 

Bonds  :  283  ;  Liberty,  551 ;  Govern- 
ment, 564. 

Borough,  509. 

Bourgeoisie,  72,  73. 

Budgets:  family,  379-382;  public, 
548-550. 

Bureaus  under  cabinet,  466,  475. 

Business  :  Golden  Rule  in,  123,  124, 
290,  291;  contracts,  125,  126; 
public  opinion  of,  294-296 ;  gov- 
ernment's relation  to,  296-299. 

Cabinet,  464-468,  478,  479. 
Canals,  217. 


Capital :  definition,  200 ;  return  to, 
277,  278. 

Caucus,  528. 

Census,  5. 

Charity :  associated,  400 ;  unwise, 
400,  401. 

Check  and  balance  system,  432, 
433. 

Chinese :  number  here,  6,  152,  153 ; 
white  man's  policy,  155-157. 

Church,  159,  167-171. 

City :  schools  in,  32,  33 ;  social 
problems,  74,  75 ;  growth  of,  509- 
512 ;  politics,  512-514 ;  types  of 
government,  514-516 ;  improving, 
516-519. 

City  manager,  517,  518. 

Civil  service,  468,  471. 

Closed  shop,  292,  316. 

Coinage:  laws,  240-242;  substi- 
tutes for,  242-244. 

Collective  bargaining,  315. 

Colleges,  41,  60,  61. 

Commerce  :  See  Transportation ; 
Foreign  trade. 

Commissions :  public  service,  222 ; 
Interstate  Commerce  Commission, 
222.  223,  468 :   special,  468. 

Commission  government,   512,   518. 

Committee  system,  452. 

Common  law,   441,  442. 

Communication,  231-233. 

Communist  theory,  411-413. 

Community :  planning,  108 ;  at- 
tractiveness, 110-113;  spirit,  194, 
195. 

Confederation,  9. 

Conference  committee,  451. 

Congress  :  444-448 ;  committees  in, 
452,    453;     powers    of,    455-457. 

Conservation:  353,  354;  of  forests, 
354-356;  water  power,  357-359; 
beauty,  359,  360;  animal  life, 
359,  360;  minerals,  360-362; 
land,  362-368. 

Consolidated  schools,  47. 


25 


26 


Index 


{References  are  to  pages.) 


Constitutions  :  435-439 ;  to  protect 
rights,  482,  483,  487. 

Consuls,  582-584. 

Consumption,  202. 

Continuation  schools,  35. 

Contracts,  125. 

Conventions :   528 ;  presidential,  530. 

Cooperation :  importance  of,  14 ; 
movements  for,  387-389 ;  pro- 
ducers', 389-391 ;  consumers',  391- 
393;  and  world  peace,  597-599, 
606,  607. 

Corporation :  282-284 ;  charters,  295. 

Correspondence  school,  58. 

Counties :  503,  504 ;  subdivisions, 
504 ;  in  south,  505 ;  government 
of,  506,  507. 

Country,    social   problems  in,  76,  77. 

Courts :  state,  488-490 ;  using.  490- 
492;  national,  494-496;  personal 
element  in,  498,  499  ;  services  of, 
500,  501. 

Credit :  244,  245  ;  and  caution,  248- 
251. 

Crime:  causes,  115,  116;  forms  of, 
116,    117;     prevention,    120,    121. 

Criminals:  dealing  with,  117-120; 
preventing,  120,  121. 

Crowd  psychology,  70-72. 

Cuba,  575,  576. 

Cumulative  sentence,  119. 

Deaf,  99. 

Death  rates,  82,  83. 

Debts,  public,  563-566. 

Defectives:  kinds,  98;  relieving, 
98-101. 

Delinquents,  98. 

Demand,  272,  273. 

Democracy :  13,  425,  426 ;  indus- 
trial, 346:  desirability,  426,  427; 
and  empire,  576,  577. 

Dependents,  98. 

Disease ;  controlling,  87-89 ;  in- 
dustrial, 91. 

Distribution ;  basis.  268,  269  ;  facts, 
269-272. 

District  of  Columbia,  577. 

Divorce,  180-182,  184. 

Economics :      definition,     196 ;      im- 
portance, 196,  197. 
Education:    definition,  27,  66;    mo- 


tives for,  24,  25  ;  national  systems 
of,  27;  Smith-Hughes  Bill,  27; 
state  systems,  29-31  ;  other  public 
agencies,  54,  55  ;  higher,  60 ;  pri- 
vate gifts  to,  61,  62 ;  private 
agencies,  63. 

Elections:  470;  of  President,  529- 
533  ;  fraud  at,  533. 

Electors,  530,  531. 

Eminent  domain,  236,  556. 

England :  schools  in,  27,  28 ;  unions 
in,  319,  320;  development  of 
government,  423,  424 ;  democ- 
racy in.  425 ;  constitution  in, 
435;  cabinet  in,  478;  attitude 
toward,  597,  598. 

Environment,  effect  of,  69. 

Exchange,  202. 

Executive :  9,  value  of  good,  460, 
461. 

Ex  post  facto  laws,  434,  435. 

Exterritoriality,  582. 

Extradition,  432. 

Factory  system,  208,  209,  339. 

Farmers'  problem,  233,  368-372. 

Farm  loans,  248,  396,  468. 

Federal  Reserve  System,  150,  247, 
248,  468. 

Federal  Tariff  Commission,  266, 
468. 

Federal  Trade  Commission,  297, 
298,  468. 

Federation :  9 ;  our  form  of,  427- 
430. 

Feeble  minded,  99,  100. 

Filibustering,  454. 

Fires,  89,  90,  355,  356. 

Foreign  born,  129. 

Foreign  policy,  588-594. 

Foreign  trade :  reason  for,  254, 
255;  difficulties,  255-269;  Great 
War  and,  259,  260;  and  tariff, 
266,  267. 

Forests,    conservation    of,    354-356. 

France:  schools  in,  27;  losses  in 
Great  War,  600;  at  peace  con- 
ference, 607. 

Franchise,  236. 

Free  trade,  263. 

Germany :  schools  in,  27 ;  mili- 
tarism, 595,  600,  601. 


Index 


27 


{References  are  to  pages.) 


Goods:  definition,  197;  kinds,  197, 
198. 

Government:  form  and  develop- 
ment, 8,  9  ;  and  health,  85  ;  rela- 
tion to  business,  296-299 ;  rela- 
tion to  labor,  310-312,  319-321  ; 
control  of  prices,  394-397 ;  need 
for,  420-422;  source  of  our,  423, 
424;  forms  of,  424-426;  char- 
acteristics of  American,  432-435 ; 
protection  against,  486-488 ;  local, 
503-519;  citizens'  attitude,  541- 
543 ;  expenses  of,  546,  547,  566, 
567. 

Government  ownership:  235,  236, 
299-301;     of    railroads,    223-225. 

Grand  jury,  486,  493. 

Grange,  108,  222. 

Great  War:  and  foreign  trade,  259, 
260;  and  price  control,  394-396; 
and  international  relations,  595; 
cost  of,  600. 

Habeas  corpus,  486,  487. 

Habit,  68,  69. 

Health:  importance,  81,  82;  ele- 
ments necessary,  83,  85  ;  and  gov- 
ernment, 85,  86  ;  controlling  dis- 
ease, 87-89. 

Hearings,  492,  493. 

High  school,  39-41. 

Homes  :  importance,  173,  174 ;  of 
yesterday  and  today,  174-179 ; 
the  ideal,  179,  180;  broken,  180- 
182. 

Homestead  acts,  363,  364. 

House  of  Representatives :  444-446 ; 
committees  in,  452;    treaties,  591. 

Housing,  91-94. 

Ideals:  American,  11-13;  attain- 
ing our,  13,  613-616;  for  com- 
munities, 78,  79;  industrial,  347- 
349. 

Idiot,  100. 

Illiteracy,  22,  23. 

Imbecile,  100. 

Immigrants:  why  they  come,  127- 
129  ;  types  of,  129  ;  a  square  deal 
for,  131;  importance,  131-133; 
a  square  deal  from,  139 ;  Ameri- 
canizing, 136-139. 

Immigration,     restricting,     134-136. 


Impeachment,  472,  473. 

Imposts,  555. 

Income  tax,  553,  554. 

Indeterminate  sentence,  119. 

Indians :  145-147  ;  white  man's  pol- 
icy, 147,  155-157. 

I.  W.  W.,  408,  409. 

Industries:  classification  of,  203- 
205;  stages  of,  205-207;  revolu- 
tion in,  207-209 ;  what  is  wrong 
in,  339-341 ;  democracy  in,  346, 
347. 

Initiative,  540,  541. 

Injunction,  320,  485. 

Insane,  99-101. 

Insurance:  social,  311,  312;  war 
risk,  311 ;   as  savings,  386. 

Interest,  277,  278. 

International  law,  580,  581. 

I;iterstate  Commerce  Commission, 
299,  468. 

Irrigation,  366,  368. 

Japanese:     number    here,    6,    154; 

white     man's     policy,      155-157 ; 

attitude  toward,  598. 
Judicial,  9. 

Junior  high  school,  39. 
Jury  :    grand,  486,  493  ;    petit,  491 ; 

abolition  of,  499. 
Juvenile  court,  121. 

Kansas  Industrial  Court,  345. 

Labor:  division  of,  210-213,  285; 
Railway  Labor  Board,  223,  224, 
468;  definition,  200;  return  to, 
275-277 ;  protection  for,  303,  304, 
308-310;  child,  304-306;  woman, 
306,  333-335;  Knights  of,  313; 
American  Federation  of,  313 ; 
farm,  368-370;  Department  of, 
466,  467. 

Laissez  faire,  296,  305. 

Land:  definition,  200;  return  to, 
273-275;  conservation  of,  362- 
368 ;   cultivation,  365-368. 

Laws :  purpose  of,  441 ;  kinds  of, 
441;  when  to  have,  442,  443; 
process  of  making,  449-455 ;  en- 
forcement of,  473,  474. 

Leaders,  value  of,  192,  460,  461,  493, 

League  of  Nations,  603,  604. 


58 


Index 


(References  are  to  pages.) 


Least  social  cost,  law  of,  213. 

Legal  tender,  240,  243. 

Legislative  department:   9;  national, 

444-448:     state,    448,    449,    457, 

458. 
Libel,  482. 
Liberty,  11.  12. 
Liberty  bonds,  551,  564. 
Library :    kinds  and  importance,  52, 

53  ;   congressional,  54,  469. 
Lobbying,  455,  456. 
Local  government :   systems  of,  505 ; 

county,  505-507;    town,  507,  508; 

borough,    and   village,    509 ;     city, 

514-516. 
Log  rolling,  454. 

Management ;    277 ;    return  to,  278- 

280;    definition,  201. 
Mandamus,  486. 
Mandate,  605. 
Marriage,  182-184. 
Merchant  marine,  260-262. 
Militarism,  599-601. 
Monarchy,  424,  425. 
Money  :    uses  of,  238,  239  ;    qualities 

of,    239,    240;     paper,    242,    243, 

foolish   uses,    382-384 ;     wise   use, 

384-387. 
Monopoly:      269;      forms    of,     291, 

292;   prices,  292-294. 
Monroe  Doctrine,  593. 
Morality,  need  for,  15,  16. 
Moron,  100. 
Moving  pictures,  107. 

Nation,  definition,  2,  596. 

National  banks,  246. 

National  sovereignty,  429,  430. 

Natural  resources :  3-5 ;  conserva- 
tion, 351-368. 

NaturaUzation,  136-138. 

Negroes :  number  here,  6 ;  prob- 
lem of,  140-142 ;  progress  of,  142, 
143 ;  white  man's  policy,  143- 
145,  155-157. 

Newspapers :  63,  64 ;  and  public 
opinion,  190. 

Non-partisan  league,  393. 

North  Dakota  experiment,  393,  394. 

Oligarchy,  425. 

Order,  maintaining,  483-486. 


Panama    Canal :     217 ;     government 

of  Zone,  574. 
Panics,  251,  253. 
Parks-      for    recreation,     104,     105; 

for   beauty.    111 ;    national,   359. 
Parole,  119. 
Partnership,  281,  282. 
Patronage,  427, 
Pauperism,  398. 
Peace  conference :     Hague,  603  ;    at 

Washington,  606,  607. 
Pension,  old  age,  311. 
Personal    standards:     of    morality, 

191;    of  living,  377-379. 
Petit  jury,  491. 
Philippines,  574,  575. 
Platforms,  523,  525. 
Political  parties  :  development,  523, 

524;   use  of,  524-528. 
Politics,  purifying,  121-123. 
Pork  barrel,  218. 
Possessions.  572. 
Poverty :      cause     for     crime,     1 15 ; 

relief,  398-400:    causes,  401,  402; 

prevention,  402-405. 
Preferential  ballot,  536-539. 
President:     veto   power,    451,    452; 

powers  of,  461 ;  qualifications,  462 ; 

succession,      463 ;       impeachment, 

472,  473  :    responsibility,  476-478 ; 

electing,  529-533  ;    directs  foreign 

policy,  589,  590. 
Price:  272,273,374-376;  monopoly, 

292-294 ;    government  control  of, 

394-397. 
Primary,  direct ;   528,  529. 
Prisons,  117-119. 

Private    property :     413,    414 ;     ad- 
vantages,  415,   416:    and  human 

nature,  416-418. 
Private     schools :     kinds,     57,     58 ; 

desirability,  58,  59. 
Production :    factors  of,  199 ;    defini- 
tion, 202;    present  day,  209,  210; 

large-scale,  285-291. 
Profits,  278-280. 
Profit  sharing,  323-325. 
Prohibition,  94-96. 
Proletariat,  73. 

Proportional  representation,  538,  539. 
Proprietorship,  281. 
Prosperity :      need     for,      16 ;      true 

basis,  18. 


Index 


{References  are  to  pages.) 


Protectorates,  575,  576. 

Public  debts,  563-566. 

Public  opinion:  what  is,  187,  188; 
how  formed,  188,  189;  enforcing, 
189;     on    big    business,    294-296. 

Public  schools :  why  we  need,  25, 
26  ;  basis  for,  26,  27  ;  administra- 
tion of,  27-34 ;  terms  and  at- 
tendance, 35-36 ;  how  supported, 
36-39  ;  grades,  39,  40 ;  increasing 
utility  of,  49,  50;  obstacles,  50; 
religion  in,  164-166. 

Quarantine,  88. 
Quorum,  450. 

Race  problems,  140-157. 

Railroads:  219-225;  Labor  Board, 
344,  468 ;  see  also  Interstate  Com- 
merce Commission. 

RecaU,  497,  541. 

Recreation:  what  is,  102,  103; 
agencies,  104-108. 

Referendum,  540,  541. 

Reformatories,  118,  119. 

Religion :  in  American  life,  161 ; 
faiths  and  sects,  161-163 ;  free- 
dom of,  163,  164 ;  in  schools, 
164-166  ;  in  laws,  166,  167. 

Rent,  273-275. 

RepubUc,  9,  425. 

Revenue,  sources  of,  550-553. 

Riders,  454. 

Roads :  226-229  ;  loss  from  bad,  234. 

Rural  communities :  definition,  7, 
8 ;  social  problems  in,  77,  78. 

Sabotage,  317, 

Safety  first,  70. 

Saving  and  investment,  384-387. 

Schools :  special  kinds,  35,  41,  42, 
47,  57,  58;  public,  25-36;  sup- 
porting, 36,  39 ;  Gary  system  of, 
49 ;  a  social  center,  49,  50 ;  ob- 
stacles, 50-52 ;  attendance,  35, 
36 ;  private,  57-60 ;  vocational 
guidance,  332,  333. 

Sedition,  485. 

Senate,  444-447 ;  committees  in, 
452;   treaties,  590,  591. 

Senatorial  courtesy,  447. 

Silver,  240-242. 

Single  tax,  561,  562. 


Sinking  fund,  565,  566. 

Slums,  91-94. 

SociaUst  theory,  297.  409-411. 

State :  definition,  2 ;  subdivisions, 
9,  10;  school  systems,  29;  uni- 
versities, 41 ;  board  of  health, 
86 ;  admission  to  union,  428,  429  ; 
sovereignty,  420,  430;  relation 
to  each  other,  430-432;  constitu- 
tions, 437,  438;  legislatures,  448, 
449,  457,  458;  Secretary  of,  465; 
governments,  469,  470,  475,  476; 
courts,  488-490. 

Statutory  law,  441. 

Stock,  283,  289. 

Street:  railways,  225,  226,  513; 
attractiveness,  110. 

Strikes:  316-318;  cause  of,  337- 
339;  right  to,  341,  342;  arbitra- 
tion, 343,  344. 

Subsidy,  ship,  262. 

Supply,  272,  273. 

Supreme  court:  state,  488;  na- 
tional, 495,  497. 

Tariff,  262-267. 

Taxes :  customs,  262-267 ;  levying, 
552,  553 ;  qualities  of  good, 
553 ;  progressive,  553 ;  collect- 
ing, 555-560 ;  kinds,  555 ;  reforms 
in,  560-562 ;   special  uses,  562. 

Teacher :  importance  and  qualifica- 
tions, 33,  34 ;  rural,  46-48. 

Tenements,  91-94. 

Territories:  571;  government  of, 
571,  572. 

Township :  schools  in,  31 ;  western, 
364,  365;  government  in,  507, 
508. 

Town  system:  505,  506;  govern- 
ment in,  507,  508. 

Transportation:  importance,  215, 
216;  water,  216-219;  railroad, 
219-225,  highway,  226-229;  air, 
229-231. 

Treason,  485. 

Treaties,  585,  586. 

Trials,  591-594. 

Trusts,  283,  284. 


Unemployment :      causes,     327-33f^' 
relieving,  330,  331. 


so 


Index 


{References  are  to  pages.) 


Unfair  list,  318. 

Unions :  kinds,  312-314 ;  demands, 
314;  methods,  316-318;  accom- 
plishments, 318,  319 ;  and  the 
government,  319-321 ;  and  profit- 
sharing,  325;  and  industrial 
democracy,  347. 

United  States:  natural  resources, 
3,  4;  population  and  distribution, 
6-8;  ideals,  10-13;  illiteracy  in, 
22,  23;  health  in,  82,  83;  social 
classes,  73,  74 ;  merchant  marine, 
260-262;  shipping  board,  261, 
468 ;  printing  office,  469 ;  courts, 
494 ;  protectorates,  575,  576 ; 
a  world  power,  594,  595 ;  atti- 
tude toward  foreign  countries, 
608-610. 

Urban  communities :  definition,  7  ; 
schools  in,  46,  48;  slums  in,  91- 
94. 

Utility :  definition,  207 ;  kinds  of, 
201,  202 ;  pubHc,  235,  236. 


Value,  kinds  of.  198. 

Veto,  451,  452,  461. 

Vice :    restraining,    96,    97 ;     causes, 

115,   116. 
Village,  509. 

Vocational  guidance,  332,  333. 
Voting:      qualifications,     521,     522; 

split    ticket,    526 ;      methods    of, 

532-536. 

Wages:     275-277;    minimum,    308; 

sliding  scale,  316. 
Walkout,  316,  317. 
Water :     transportation,    216,    219 ; 

for    cities,  86,    87 ;     conservation, 

357-359. 
Wealth,  197. 
Weather  bureau,  371. 
Welfare  work,  325-327. 
Work,  199. 

Yellow  peril,  150-152. 

Zoning,  112. 


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